Nepal elections

Explainer: Why Did Nepal’s Prime Minister Suddenly Change His Coalition Partners?

The recent upheavals in the coalition signal that Nepal’s political landscape will continue to be marred by instability until the next elections.

In a dramatic turn of events over the weekend, Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ousted its key coalition partner, Nepali Congress (NC), from the government, and inducted the Communist Party of Nepal — Unified Marxist-Leninist (CPN-UML) and two other smaller parties. This move marks a revival of the coalition that Prime Minister Dahal originally formed shortly after the 2022 parliamentary elections, which was dissolved during last year’s presidential elections.

Four parties – CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) – have entered into an eight-point agreement on power-sharing. The agreement states that ‘coalition shall work to ensure people’s aspirations such as good governance, development and social justice.’ On foreign affairs, the new alliance has said that ‘it shall work to ensure a balanced and extended international relation keeping national interests and priority at the forefront.’

As per the agreement, a new cabinet has been formed with eight ministers from UML, five from Maoist and two CPN (Unified Socialist). Another signatory, JSP, led by Upendra Yadav, has not taken an official decision about joining the government. This new coalition, dubbed the “left-plus coalition,” is characterised by the predominance of left-leaning parties, with the inclusion of democratic parties as well.

Third coalition after 2022 elections

In November 2022, Nepal conducted its regular national elections, resulting in the NC emerging as the largest party, followed by the CPN-UML in second place, and the Maoist Centre party securing a distant third position. While there was a pre-election alliance between the NC and the Maoist party, there was no clear agreement regarding power-sharing after the elections.

Once the election result came out, Dahal asserted his claim to the chief executive post. But, NC being the largest party in Parliament refused to accept him as a new Prime Minister. Dahal then switched to UML and the newly emerged RSP to garner support for his bid for the prime ministerial role.

A few months later, Dahal changed his mind in March 2023 and agreed to elect NC leader Ram Chandra Poudel as president which paved the way for the formation of a coalition between the NC and the Maoist party, along with two other smaller parties. The CPN-UML was forced into the opposition bench.

There was an understanding among the three leaders Dahal, NC president Sher Bahadur Deuba and CPN (Unified Socialist) to lead the government on a rotational basis. But, as expected by many seasoned political observers, implementing this formula was easier said than done. Yet again, after just one year, Dahal unilaterally terminated the alliance without consulting the other leaders or providing any explanation.

Causes of friction

In the intricate dance of Nepali politics, the unravelling of alliances often reveal hidden tensions and elaborate power plays.

One pivotal catalyst is the imminent vacancy in the position of the National Assembly (upper house) chairman, as the current chair, CPN-UML’s Ganesh Timilsina, is set to retire next month. Contrary to a “gentleman’s agreement”, the Maoist party refused to support NC leader Krishna Prasad Sitaula for the National Assembly Chair, even though he was elected as a member in the recent NA elections from the Koshi province.

The discord was compounded by the fallout from the National Assembly elections in the Koshi province. Sitaula’s triumph in the elections was expected yet the defeat of the Maoist candidate by the CPN-UML contender laid bare that NC did not vote as per the terms of the alliance. After the results of the National Assembly elections became clear, Maoist leaders publicly stated that the party would review its relationship with NC.

Another contributing factor was that Prime Minister Dahal and finance minister and NC’s Prakash Sharan Mahat were not on the same page on several issues related to the budgetary and development projects and resource sharing. Dahal often expressed dissatisfaction to Deuba regarding Mahat’s working methods and his perceived failure to address the country’s economic challenges.

Additionally, Dahal urged Deuba to replace underperforming ministers including Mahat, but Deuba maintained that since the ministers had not completed one year in office, they should be given the opportunity to demonstrate their capabilities.

Furthermore, during NC’s recent Mahasamiti meeting, a political document presented by general secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa was approved, stating that the party would refrain from forming pre-election alliances.

This decision unsettled Prime Minister Dahal, who had sought to secure election alliances for the forthcoming national and local elections, recognising the party’s vulnerable position. After NC’s Mahasamiti meeting, it seems that Dahal reached a conclusion that there is no need to continue the alliance with NC which is not ready for the electoral alliance.

Similarly, NC passed a political document which has negatively portrayed the Maoist insurgency. According to Maoist leaders, this is the primary cause behind the mistrust between NC and Maoist. Later, NC expressed readiness to rectify those issues in a forthcoming party meeting but Dahal responded saying that it is already late.

The NC had also been displeased over the selective opening of some corruption files including the fake refugee scandal in which senior NC leader Bal Krishna Khand was arrested and investigated.

NC leaders were of the view that the home ministry is selectively targeting the party’s leaders for corruption scandals as Dahal attempted to burnish his anti-corruption credentials in order to find something to list in the achievements category. According to NC leaders, they had agreed to adopt flexibility on all contentious issues but Dahal dismantled the agreement.

How did the new coalition emerge?

Gradually, a growing sense of mistrust between the Maoists and the NC began to hinder the overall functionality of the government. The administration led by Dahal faced increasing unpopularity due to its failures in service delivery, governance, job creation, and economic productivity.

Second-rung officials within the Maoist party began to perceive that maintaining the alliance with the NC would hinder Prime Minister Dahal’s capacity to fulfil his promises, prompting them to suggest pursuing cooperation with the CPN-UML.

Behind the scenes, UML leaders had also kept chipping away at the NC-Maoist coalition, biding their time. Initially, they approached the NC to form a new coalition, but Deuba did not entertain K.P. Sharma Oli’s proposal. At the same time, there was a strong sentiment among the second-tier politicians of both the Maoist and UML parties that communist factions should unite to compete with emerging political forces like the RSP and others. Particularly, youth leaders within the Maoist ranks believed that due to ideological disparities, a coalition with the NC was neither sustainable nor natural.

Following Oli’s dissolution of Parliament in December 2020, tensions between him and other parties escalated, prompting other parties to form an alliance against him. In the 2022 elections, Oli’s party campaigned independently but still secured the second position in Parliament, despite forging a significant electoral alliance with the NC, Maoist, and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Socialist). Recently, all three parties – NC, UML, and Maoist – have faced challenges from the newly emerged RSP, which secured 20 seats in Parliament during the 2022 elections.

Therefore, certain second-tier leaders began the discussions between the two parties. Initially, only a handful of leaders were optimistic about the revival of the Left alliance due to the prevailing low level of trust between Oli and Dahal, compounded by the steadfast commitment of both Dahal and Deuba to their existing coalition. During this period, Dahal and Oli frequently met to negotiate power-sharing, though publicly they claimed to be discussing transitional justice processes.

Simultaneously, key figures within the UML and Maoist parties held frequent meetings to strategise the formation of the new coalition. They believed that if the communist parties contested elections separately, their collective strength would diminish over time. To facilitate the agreement, Oli refrained from extensive bargaining with Dahal over ministerial portfolios and agreed to allocate the National Assembly chair to the Maoist party.

Domestic challenges before the new coalition

For over a year now, the Dahal-led government has been grappling with a myriad of domestic challenges. The new coalition has provided some respite to Prime Minister Dahal to buy time that he has just built a new coalition. However, hopes for significant improvement remain subdued.

Foremost among these challenges is the urgent need to implement concrete measures to uplift the country’s economic situation. Despite some positive developments in sectors such as remittances and tourism, key economic indicators continue to paint a bleak picture.

The government’s inability to generate employment has resulted in approximately 2,000 Nepalese citizens seeking work abroad every day. Meanwhile, individuals affected by loan sharks and micro-finance woes are awaiting justice, with many taking to the streets in protest. Moreover, tensions related to regional and ethnic issues are on the rise both in the hills and the Terai region.

These factors have contributed to a prevailing sense of pessimism within Nepali society, posing potential threats to the existing political system as anti-establishment sentiments gather momentum. Given the ideological and other differences within the new coalition, it is anticipated to encounter challenges similar to its predecessor in terms of functionality.

The coalition’s foreign policy outlook

Since assuming power in December 2022, Prime Minister Dahal has adopted a cautious stance on foreign affairs. Consequently, the new government is expected to maintain the status quo regarding policies concerning India, China, and the United States.

With India, there have been some positive developments in areas such as power cooperation, development partnerships, and connectivity projects. Despite Oli’s previous nationalistic rhetoric and confrontational stance towards India, relations between the two have significantly improved. Consequently, New Delhi is unlikely to be perturbed by the return of the UML to power.

Regarding China, there may be advancements in the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI), an agenda that China has long pressed Nepal to prioritise. Both countries are actively working towards implementing the BRI implementation plan, indicating potential progress in this area.

Dahal’s strategy involves sidestepping key contentious issues with major powers, a stance likely to persist in the foreseeable future.

Dwindling hopes

The recent upheavals in the coalition signal that Nepal’s political landscape will continue to be marred by instability until the next elections.

With the latest turn in the Nepali political landscape, the largest party in the House of Representatives (HOR) finds itself relegated to the opposition bench.

The NC has already initiated talks with other non-coalition parties to forge a new government, indicating political stability will remain a mirage.

In the interim, Nepal is poised to witness a narrative of polarisation between communist and democratic parties, though the actualisation of this division appears doubtful.

Numerically, the current coalition remains fragile. The four parties collectively hold 142 members in the 275-seat lower house, which is just around 51% of the seats. The withdrawal of support from any coalition member will plunge it into minority status.

More disconcerting is the erosion of public trust in major political entities, with disillusionment growing palpable. Initially hopeful of alternative political forces, the populace now finds even these newcomers entangled in the same web of traditional politics.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai is a Kathmandu-based journalist and political commentator.

Political Instability, Churning Will Continue in Nepal

Though PM Prachanda’s government enjoys a resounding majority on paper, a deeply fractious political mandate in Parliamentary and state elections means an extended phase of instability.

Nepal’s general elections may be over, but the political churning continues.

A deeply fractured Pratinidhi Sabha – Nepal’s House of Representatives – has propped up Pushpa Kamal Dahal or ‘Prachanda’ as the prime minister.

He now heads a seven-party coalition, where his own Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) has only 32 seats.

In the 275-member House, the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist, or CPN-UML, is the leading party, with 78 seats. Meanwhile, the largest party in parliament, the Nepali Congress (with 89 seats), is not in the government. But it has also refused to sign up as the main opposition, lending support to the new prime minister instead. In a January 10 confidence vote, only two lawmakers voted against Prachanda.

So on paper, the ruling coalition effectively has no opposition.

Unsurprisingly, in the election for the Speaker on Thursday, the candidate from the seven-party coalition handily defeated the rival candidate. The CPN-UML lawmaker Devraj Ghimire, who is the party chairman and former PM Khadga Prasad Oli’s close political ally, received 167 votes, while the Nepali Congress’s Ishwori Devi Neupane received only 100.

But there is more to this complex political story. What transpired before the election in the House floor and after the election outside explains how fractious the coalition is and its political ramifications of the new equation. The deeply divided political landscape will continue to manifest itself in various ways.

The next big date in the political calendar is the election of the president, which will take place by mid-February. The term of President Bidya Devi Bhandari comes to an end on March 13. A total of 334 members from the federal Parliament – both from Pratinidhisabha and Rastiryasabha – and 550 members from the seven provincial assemblies will vote for Nepal’s third president. All across the federal structures, there are no clear winners, and coalitions are inevitable for survival.

Also read: Why Has the Nepali Congress Supported Dahal’s Government in Parliament?

In his address in Parliament before the Speaker’s election on Thursday, Nepali Congress general secretary Biswoprakash Sharma (known for his oratorical skills) warned that the CPN-UML was trying to trap a weak Prime Minister in a cage, a political expression that has found much traction in the public debate since. According to a last-minute quid pro quo on December 25 between Prachanda and Oli, which made Prachanda a surprise prime minister (replacing NC president Sher Bahadur Deuba in office), the two communist leaders are said to have agreed to give both speakership and presidency to CPN-UML. Also, Prachanda is to give way to Oli’s premiership after the two and a half years in office.

By all accounts, Prachanda is clearly having second thoughts now. And he has articulated as much in his recent remarks, including after the Speaker’s election. To him, the political ground has shifted after the Nepali Congress voted in his favour in the January 10 confidence vote. He now seems open to the idea of electing a president with technocratic background or even an NC member. Prachanda is acutely aware of the fact that in President Bidya Devi Bhandari, CPN-UML has found a close ally these last five years each time there was a constitutional and political crisis. And given a deeply hung parliament this time, there are going to be a few more.

Predictably, CPN-UML Chairman Oli has shot down PM Prachanda’s proposal for ‘a national consensus’ to share the posts of President, Vice President, Speaker and Deputy Speaker. In an all-party meeting on Tuesday, Oli categorically ruled out such a possibility, arguing that Prachanda was supported as Prime Minister based on the agreement that his party CPN-UML would get both the posts of President and Speaker.

Undaunted, the Nepali Congress, meanwhile, said vocally on Thursday its ‘Mission President’ will continue.

Indeed, the Nepali Congress may even find new allies. Of the seven parties in the ruling coalition, third- and fourth-largest parties are perceived as anti-federalist forces – the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), a brand-new party, and the royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP); the latter wants to restore Nepal as a Hindu state. Though it has elected some lawmakers with decent professional backgrounds, RSP faces some hard questions over its long-term vision and goals. For example, it didn’t field any candidate in the assembly elections. In an interview this week, a senior RSP leader said his party is “very much on a churn”. Yet another major impediment for the party (with a creditable 20 seats in Parliament) is that it very much revolves around its president Rabi Lamichhane, a former TV anchor whose public vitriol against established political parties and leaders seems to have resonated with the voters. He is now a Deputy Prime Minister (there are four!) and Home Minister. Most notably, the Supreme Court will soon start hearing on a very serious charge filed against him – holding his American citizenship while contesting the November elections. Nepal’s constitution does not allow dual citizenship.

Much like the PM’s Maoist Centre, three other parties supporting him are unequivocally pro-federalist – the Janata Samajbadi Party, Nagarik Unmukti Party and Janamat Party. The Madhesi parties could find a common ground with the Nepali Congress and the Maoist party.

Politics on a churn

The November results arguably tilted Nepal’s politics to the right and towards populism, a trend best reflected in major urban hubs. The conventional wisdom that one needs party organisations to win elections has gone up for a toss. In Kathmandu, it was nearly a repeat of the mayoral election in May last year when a 32-year-old Balen Shah, a rap singer, handsomely defeated much favored candidates from the two most established political parties – the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML.

Little known outside his professional circle, Balen Shah won as an independent candidate. His recent measures to “clean up” the capital by tearing down what he claims are unauthorised properties and removing street vendors from the streets without any long-term planning clearly appear elitist. Kathmandu after all is home to people from all 77 districts and from different socio-economic backgrounds. It remains to be seen what RSP makes of its decent showing in parliamentary elections in the capital.

With the Speaker’s election now done with, the attention of the parties has shifted to the crucial presidential election. While leaving the parliament premises after the Speaker’s election, Oli said yesterday that the possibility of electing President through national consensus has not been ruled out, but he also insisted that such a candidate has to come from his own party, CPN-UML. PM Prachanda was far more conciliatory when he said efforts were on for a broader agreement for President and Vice President: “There is still time left for the election of the President.” The next one month will no doubt see much political horse-trading and battle over the narratives.

Such will be the story of Nepal’s politics at least until the next elections. A deeply fractured mandate in both the parliamentary and state assembly elections leaves all options open. We are in for an extended phase of political instability and new political churning.

Akhilesh Upadhyay is a senior fellow at IIDS, a Kathmandu-based think-tank. Opinions expressed are personal.

Nepal PM Prachanda Passes Floor Test, All Major Political Parties Vote in His Favour

Pushpa Kamal Dahal received 268 votes in the 275-member chamber. His former alliance partner, the Nepali Congress, decided at the last-minute meeting to back the Maoist leader.

New Delhi: Nepal Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ on Tuesday, January 10, passed the parliamentary floor test with flying colours, with nearly all the major political parties in the country voting in his favour.

The vote of confidence was supported by the Nepali Congress, which decided at the last-minute meeting to back the Maoist leader in the House of Representatives.

Dahal’s Maoist Centre had stood in parliamentary elections as part of a pre-poll alliance with the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Socialist). However, in a surprise move, he broke away from the coalition and formed a government with the rival CPN (Unified Marxist Leninist) and other parties on December 25.

The Nepali Congress had emerged as the largest political party in the parliament with 88 seats, while the CPN-UML came second with 78 seats.

The Maoist Centre was a distant third with 32 seats. Apparently, Dahal was weaned away from the Nepali Congress alliance based on the assurance from UML leader K.P. Sharma Oli that he would be made prime minister immediately.

As per Nepali media, Dahal received 268 votes in the 275-member chamber.

Dahal’s approval had been a formality as the Maoist Centre-UML alliance had already secured the support of 169 lawmakers, which was more than the required majority.

Earlier on Monday evening, Dahal met with his former alliance partner, Nepali Congress president Sher Bahadur Deuba, to seek his support for the confidence vote.

A day later, the Nepali Congress’s key executives agreed to vote in support of Dahal, despite division of opinion among the party leaders, as per the Kathmandu Post.

Among the 12 parties elected to the parliament, only the Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party and Rastriya Janamorcha, with one seat each, voted against the confidence motion.

Meanwhile, the ruling alliance had released a Common Minimum Programme on Monday, which included a pledge to bring “back the territories of Limpiyadhura, Kalapani and Lipulek that are currently occupied by India”.

According to the Kathmandu Post, the issue would be the “top priority” during Dahal’s visit to India for his first foreign tour. The dates for Dahal’s India visit have not yet been decided, but it is not likely to take place this month.

Nepal Elections: PM Deuba’s Nepali Congress Emerges as Single-Largest Party

Political instability has been a recurrent feature of Nepal’s Parliament since the end of the decade-long Maoist insurgency, and no prime minister has served a full term after the civil war ended in 2006.

Kathmandu: The ruling Nepali Congress led by Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba on Sunday maintained its position as the single largest party by winning 53 of the 165 seats in the parliamentary polls held to end the prolonged political instability that has plagued the Himalayan nation.

Elections to the House of Representatives (HoR) and seven provincial assemblies were held on November 20. The counting of votes started on Monday.

The Nepali Congress has won 53 seats and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist) (CPN-UML) secured 42 seats in the elections. The CPN-Maoist has emerged as the third largest party with 17 seats while the CPN-Unified Socialist has bagged 10 seats.

The newly-formed Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and pro-Hindu Rastriya Prajatantra Party have won 7 seats each. Independent and other smaller parties have emerged victorious on 21 seats. Out of the total 165 seats under direct voting, the results for 8 seats are still awaited.

The ruling five-party alliance has won 85 seats, against 55 seats won by the alliance led by CPN-UML. The ruling alliance includes the Nepali Congress led by Prime Minister Deuba, CPN-Maoist led by Pushpakamal Dahal Prachanda, CPN-Unified Socialist headed by Madhav Nepal, Mahantha Thakur’s Lokatantrik Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janamorcha led by Chitra Bahadur.

The vote count under the proportional representation to the elections of the HoR and the province assemblies is ongoing. Out of over 17.9 million registered voters, the voter turnout was 61 per cent, according to the Election Commission (EC).

So far, approximately 80% of the votes were counted, the Himalayan Times newspaper quoted EC’s Spokesperson Shaligram Sharma Paudel as saying.

Approximately 2.4 million votes remain to count.

Under the proportionate voting method, the CPN-UML got the first position, securing more than 2.5 million votes and the Nepali Congress received 2.3 million votes. The CPN-Maoist and RSP have secured one million each.

In the 275-member House of Representatives, 165 will be elected through direct voting, while the remaining 110 will be elected through a proportional electoral system. A party or a coalition needs 138 seats for a clear majority.

Besides Prime Minister and Nepali Congress president Deuba, three former prime ministers – Prachanda, Oli and Madhav Nepal – have also been elected to parliament.

Deuba and Prachanda met at the prime minister’s residence in Baluwatar on Saturday and agreed to continue the five-party alliance as part of a new majority government in the country.

The former prime minister and senior leader of CPN-Unified Socialist Jhalanath Khanal lost the election. CPN-UML’s Mahesh Basnet defeated Khanal, who contested from Ilam constituency No 1.

Ex-prime ministers Lokendra Bahadur Chand, a senior leader of the pro-Hindu Rastriya Prajatantra Party, and Baburam Bhattarai did not contest the election.

Bhattarai fielded his daughter Manushi Yami Bhattarai. Manushi, who contested from Kathmandu – 7 constituency, lost the election.

She secured the third position in the Kathmandu – 7 constituency from where Ganesh Parajuli of the RSP was elected.

The frequent changes and fighting among parties have been blamed for the country’s slow economic growth.

The next government will face challenges of keeping a stable political administration, reviving the tourism industry and balancing ties with neighbours – China and India.

(PTI)

Nepal: As Ruling Alliance Heads Towards Majority Deuba’s Nepali Congress Could Be Largest Party

Nepali Congress has won 39 seats under the direct voting system. Its alliance partners CPN-Maoist Centre and CPN-Unified Socialist have won 12 and 10 seats respectively.

Kathmandu: Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba’s Nepali Congress-led ruling coalition was on Friday heading towards winning a clear majority in Nepal’s parliamentary elections with the alliance bagging 64 seats out of the 118 declared

In the 275-member House of Representatives, 165 will be elected through direct voting, while the remaining 110 will be elected through a proportional electoral system.

A party or a coalition needs 138 seats to win a clear majority.

Nepali Congress was set to emerge as the single-largest party after winning 39 seats alone under the direct voting system.

Its alliance partners – CPN-Maoist Centre and CPN-Unified Socialist have won 12 and 10 seats respectively.

The Lokatantrik Samajwadi and Rastriya Janamorcha have bagged two and one seat respectively. They are all part of the ruling alliance.

The Opposition alliance led by the former premier K.P. Sharma Oli’s CPN-UML has bagged 35 seats.

The CPN-UML has won 29 seats. Its partners – the Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Janata Samajwadi Party – have won four and two seats respectively.

The newly-formed Rastriya Swatantra Party has won seven seats. Lokatantrai Samajwadi Party and Janmat Party – both Madhesi parties – have won two and one seat respectively.

Nagarik Unmukti Party has bagged two seats and Janamorcha and Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party have received one each. Five seats were won by independents and others.

Elections to the House of Representatives (HoR) and seven provincial assemblies were held on Sunday. The counting of votes started on Monday.

(Shirish B Pradhan)

Nepal Elections: Deuba Elected With Huge Margin, Nepali Congress Party Leading

The ruling Nepali Congress has so far bagged 11 seats in the House of Representatives (HoR) while it is leading in 46 other constituencies.

Kathmandu: Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba was elected on Wednesday with a huge margin of votes from the Dadeldhura constituency in far west Nepal for the seventh consecutive time, with his Nepali Congress party leading in the election tally by winning 11 seats so far.

Elections to the House of Representatives (HoR) and seven provincial assemblies were held on Sunday. The counting of votes started on Monday.

Deuba secured 25,534 votes against his nearest rival Sagar Dhakal, 31, an independent candidate who received 1,302 votes. Deuba has never lost any parliamentary election in the five decades of his political career.

The 77-year-old Nepali Congress president Deuba is currently holding the post of Prime Minister for the fifth term.

Dhakal is a young engineer, who had a verbal squabble with Deuba during a public debate at a BBC’s Sajha Sawal programme five years ago, after which he decided to challenge Deuba saying that now youths should get a chance in politics and senior people like Deuba should retire.

The ruling Nepali Congress has so far bagged 11 seats in the House of Representatives (HoR) while it is leading in 46 other constituencies.

The CPN-UML led by former prime minister K P Oli has so far bagged three seats and is leading in 42 constituencies.

The newly formed Rastriya Swotantra Party has won three seats in the Kathmandu district.

Rastriya Prajatantra Party, CPN-Unified Socialist and Nagarik Unmukti Party have bagged one seat each. So far, 20 seats of HoR have been declared.

Out of 275 Members of Parliament, 165 will be elected through direct voting, while the remaining 110 will be elected through a proportional electoral system. Similarly, out of a total of 550 members of the seven provincial assemblies, 330 will be elected directly and 220 will be elected through the proportional method.

(PTI)

Nepal Election: One Dead in Violent Clash, Nationwide Voter Turnout at 61%

A 24-year-old was killed after being shot dead at a polling station in Nateshwari Basic School of Tribeni Municipality in Bajura.

Kathmandu: About 61 per cent polling was recorded on Sunday in Nepal’s parliament and provincial assemblies elections, marred by sporadic violence and clashes that left one person dead and disrupted voting at several polling stations, officials said.

The polling started at 7 am local time at over 22,000 polling centres and closed at 5 pm.

“The nationwide voter turnout has stood at around 61 per cent. This is likely to increase slightly as we continue receiving details from districts across the country,” Chief Election Commissioner Dinesh Kumar Thapaliya told reporters.

“This is certainly less than what we had expected,” he added.

The voter turnout is significantly lower as compared to the past two elections – 77 per cent in 2013, and 78 per cent in 2017.

More than 17.9 million voters were eligible to cast their votes to elect a 275-member House of Representatives and provincial assemblies.

Also Read: All You Need to Know as Nepal Goes to the Polls

Thapaliya said the elections were held largely in a peaceful manner except for a “few minor incidents”. He said that voting has been postponed in 15 polling stations in four districts as a result of such incidents.

He said the Election Commission has directed the concerned election offices in those districts to make necessary arrangements to hold the elections within two days.

One person was killed after being shot dead at a polling station in Nateshwari Basic School of Tribeni Municipality in Bajura. The 24-year-old man was shot dead by the police following a dispute between two groups after the voting was over, officials said.

A minor explosion took place near Sharda Secondary School polling station in Dhangadhi Sub-metropolitan City in Kailali district. However, there was no casualty, they said, adding that voting continued in the polling station despite the incident with just half-an-hour interruption.

Some incidents of heated arguments between party cadres were reported from 11 areas in Dhangadi, Gorkha and Dolakha districts. However, it did not affect the polling, they said.

Prime Minister and Nepali Congress (NC) president Sher Bahadur Deuba cast his ballot in his home district Dadeldhura. He voted at the Ashigram Secondary School polling centre at Ruwakhola in Ganyapdhura rural municipality-1 in the morning. Deuba had studied at this school.

Deuba has continuously won the election from Dadeldhura since 1991. He is running for the federal parliament member for the seventh time in this election, The Himalayan Times newspaper reported.

Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) chairman and former prime minister K P Sharma Oli cast his ballot at the polling centre situated in Suryabinayak Municipality in Bhaktapur district near Kathmandu.

Talking to reporters after casting his vote, Oli said that his CPN-UML-led alliance will secure a clear majority and form the next government by December 1.

“The UML will form a majority government, or at least a coalition government comprising parties that have forged an alliance with us in the elections,” he said.

CPN-Maoist Centre chairman and former prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda” cast his vote at the polling centre located at Bharatpur Municipality in Chitawan district.

“It is most likely that the next government will be formed under the leadership of the Nepali Congress and I will contest for the post of Parliamentary Party leader to forward my claim for the top executive position,” NC general secretary Gagan Thapa said after casting his vote in Kathmandu constituency No. 4.

Another NC leader and former deputy prime minister Prakash Man Singh said the leaders of the five-party alliance will sit together to decide who will lead the next government and chalk out the future course of action.

Out of a total of 275 Members of Parliament, 165 will be elected through direct voting, while the remaining 110 will be elected through a proportional electoral system.

At the same time, voters also voted to elect representatives to seven provincial assemblies.

Out of a total of 550 members of the provincial assemblies, 330 will be elected directly and 220 will be elected through the proportional method.

Political observers closely watching the elections have predicted a hung parliament and a government that is unlikely to provide the required political stability in Nepal.

The frequent changes and fighting among parties have been blamed for the country’s slow economic growth.

There are two major political alliances contesting the polls — the ruling Nepali Congress-led democratic and leftist alliance and the CPN-UML-led leftist and pro-Hindu, pro-monarchy alliance.

Nepali Congress led by Prime Minister Deuba, 76, has formed an electoral alliance with former Maoist guerrilla leader Prachanda’, 67, against former premier Oli, 70.

The Nepali Congress-led ruling alliance includes CPN-Maoist Centre, CPN-Unified Socialist, and Madhes-based Loktantrik Samajwadi Party while the CPN-UML-led alliance includes pro-Hindu Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Madhes-based Janata Samajwadi Party.

The next government will face challenges of keeping a stable political administration, reviving the tourism industry and balancing ties with neighbours — China and India.

Out of a total of 2,412 candidates contesting the election for federal Parliament, 867 are independents.

Among the major political parties, the CPN-UML has fielded 141 candidates while the Nepali Congress and CPN-Maoist Centre have fielded 91 and 46 candidates respectively.

Security has been stepped up in all 77 districts across the country with air-patrolling around polling stations and closing of international borders for 72 hours.

(PTI)

Nepal Votes to Elect New Parliament and Provincial Assemblies, Counting to Start Tonight

Home secretary Binod Prakash Singh said that up to 46% votes have been cast across the country as of 2 pm local time.

Kathmandu: Millions of Nepalese began voting on Sunday, November 20, to elect a new parliament and provincial assemblies amid tight security, hoping to end the political instability that has plagued the country for more than a decade and impeded growth.

The polling started at 7 am local time at over 22,000 polling centres and is expected to have closed at 5 pm.

Talking to reporters, home secretary Binod Prakash Singh said that up to 46% votes have been cast across the country as of 2 pm local time.

Barring a few sporadic incidents, the voting remained largely peaceful.

A minor explosion took place near Sharda Secondary School polling station in Dhangadhi Sub-metropolitan City in Kailali district. However, there was no casualty, officials said, adding that voting continued in the polling station despite the incident with just half-an-hour interruption.

Some incidents of heated arguments between party cadres were reported from 11 areas in Dhangadi, Gorkha and Dolakha districts. However, it did not affect the polling, they said.

Singh said that voting has resumed at the places where it was put off after minor disputes earlier in the day.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister and Nepali Congress (NC) president Sher Bahadur Deuba cast his ballot in his home district Dadeldhura. He voted at the Ashigram Secondary School polling centre at Ruwakhola in Ganyapdhura rural municipality-1 in the morning. Deuba had studied at this school.

Deuba has continuously won the election from Dadeldhura since 1991. He is running for the federal parliament member for the seventh time in this election, The Himalayan Times newspaper reported.

Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) chairman and former prime minister K.P. Sharma Oli cast his ballot at the polling centre situated in Suryabinayak Municipality in Bhaktapur district near Kathmandu.

CPN-Maoist Centre chairman and former prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda” cast his vote at the polling centre located at Bharatpur Municipality in Chitawan district.

Also read: All You Need to Know as Nepal Goes to the Polls

Speaking to the media after voting from a polling station in Bhaktapur, chief election commissioner Dinesh Kumar Thapaliya said the counting will start at 9 pm Sunday after collecting all the ballot boxes.

Thapaliya said the commission would announce all the first-past-the-post results in the next eight days while the results of proportional representation elections would be announced by December 8.

More than 17.9 million eligible voters will elect a 275-member House of Representatives.

Out of a total of 275 members of parliament, 165 will be elected through direct voting, while the remaining 110 will be elected through a proportional electoral system.

At the same time, voters will also choose representatives to seven provincial assemblies.

Out of a total of 550 members of the provincial assemblies, 330 will be elected directly and 220 will be elected through the proportional method.

Political observers closely watching the elections have predicted a hung parliament and a government that is unlikely to provide the required political stability in Nepal.

The frequent changes and fighting among parties have been blamed for the country’s slow economic growth.

There are two major political alliances contesting the polls – the ruling Nepali Congress-led democratic and leftist alliance and the CPN-UML-led leftist and pro-Hindu, pro-monarchy alliance.

Nepali Congress led by Prime Minister Deuba, 76, has formed an electoral alliance with former Maoist guerrilla leader Prachanda’, 67, against former premier Oli, 70.

Also read: Nepal: Will Madhes Remain an Influential Factor After the November Elections?

The next government will face challenges of keeping a stable political administration, reviving the tourism industry and balancing ties with neighbours – China and India.

Out of a total of 2,412 candidates contesting the election for federal Parliament, 867 are independents.

Among the major political parties, the CPN-UML has fielded 141 candidates while the Nepali Congress and CPN-Maoist Centre have fielded 91 and 46 candidates, respectively.

Security has been stepped up in all 77 districts across the country with air-patrolling around polling stations and closing of international borders for 72 hours.

(PTI)

All You Need to Know as Nepal Goes to the Polls

This is the first time in Nepal’s parliamentary history that elections will be held after the completion of an entire term of the parliament. Yet there is large-scale disillusionment and people have felt that these polls, too, will bring in the same old political leaders.

New Delhi: Nepalis will vote today, November 20, to elect their representatives for the parliamentary and provincial assemblies amidst rising disenchantment over the fact that it is the same old faces who are standing for elections this time around.

Here is a quick primer on the numbers – and the issues at hand – of the elections.

In numbers

More than 17,988,570 voters can vote to directly select candidates for 165 seats in the House of Representatives and 330 seats in the seven provincial assemblies. Those who will occupy the remaining 110 and 220 seats in the HoR and PC, respectively, will be selected from a list of Proportional Representation candidates submitted to the Election Commission by political parties ahead of the polls.

Around 50.8% of the electorate are men, while women account for 49.2% or 8.8 million. There are also 185 members of the LGBTQI community registered as voters.

For the 165 seats to the House of Representatives, there are 2,412 candidates, including 225 women in the fray. For the provincial assembly, 3,224 candidates are standing for election in the ‘First Past The Post’ seats.

At the polling booth, Nepali voters will be handed four ballot papers. The first one is for the direct election of a candidate to HoR, followed by one to select the political party for PR seats. The exact same process applies in the case of the elections to the provincial assembly as well.

Officials from the election commission work to set up polling station a day ahead of the general elections, in Bhaktapur, Nepal November 19, 2022. Photo: Reuters/Navesh Chitrakar

Are people enthusiastic about the elections?

This is the first time in the country’s parliamentary history that elections will be held after the completion of an entire term of the parliament. It is also only the second parliamentary election under the 2015 constitution.

There is large-scale disillusionment and people have felt that the elections would bring in the same old political leaders. This led to a new crop of younger, independent candidates entering the electoral battlefield, attempting to fire up voters.

Nepal’s voter turnout is usually high. But in the local elections held in May this year, the turnout was 64%, which was the lowest since the 2008 constituent assembly elections, which saw 61.8%.

The turnout at the 2017 parliamentary and provincial elections was 68.63%.

Also read: Favourites, Alliances, Numbers: All the Questions Ahead of Nepal’s November Polls Answered

When will the results be declared?

Not for some time.

Counting is a complicated process, with four ballot papers of each voter for two types of seats and bodies requiring counting.

Stating that he was very concerned about the “sluggish vote count”, Chief Election Commissioner Dinesh Kumar Thapaliya told The Kathmandu Post last week that all the results would be out by December 8. However, the results of the election to the direct ‘First Past The Post’ seats will be out first, “within three days of counting beginning,” he added. All the rest of the counting for the proportional seats will also finish by the end of November.

After that, the Election Commission will have to divide the PR seats among parties based on their vote percentage and publish the names from their previously submitted lists.

The “sluggish” counting has indeed been criticised, with a former CEC putting the blame on the complexity of the ballot papers and frequent challenges raised by political parties due to narrow margins of victory.

Who are the key players in the elections?

As explained by Kamal Dev Bhattarai for The Wire, the fight to form the next government would be between two alliances, one led by the Nepali Congress and another by the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist).

The members of the NC-led electoral alliance are the CPN (Maoist Center), CPN (Unified Socialist), Socialist Party Nepal and other fringe parties, sometimes called the ‘democratic-left’ alliance. CPN-UML leads the second alliance, and its members are the Upendra Yadav-led Janata Samajbadi, the royalist Rashtriya Prajatantra Party and other smaller parties.

Besides, a slew of smaller parties and independent candidates have jumped into the fray, hoping to cash in on voters’ rising antipathy for mainstream political leaders.

Also read: Interview | ‘Monarchy in Nepal Will Mean More Respectful Ties With India, China’: RPP Leader

What are the critical issues for voters this time?

According to Reuters, voters have rising energy and food prices on their minds as the economy slows down. This year, the economy is slated to grow at 4.7%, compared to 5.8% last year, as per the Asian Development Bank.

There are also concerns about the lack of jobs, with a majority of Nepali workers making a beeline for overseas employment. Both the main parties have made promises to create hundreds of thousands of jobs yearly.

Besides, political stability is also a concern. The political volatility over the last five years occurred despite the pre-election Left alliance winning the majority in the 2017 elections. While the parliament has completed its full term, CPN-UML’s K.P. Oli Sharma did try to get it dissolved twice when he was prime minister, before the Supreme Court restored the house.

Who will likely form the next government?

In Nepal, all opinion and exit polls are banned under the election code of conduct.

However, as per internal assessments by parties and security agencies, reported by The Kathmandu Post, Nepali Congress is likely to emerge as the single largest party. It also won the most vote in this year’s local elections. According to some calculations, it could win around 100 to 110 parliamentary seats, compared to 63 in 2017. The CPN-UML’s tally is projected to come down from 121 in 2017 to double figures, dropping to around 75 to 80 seats.

Interview: ‘Monarchy in Nepal Will Mean More Respectful Ties With India, China’: RPP Leader

A key face in the Nepal general polls, senior vice-president of Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Rabindra Mishra, tells ‘The Wire’ why geopolitical concerns are central to his pro-monarchy stance.

New Delhi: Asserting that a return to monarchy would help Nepal to build a strong bulwark against foreign interference, a senior official of Nepal’s pro-royal party also noted that the border controversy – or the new political map depicting disputed territories under India’s control – is not an issue that will find resonance with the electorate in the current general elections.

On November 20, Nepal will go to the polls to elect their representatives for the Parliament and Provincial Assemblies. It will only be the second election held under the 2015 constitution.

Among those in the fray is senior vice-president of Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Rabindra Mishra, a recent entrant to the party and an unusual face in Nepali politics.

A journalist with BBC Nepali service for nearly two decades, he resigned from his job before the 2017 elections and jumped into electoral politics with a newly-created party Bibeksheel Sajha Party aimed at providing an alternative to Nepal’s grand old parties. He lost by 819 votes against the three-time Nepali Congress incumbent from the Kathmandu-1 constituency.

This time, he is once again contesting from the same constituency but as a candidate for the RPP, a pro-monarchy Hindu nationalist party. The RPP’s manifesto had called for the reinstatement of the monarchy, a directly-elected prime ministerial system, and pledged to scrap provinces.

When he was still in his earlier party last year, Mishra had released a thesis on Nepal’s future, which attracted some criticism, both internally and outside the party, for his declaration of support to the monarchy and opposition to federalism and secularism. In the aftermath, it became apparent that he would be changing ship – which he did in September this year.

With Nepali citizens disenchanted with traditional politics, RPP hopes to capture some of the frustration this time with more votes. In previous 2017 elections, the party, which had been in a government with Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist), won a single seat in parliament.

In an interview with The Wire, Mishra, who was inducted as senior vice-chairman of RPP, spoke about the reasons for his ideological change and why the monarchy is necessary to have strong “balanced” ties with India and China.

Below is a condensed version of the conversation. It has been edited for clarity and style.

There seems to be a lot of frustration over political parties fielding the same old faces. It had seemed for some time that Nepalis were ready for an alternative political voice. But you have gone the opposite direction, from a new party to an established legacy party. Why is that?

We started the Sajha party in 2017 and did pretty well in that year’s election. We became the fifth-largest party, and I lost by just a whisker against a very prominent leader in a very prominent constituency in Kathmandu. And the party, in a way, was doing okay, yes, there were various problems, but it was okay.

As I started to move on, at some point, I slowly began to realise that the agenda with which we were building the party, the acceptance of the republic, federalism and secularism, won’t help in the long term. Once I realised this, I changed my course and came up with a political document titled “nation above notion”. After that, there was a bit of a problem in the party, and later on, in the local elections, our results were pretty bad, and I resigned from the leadership of the party on moral grounds. As I resigned, I also realised that the constitutional monarchy is crucial for the country’s long-term interests, stability and sovereignty.

Rabindra Mishra during a campaign effort. Photo: Twitter/@RabindraMishra

Yes, the monarchy had made mistakes in the past – kings had made mistakes in the past. But, despite their mistakes, this institution is extremely important given the changing geopolitics of the world, which is shifting towards South Asia. Being surrounded by two big countries, which will be number one and number two economies by 2030, the western world would obviously show a keen interest in Nepal.

Geopolitics is getting sensitive around Nepal, but internally, the institutions are so weak, so weak. All the major institutions are badly politicised. There is political intervention in every institution of the country, apart from the Nepal army which is relatively free from interference.

The bureaucracy, anti-corruption body, the president’s office, the judiciary and universities, all are compromised. Even the doctors and engineers are so badly politicised. We are also one of the most corrupt countries, as per Transparency International.

When institutions are so weak, when the geo-political situation is getting more critical, ethnic and religious sensitivities are rising – the only institution that can bind this country is the monarchy. I thought this issue had to be raised. I raised the issue, and my agenda was close to the RPP, so I joined them.

Also read: As Nepal Heads to Polls, Here’s What Major Parties Are Saying About Foreign Policy

You use a geo-political argument to claim that monarchy is good for Nepal. Do you mean to imply that the monarchy had stood up against India in the past or that there was not much Indian interference at that time?

In a way, yes. Nepal’s international prestige and the way the institution of monarchy dealt with India and China was much more balanced and respectful earlier. After the country turned into a republic, our international prestige has gone down.

For example, to be very honest, the new Indian ambassador comes down to Nepal, lands at the Kathmandu international airport and from there, he directly goes to meet the foreign minister and the very next day, he meets the prime minister. And he can meet whomever he wants.

In the case of the Nepali ambassador in India, even after being appointed and joining the office in Delhi, one doesn’t even get an appointment or meeting with the Indian foreign minister or foreign secretary for months and months. That’s the kind of situation that we are dealing with. It is happening with other countries as well. You are interviewing me from Delhi, so I am mentioning India. It is a similar case with China and other countries. These things do matter in international diplomacy.

King Birendra of Nepal with Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India in New Delhi

1980 AD @Vintage_Nepal pic.twitter.com/d6Kz6YnfkP

— Vintage Nepal (Rare Historical Pics & Vids) (@Vintage_Nepal) November 3, 2022

When there was a monarchy, King Birendra proposed the idea of a Zone of Peace. More than 125 countries had agreed to it. Of course, India did not agree, but that’s a different issue.

That proposal was important in the changing geopolitics of the world. That was very important for a landlocked, underdeveloped, militarily and economically weak country.

An impression held among a section of Indian people is that if there is a Hindu party in Nepal or if Nepal is a Hindu kingdom, it will be friendlier to India. How do you view this perception?

If a Hindu party or Hindu state was going to be more friendly to India, I am sure that PM Modi would have encouraged that in Nepal. I am not sure Prime Minister [Narendra] Modi is doing that. (laughs)

The fact is that Nepal has more than 80% Hindu population, and there is a 10% Buddhist population. As a Hindu state, Nepal was doing perfectly fine. It was not a fundamentalist state. It was not a religious state like many Arab countries. It was just a Hindu state by name, but there was freedom for other religions, and they used to exercise their religion peacefully.

After Nepal became a secular state, a big section of the Hindu population was very disappointed. The Christian conversion rate is one of the highest in the world. The religious demography is changing in Nepal, and if not now, this can create a problem in the future. That is why Nepal should return to being a Hindu state.

You mention that you joined RPP for ideological reasons. But is ideology playing any role at all in these elections? There are parties with diametrically opposed ideologies joining together in pre-election coalitions. The RPP is also allied with CPN-UML, a communist party. So what does ideology mean in Nepali politics?

The ruling party has an alliance with five more parties. But in the case of RPP and UML, the case is different. There are only three places where RPP supports the UML and vice versa. It is not an alliance as such. Just electorally, the parties are helping each other in three constituencies. That’s all.

As far as if this is the end of ideology in Nepali politics, I don’t think so. Ideologically, Nepali society is getting more and more polarised. One major reason is that in the last 15 years after Nepal turned into a republic and became secular and federal – if the system had worked well, if corruption had gone down, if governance had improved, if there was proper service delivery, I don’t think that this system would have been attacked by those who are supporting the monarchy and who are against federalism and secularism. But, the system is not working at all, and corruption is high.

They got rid of one king, but there are certain families of political leaders where all the family members behave like kings.

The political intervention in all major institutions is so high. And the deterioration of political institutions in Nepal is so bad that people are unhappy about it.

The major political parties in Nepal have a long history, and they have politicised every aspect of society. That’s why society is getting polarised among those supporting the changes that happened in the last 15 years and who don’t support those changes.

Unless these current politicians start behaving correctly, I don’t think things will change.

Nepali Maoist leader Pushp Kumar Dahal ‘Prachanda’ and former Prime Minister K.P. Oli. Credit: Reuters

If all the parties are in alliances and the same old parties are in the fray, can the electorate expect any change from this election?

From this election, RPP will have a strong presence in parliament. When we have a strong presence, I think that it will act as a big slap to big political parties on the one hand, and on the other hand, that will be the first major step in bringing Nepal back on track.

Can I pin you down on how many seats RPP will likely get?

I haven’t been giving figures and numbers, as things are unpredictable. But, the wave of RPP throughout the country is very high, and we expect to do very well.

You expect to do well in your constituency that you lost narrowly.

I lost by 819 votes. But that basically means that if I had got 410 of those votes, I would have won at that time. We are pretty confident that we will win in this constituency.

Also read: Favourites, Alliances, Numbers: All the Questions Ahead of Nepal’s November Polls Answered

You said there was a yearning for change, but change is a very abstract term. What do voters mean by that? What do the voters want this time?

My agenda is divided into three sections. One is the long-term peace and stability, and sovereignty of this country. I have described that as my political and social agenda, where I have talked about constitutional monarchy and directly elected prime ministership.

I have also talked about restructuring local bodies and abrogating federalism. At the same time, I have spoken about the Hindu-Buddhist state. RPP only talks about the Hindu state, but in my book, I have spoken of a Hindu-Buddhist state for various reasons that, if I start to explain, will take a long time.

The second deals with political economy, extreme intervention in all institutions, controlling corruption and good governance. At the same time, I have talked about economic stimulation and creating employment.

One thing that inspired me to get into politics after two decades of journalism was because I thought that public education and public health in Nepal are in disastrous situation. I argue that free public education and public health should be fundamental human rights, and all the citizens in the country should have equal access to it.

Are foreign relations with India, especially the border dispute, an electoral issue in these elections?

The Millennium Challenge Corporation funds received some time ago were a major controversy in Nepal. Similarly, the border issue with India has been raised from time to time. But, unfortunately for Nepal, all these agendas get sidelined during the time of elections, and people tend to vote according to their political alignment.

I asked that question as, during the last elections, UML’s good showing was attributed to the Indian ‘blockade’ of 2015.

Absolutely. When it comes to the issue of patriotism, Nepalis become very passionate and emotional about it. So in the 2015 blockade, all Nepalis thought India unnecessarily imposed the blockade on us, which was a huge pain for the Nepali population. Oli, at that time, took a strong stance and finally, the blockade was over. That definitely had an impact on the election.

Also, what he did before the 2017 elections was that the UML and Maoist Centre joined hands, and they said that they would merge after the elections.

So big communist parties coming to power would create a stable government, which would be good for the country. They did unite, but it didn’t happen. So in 2017, the blockade issue did have an impact.

Empty cylinders line a street in Nepal during the 2015 blockade that caused a fuel crisis. Photo: Wikipedia/Nirmal Dulal (CC BY-SA 3.0).

Will the new map and the border issue have any impact at all this time?

I don’t think that the resonance is the same. Hardly people are talking about it. So, I don’t think that has created any kind of impact in these elections.

Do you feel that RPP has a different position on relations with India compared to other political parties?

Nepal’s democratic political parties are self-centric as they don’t consider the country’s long-term interests. There is also no continuity in lots of foreign policy issues.

With the RPP, we have been saying that we want to have an equidistant relationship with India and China. We will not accept intervention, but we will stay friendly. It is all about how we implement that. We are pretty sure that we will do much better than earlier guys.

Lastly, circling back to my first question – do you think there is any space left for independents or new parties in Nepali polity?

Given my five-year experience in building an alternative political party, I think in the current situation, you can create a party that can have an existence but can’t get to the top and rule the country. It is so very difficult for various reasons.

The second thing is that the idea of alternative politics has not been explained correctly in Nepal. Alternative politics means good governance, service delivery, controlling corruption, stimulating the economy, and creating jobs.

Suppose the people choose their leadership with a high level of integrity and competence; who know what this country needs for the changing geopolitics, which can drive this country towards development and prosperity; in that case, people will stop talking about alternate politics.