A Shift to Less Water-Intensive Crops May be the Key to Protecting Farmer Lives

According to a study, while farm subsidies may be contributing to groundwater depletion, MSP itself is not the villain here.

Bengaluru: With water-intensive crops being grown in water-stressed and scarce areas, subsidies offered by governments to farmers for buying crops at more than the market prices may have caused substantial declines in water tables in India, according to a recent publication in the journal Nature Communications by researchers from John Hopkins, Cornell and Stanford Universities. 

However, farmer well-being and the environment need not necessarily be at odds with each other. Experts told The Wire that minimum support price (MSP) itself is not the villain here: it just needs to be re-thought creatively enough in a way that will provide price stability to farmers, and not only support farmer incomes but also increase them while ensuring sustainability at the same time. 

Some ways to do that would be to bring in additional subsidies for crop diversification, and to promote more high-value crops and agricultural practices.

According to the publication’s analysis, subsidies to farmers have contributed to as much as a 30% over-production of water intensive crops like rice and wheat. For instance, in Punjab, the procurement of rice may have potentially accounted for at least 50% reduction in the groundwater table in the past 34 years. 

Similarly, since the 2000s, the wheat procurement in Madhya Pradesh might have caused an increase in dry wells by 5.3 percentage points (pp) and consequently 3.4 pp in the usage of deep tubewells. 

Also read: Amid Demand for MSP Guarantee, What Can Actually Protect Farmer Lives?

Deepratan Singh Khara, assistant professor of economics, Sri Guru Gobind Singh College, Chandigarh, says, “The study highlights the significant impact of output subsidies, such as guaranteed crop procurement, on groundwater depletion, particularly for water-intensive crops like rice in Punjab and wheat in Madhya Pradesh.”

Khara wasn’t involved in the study but has researched on groundwater irrigation in Punjab and Haryana. 

“It underscores the need to reform the existing subsidy framework to ensure both food security and the sustainable improvement of farmers’ livelihoods,” he says and adds, “The prolonged practice of unlimited procurement at the minimum support price (MSP) has played a substantial role in the decline of water tables, calling for a re-evaluation of these policies to prevent further environmental degradation.”  

However, MSP itself isn’t a bad concept, says Avinash Kishore, senior research fellow based in the Delhi office of the International Food Policy Research Institute. The problem, according to him, is rice being procured from Punjab, Haryana and even Telangana – states that are water-scarce. 

“These are not the regions where rice should be grown,” he says. “So the focus should shift to procurement from water-rich states like Odhisha and Chattisgarh.”

Governments – central and state – and agencies like the Food Corporation of India lean heavily on Punjab and Haryana as they produce a surplus – considering they are dominantly wheat-eating states – compared to eastern states.

“So, rice is a cash crop that is sold by these states,” says Kishore.

Also read: Punjab: 111 Farmers Join Jagjit Singh Dallewal in Indefinite Hunger Strike For MSP Guarantee

He thinks to keep the MSP going, procurement should be strengthened from the eastern states, thus, reducing dependence on crops from water-scarce areas. The failure to do so is not only the Union government’s accountability but also of the respective governments of the eastern states. 

While there has been research on the impact of input subsidies like free electricity, there is limited understanding of the impact of output subsidies on usage of water locally. 

This is because of the subtle nature of output subsidies indirectly determining cropping decisions, in turn impacting groundwater. 

On the other hand, electricity subsidies directly enable usage of pumps to extract groundwater. By collating data since 1981 from different sources, this study contributes to our understanding of erosion of India’s groundwater by quantifying the role of output subsidy policy. 

“Most, if not all subsidies, are well intentioned. But the externalities they have come to impose on the environment have broadly been ignored in policy design,” according to the joint response by the authors of the study. 

“It provides new quantitative evidence of the way in which subsidies in the agricultural sector, specifically output subsidies via  MSP, influence a resource that is critical to it,” they say.

To arrive at the quantitative evidence, the study compiled many district level datasets of crop production, area and irrigation. They also considered procurement of rice and wheat by the central and state agencies, levels and stress of groundwater and district level tubewell construction. 

District-level weather and precipitation data for the cropping season was also constructed by the study. 

Defunct and dry wells were used as two additional metrics of groundwater stress in addition to the district level average groundwater level data. This is because they give a better understanding of groundwater stress across different regions due to differences in aquifer types.

In Punjab, where groundwater levels persist and adjust gradually due the deep alluvial aquifers, groundwater depth is considered as a measure of stress. Hard rock and mixed systems deplete and replete annually in Madhya Pradesh. 

To assess groundwater stress, the study maps changes in groundwater levels over shorter horizons by considering occurrence of dry wells and tube well construction. 

The study finds active wells become defunct by a 6.37 percentage point across Indian districts and a 50% increase in tubewell construction with the increase in the rate of growth in area under rice cultivation between 1996-2015.

In Punjab, between 1973 to 2016, the average groundwater depth increased from 4.82 metres below ground level (mbgl) to 14.55 mbgl. By 1973, 78.6% of all dug wells that were active had become defunct. The study finds the main factor for this depletion is the adoption of high-yielding rice and wheat varieties during the Green Revolution of the 1960s. 

Local wheat, cotton, maize and oilseeds gave way to the high-yielding ones, which required more intensive irrigation. This came from dug and tubewells, causing groundwater depletion. 

MSP for rice and wheat, the assured government procurement, incentivised by cultivation of the high-yielding varieties even as there was surplus of these crops, underlined the groundwater depletion.

Also read: An Increase in MSP Doesn’t Necessarily Mean Fair Price for Farmers

Kishore advises doing away with free electricity. He points to a couple of pilot experiments being carried out in Pondicherry and Gujarat. In these, the farmers are paid an X amount according to the size of their land and the electricity they need to irrigate the crops. The payment is an alternative to the subsidy. 

The only difference being that the farmers are charged for every additional unit of electricity they use. This makes the farmer think of electricity as a cost, which if they didn’t use would be savings. 

“Farmers still don’t trust these experiments yet but something needs to be done,” he says. 

In Madhya Pradesh, the government agencies didn’t procure either wheat or rice, historically. But from 2008, a bonus on top of national MSP was announced by the state government, and procurement of wheat was significantly increased. 

Between 2007 and 2016, the state saw a 70% increase in wheat procurement (from 0.057 to 4 million tons). Growth in wheat-cultivated areas between 2000-2008 is partly attributed to improved irrigation systems. But the procurement started to add to the irrigation demand. 

For instance, in Punjab, this was met by dug and tubewells, rather than surface water. 

Doubling of the wheat post 2008 caused a 3.9 pp rise in depth of groundwater level and a 7.6 pp increase in occurrence of dry wells. 

“For Punjab we find that rice procurement can account for about 50% of the total groundwater decline in the last three decades,” say the researchers. 

“In Madhya Pradesh, that overlays different types of aquifers and where procurement started much later in 2007, groundwater stress has started to manifest in different ways. The policy has led to an increase in the number of wells becoming dry or defunct, and the need for deep tubewells to draw water within 8 years of the start of wheat procurement,” they add.

Khara considers this study to be a novel approach by quantifying the specific impact of output subsidies on groundwater depletion across various regions of India. 

“Beyond relying on average groundwater level data, it introduces more comprehensive measures of groundwater stress, such as the percentage of defunct wells and dry wells, which provide a more robust and accurate assessment of the effects of these subsidy policies,” he says. 

“This multifaceted analysis enhances the understanding of how such policies contribute to environmental stress.”

While the objective of most farm policies is to provide price stability and support to farmer incomes, as results of this study suggest, they can often lead to unintended consequences, counterproductive to the policy’s original goal.

One of the ways to counter this, according to Kishore, would be to introduce crop diversification. 

Besides the environment, this would also help the farmers in increasing their incomes. Kishore said that there should be incentives for cultivating higher value agriculture practices like livestock, fruits and vegetables, fisheries and horticulture. 

“Even current cropping patterns dominated by rice and wheat, if you look at the GDP, milk is more profitable than rice and wheat, and maybe even pulses combined in terms of valve,” he says. This is easier said than done. 

But by investing in crop research, changing cropping patterns that reduce climate risks, production risks, and at the same time creating financial instruments and support systems, farmers could be encouraged to think of alternatives. 

“These things require investment and new imagination,” says Kishore. “The subsidy sucks everything away and there is very little left to invest.”

Vrushal Pendharkar is an independent journalist covering the environment.

This study was published in Nature Communications on 5 October.

Punjab: 111 Farmers Join Jagjit Singh Dallewal in Indefinite Hunger Strike For MSP Guarantee

The 111 farmers belong to Dallewal’s SKM (non-political) forum, which has been leading the current farmers’ protests for close to a year now.

Chandigarh: Intensifying protests to press for a legal guarantee for minimum support price or MSP for crops, 111 farmers today (January 15) began a hunger strike for an indefinite period to support farmers’ leader Jagjit Singh Dallewal, whose hunger strike has entered the 51st day.

Their protest began at Punjab-Haryana border in Khanauri, not far from where Haryana state’s border begins.

Haryana’s security forces were on high alert as the protesting farmers came close to the border. However, no confrontation took place and farmers have sat at the protest site peacefully.

Talking to the media, farmers made it clear that they would not march ahead and planned to execute their hunger strike at the site indefinitely until the Union government pays heed to their demand.

They added that they were ready to sacrifice their lives for the cause of farmers’ welfare, like Dallewal, who has so far refused any medical aid despite his health worsening amidst the fast.

Farmers on an indefinite hunger strike on the Khanauri border. Photo: By arrangement.

The 111 farmers, who wore black today, have also announced that they will not to take any medical help during the course of their hunger strike.

The 111 farmers belong to Dallewal’s SKM (non-political) forum, which has been leading the current farmers’ protests for close to a year now. The Sarwan Pandher-led Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM) has also been in the forefront of these protests.

SKM (non-political) leader Lakhwinder Aulakh told The Wire that among protesters are farmers from 25 to 85 years of age. “Our leader Dallewal’s health continues to deteriorate, yet the centre is silent and not ready to engage in talks. Now more farmers have decided to put their lives at risk just like Dallewal,” he said.

Another forum leader Kaka Singh told reporters at the protest site that Haryana police officials told them that Section 163 of the BNSS (formerly 144 of the CrPC) had been imposed. “But we told them the farmers were not heading to Delhi and they would only be sitting on hunger strike,” Singh said.

“The administration is free to use force. They can lob tear-gas shells or lathicharge protesting farmers. But they will hold their protest peacefully in support of Dallewal,” he added.

Farmers on an indefinite hunger strike on the Khanauri border. Photo: By arrangement.

Early in the day, farmers cleaned the area and sat in ardas (prayer) before starting their protest. Aulakh said that all those participating today were also given a last minute opportunity to opt out before the start of the fast, but all chose to stay.

All eyes on January 18 joint forum meeting

Meanwhile, all eyes are on round two of the key meeting between various factions of the SKM on January 18 over the launch of a joint fight for farmers’ demands.

The first round of meetings on January 13 remained inconclusive but all forums were keen on forming a joint body to take on the Union government, on lines similar to the historic farmers’ protest in 2020-21.

SKM leaders, who successfully led the 2020 agitation against the now-repealed three farm laws, are not part of the current stir that has been going on at the Khanauri and Shambhu borders since February 13 last year.

Friction between various farm groups had led to a split in 2022. Dallewal formed his own front, the non-political SKM, and launched the current stir. But Dallewal’s protest had failed to move Punjab the way the 2020-2021 stir did.

Now, his deteriorating health and the Union government’s indifference has turned into a trigger for various forums to come together and plan a united fight.

Farmer Leaders to Forge Common Front After Farmer’s Death at Shambhu Border

Different factions of Samyukt Kisan Morcha decided to come together in Patiala on January 15 to end their differences and initiate a unified struggle against the Bharatiya Janata Party government at the Centre.

Chandigarh: The possibility of a united farmers’ front leading the ongoing protest on the issue of legalising Minimum Support Price (MSP) and other issues is on the verge of becoming a reality.

Different factions of Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM), which led the 2020-21 farmers’ protest on the borders of Delhi but later parted ways, decided to come together in Patiala on January 15 to end their differences and initiate a unified struggle against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government at the Centre.

The development comes a day after a 50-year-old farmer from Tarn Taran, Resham Singh, died by consuming an insecticide at the farmers’ camping site at Shambhu border near Haryana’s Ambala district.

Nearly 30 farmers have reportedly died due to various reasons in the current protest that has been spearheaded by a SKM faction group, SKM (Non-Political), and Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM), informed Guramnaeet Mangat, a protest leader.

Their protest will complete a year in February. But unlike the 2020-21 farmers’ protest that forced the BJP-led Centre to take back the contentious issue of three agriculture reform bills, the current protests failed to move beyond Punjab despite multiple attempts to pass through the Punjab-Haryana interstate borders.

One of the reasons is believed to be the lack of unity among farmer unions, which derailed their overall attempt to make the legal guarantee of MSP a national issue and subsequently take on the BJP government.

Unity on the cards now

Reviving their unity is on the cards now as a delegation of farmers led by SKM All India leaders, including Bharatiya Kisan Union (Ekta Ugrahan) chief Joginder Singh Ugrahan, Dr Darshan Pal and Balbir Singh Rajewal, reached the Khanauri border to meet SKM (Non-Political) convener Jagjit Singh Dallewal here on Friday, January 10.

Dallewal was also a known SKM face during the 2020-21 farmers’ protest. But once the protest got over, differences arose among its leaders which made him part ways, form his own front and start the ongoing protest for legalising MSP in February last year with the support of Sarwan Singh Pandher-led KMM.

However, despite his best efforts and even putting his life at stake as he entered the 46th day of his hunger strike today, the Centre refused to pay any heed and engage in talks with Dallewal and other faction leaders.

Also read: Amid Demand for MSP Guarantee, What Can Actually Protect Farmer Lives?

It has now turned into a flashpoint, with a call for collective action to counter the Central government’s alleged “anti-farmer” policies.

It began with SKM All India leaders passing the “Ekta Resolution” during their Mahapanchayat at Punjab’s Moga on Thursday, January 9, emphasising the need for unity among various unions to press for their long-standing demands. As a result of this resolution, the SKM delegation met Dallewal and decided to continue their talks on January 15 to revive their united front.

After meeting with Dallewal, SKM leader Balbir Rajewal told the media that the unions might have differences and different approaches but their target is the same, which is to take on the anti-farmer policies of the BJP-led Centre. On the other hand, SKM (Non-Political) leader Kaka Singh Kotra told the media that the government taunted the disunity of the farmer unions recently.

“Today, we have busted that myth being circulated by the government and proceeded towards forming a unified struggle that we had initiated during the Delhi protest. I hope the unions affiliated with SKM All India will join the Morcha at the Shambhu and Khanauri borders,” Kotra said.

What to expect in the meeting?

On January 15, the coordination committee of all stakeholders, including SKM All India, SKM (Non-Political) and KMM, will meet to form a common minimum programme and initiate a unified struggle against the BJP government at the Centre.

While legal guarantee to MSP is likely to be a central issue of their programme, other likely issues include rejection of an unfavourable draft national policy on agriculture marketing recently issued by the Union government.

Besides, debt relief for farmers and labourers may also feature in their joint programme. The farmer unions from Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and other states may also join the protest if a forum is created for farmers, as anticipated by several farmer leaders.

Amid Demand for MSP Guarantee, What Can Actually Protect Farmer Lives?

Farmers are entitled to receive remunerative prices like producers in any other sectors, and MSP is an indicative level of such price. However, legal guarantee of MSP is neither adequate nor practically a viable option to implement. 

India’s agricultural price support policy has once again become the centre of debate with the demand for legal guarantee to minimum support price (MSP) raised by the agitating farmers in Punjab.

Indian agriculture, similar to that in other economies, is incentivised to protect the incomes and livelihoods of farmers, especially the smallholders, against various risks involved during crop production, post-harvest management and marketing. Agricultural price support policy with MSP accompanied by procurement is one of such major support initiatives to ensure remunerative prices for farmers.

Although operational for nearly six decades, the price support policy in the existing form is effective only with procurement by the government agencies when open markets prices move below MSP. 

Out of 23 field crops, however, procurement operations by government agencies have been largely confined to rice, wheat, and to some extent, cotton. Meanwhile, sugarcane is entirely procured by processors (mills) at MSP. 

Also read: Parliamentary Standing Committee Recommends Implementation of Legally Binding MSP, Farm Loan Waiver

As a result, farmers producing other crops like pulses, oilseeds, nutri-cereals etc have been shifting to cultivation of crops that allow procurement, like rice and cotton. This has led to two serious consequences: first, the exhaustion and pollution of natural resources; second, a shortage of pulses and oilseeds essential for nutritional security.

Under such a scenario, there is an urgent need to correct these imbalances and rationalise agricultural support policies to ensure remunerative prices for all the crops produced and promote sustainable agricultural practices.

Challenges to an MSP law

At the outset, farmers are entitled to receive remunerative prices like the producers in any other sectors and MSP is an indicative level of such price. However, legal guarantee of MSP is neither adequate nor practically a viable option to implement. 

Even if granted, the legal guarantee may only give provision for punitive action when the transaction takes place at a price below MSP. Implementation of such punitive actions is complex. The fear of such punitive action may discourage buyers to trade in regulated markets when the prices fall below. 

Under such a situation, over 80% of farmers with small holdings and low holding capacity of their produce may be forced to sell their produce outside the regulated markets at even lower prices. 

Furthermore, the farmers, especially smallholders with limited resources, may not afford time and money to pursue punitive action against erring buyers. This may, in turn, lead to the development of parallel illegal/black markets.

It is also pertinent to note in this context that the average density of regulated wholesale markets in the country is over 450 square kilometres against the optimal density of approximately 80 sq km recommended by the National Commission on Farmers. As a result, many of the small and marginal farmers sell their produce at farm gate to avoid costs and time of transportation to reach distant regulated markets. Such transactions may not even be recorded officially.  

Moreover, a legal guarantee of MSP may only address price risk and not assure farmers’ incomes, as the remaining risks will persist. For instance, despite decades of procurement at MSP to an extent of over 60-80% of rice and wheat produced in Punjab and Haryana, farmers’ incomes from crop production per hectare have fallen from Rs.16,349 in 2013 to Rs.12,597 in 2019 and Rs.10,916 in 2013 to Rs.9,092 in 2019, respectively, according to the Situation Assessment of Agricultural Households and Land and Holdings of Households in Rural India (2013 and 2019) by NSSO.

What is the way forward?

The primary objective of agricultural price support policy is to ensure remunerative prices for farmers, while promoting competitiveness in production being an open economy. However, the six-decade-old policy has resulted in promoting production of select crops at high economic costs, while causing environmental pollution and exhaustion of natural resources. 

There is an urgent need for reorienting and rationalising agricultural support to ensure remunerative prices for all crops produced by enhancing the bargaining power of farmers. Towards this, it is imperative to devise short-term and long-term policy strategies. 

In the medium to long-term, direct marketing linkages with processors and other value chain participants can be enabled by promoting the development of requisite infrastructure, storage and logistics. 

In the short-term, farmers incomes and livelihoods need to be protected with a judicious mix of support policies including direct income support (PM-Kisan), price deficiency payment and limited procurement for buffer stocks and public distribution. 

Direct income support schemes that usually are provided at the beginning of the crop season for purchase of inputs could be enhanced while doing away with unsustainable subsidies for electricity, fertiliser etc. This can help in reducing excessive use of chemical fertilisers and exhaustion of groundwater resources thereby promoting sustainable production. 

Also read: ‘Will Fight Tooth and Nail’: Why Farmers in Punjab Are Against the Draft Agriculture Marketing Policy

In addition, it may also be used to promote the much needed crop diversification from rice and wheat to less resource intensive crops like pulses, oilseeds and other cereals. A study by ICAR-CRIDA shows that net returns from rice cultivation after considering economic costs, subsidies and cost of GHG emissions are much lower at Rs. 8,762 per hectare than the returns of Rs.13,536 per hectare from maize production.

Development of village agricultural markets closer to production points with adequate infrastructure for improving quality, standardisation and certification of produce along with requisite regulated storage facilities is vital and can ensure remunerative prices. 

Establishing such direct market linkages can benefit farmers in two ways. First, it will increase marketing margins (share in consumer rupee) for farmers through reduced market intermediaries and enhanced quality with grading & standardisation. Second, farmers will be able to receive information from value chain participants on changing demand and quality preferences and align their crop production practices in line with market fluctuations.

It is also essential to develop regulated warehousing facilities and promote warehouse receipt financing to enable the holding capacity of farmers. Total warehousing capacity under various agencies in the country is about 201 million tonnes, and the demand for agricultural storage is projected to be 436 million tonnes by 2024-25. 

The aggregate number of active, regulated warehouses stood at 5,364 with a storage capacity of about 41 million tonnes at the end of December 2024, as per the latest data published by the Warehousing Development and Regulatory Authority (WDRA). 

The finance against electronic Negotiable Warehouse Receipt (eNWR) has also not picked up and remained below 1 million tonne in every year since 2011-12. The aggregate quantity of produce that availed eNWRs from 2011-12 to 2023-24 was only about 6.8 million tonnes

Considering their potential role in enhancing produce holding capacity of the farmers – and thereby increasing their bargaining power for better prices – the regulated warehousing capacity needs to increase and financing of eNWRs needs to be promoted.

Creating a dialogue

More than anything, it is vital to build a continuous dialogue between government and farmers by strengthening and revitalising the agricultural extension system. 

The existing system has an extensive outreach network of district level Krishi Vignana Kendras (KVKs) with block level agricultural offices which has been playing an important role in transfer of knowledge and technology to farmers, facilitating its successful adoption on the field. 

However, the system can also play a crucial role in creating awareness among farmers about the adverse implications of unsustainable subsidies and support policies that are resulting in degradation of farmers’ land fertility, loss of groundwater etc.

 Such awareness will help farmers understand the need for rationalising agricultural subsidies and adopting sustainable production processes. It can also aid in creating a dialogue with policy makers by taking feedback from farmers to policy makers. 

The agricultural extension system needs to be strengthened to provide comprehensive information not only on crop production technology and practices but also to establish a policy dialogue with farmers. 

All of this can improve farmers’ incomes and promote sustainable agricultural production practices, while ensuring the country’s food and nutritional security.

Amarender Reddy is the joint director of School of Crop Health Policy Support Research (SCHPSR) and ICAR-National Institute of Biotic Stress Management (ICAR-NIBSM), Raipur.

Tulsi Lingareddy is a senior economist at Sustainable Finance and Agriculture, Mumbai.

Views expressed are personal.

Maharashtra: Over 400 Women Turn Up For AIKS’s First-Ever Women Farmers’ State Convention

A total of 515 delegates participated in the convention, including 443 women and 72 men, from 15 districts across Maharashtra.

New Delhi: The All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), Maharashtra, held its first-ever women farmers’ state convention, a progressive step for a male-dominated field where few women are still seen in decision-making roles.

The convention was held at the Comrade Godavari Parulekar Hall in Nashik last week. It was an all-women stage, with a five-member presidium. The event was inaugurated by All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) general secretary Mariam Dhawale.

Women farmers turned up in huge numbers. A total of 515 delegates participated, including 443 women and 72 men, from 15 districts. The largest number of women farmers was from the three districts – Thane-Palghar (155), Ahmednagar (109) and Nashik (93).

Also read: The Invisible Farmers

The convention also comes at a time when farmers up north, in Punjab, are protesting against the Union government over their unmet demands regarding the minimum support price, or MSP, on crops.

Seema Kulkarni of Mahila Kisan Adhikar Manch (Makaam) addressed the gathering, while AIKS state council member Kavita Ware placed the 17-point charter of demands. At least 21 women delegates of the AIKS – including women representing allied organisations like the AIDWA, Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), All India Agricultural Workers’ Union (AIAWU), Students’ Federation of India (SFI) and Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) – also made suggestions on the charter of demands.

Seema Kulkarni of Mahila Kisan Adhikar Manch (Makaam) addressing the convention.

Seema Kulkarni of Mahila Kisan Adhikar Manch (Makaam) addressing the convention. Photo: AIKS

Notably, CITU vice president Dr D L Karad, CPI(M)’s newly re-elected MLA from Dahanu Vinod Nikole, CITU working women leaders Shubha Shamim and Anandi Avaghade, AIDWA state president Naseema Shaikh, DYFI state secretary Datta Chavan and SFI state president Somnath Nirmal were also present at the convention.

The event concluded with a speech by AIKS president Dr Ashok Dhawale. It was also decided to publish a booklet on the convention to popularise the charter of demands across rural Maharashtra, hold more district-level conventions of women farmers, and take up struggles on the issues highlighted in the charter.

Women make up a significant portion of the agricultural workforce in India. However, they usually own small amounts of land and face societal oppression. Maharashtra is one of the main agricultural states in India and also has the highest number of women farmers.  

R.H. Richharia Is the Unsung Hero of Indian Agriculture

The scientist remains alive in the thousands of indigenous rice varieties still grown by the farmers of central India.

The name of Dr. Radheylal Harelal Richharia, a stalwart defender of India’s seed heritage, is unknown to many institutes and scientists of mainstream agriculture. And yet, he was one of the most eminent agricultural scientists of India. Despite having done path-breaking research on various crops, particularly rice, Richharia is not discussed in the curriculum of the agricultural universities. 

Richharia was born in 1909 at the Nandanvara village of the Hoshangabad district in Madhya Pradesh. His father, a headmaster of the local school and a postmaster, was an ardent gardener. From his childhood, young Radheylal used to work closely with his father, experiments with various vegetables in his small plot and discover forest plants in the the neighbouring tribal villages.

Having completed his school education, he went to Balaghat and Varanasi for higher studies. He did his M.Sc. in Botany from Nagpur and wanted to pursue a PhD in England. Primarily to overcome his financial constraints, he took the exam for a scholarship meant to aid students interested in the Indian Civil Services and managed to reach professor P.S. Hudson at Cambridge University. Hudson used to believe that real research work would be successful only if it is useful to farmers.

Returning home in 1931, he was employed as an oilseed expert in Nagpur. In 1942, he started working at Sabour Agricultural College and Research Institute in Bihar. Over 17 years, Richharia perfected extraction of soft linen from flaxseed stalks. At a point, even Mahatma Gandhi expressed his satisfaction with his linen fibre work and asked the Bihar Charka Sangh to continue it. India, meanwhile, continued to import linen fibre from foreign countries. 

In 1959, Richharia became the Director of the Central Rice Research Institute (CRRI), Cuttack, and held that position till 1966. He selected some varieties from the Taichung Native One (TN1), a traditional Japonica rice, that were resistant to disease and pest. Along with that, he also started research on traditional rice. From 1971 to 1978, he was the director of the Madhya Pradesh Rice Research Institute (MPRRI) and the advisor to the Madhya Pradesh government.

In 1942 he started working on the clonal propagation of Rice, meaning, the vegetative propagation of rice. In this process, one needs to transplant seedlings in a phased manner. The third transplanting is the final transplanting. The process saves seeds while increasing yields. Richharia had observed a phenomenal increase in yield – 17% to 61% when compared to normally transplanted seedlings. These seedlings were also more resilient to pests and diseases. This method used fewer seeds and helped in maintaining the purity of the variety. In some cases, the rice matured early. 

In 1962, Richharia’s research was published in the prestigious scientific journal Nature (Volume 194, May 12) and was further promoted by the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) in 1963.  

Richharia believed that an indigenous institution such as the CRRI could become the best rice research centre in the world but faced challenges in propagating this idea to the international community. The international community wanted the institute to work only on Japonica crosses. But Richharia found Japonica varieties susceptible to several diseases including Tungro virus, which was not known in India. He warned that if the japonica rice variety entered the country in large quantities without plant quarantine, such diseases would spread to Indica rice varieties. This is indeed what has happened in the decades since. 

Richharia was supposed to take over as director-general as per Indian Council of Agricultural Research norms, but that did not come to be. At around the same time, M.S. Swaminathan’s endorsement to the introduction of fertiliser-responsive dwarf varieties of wheat and rice in India, was a dent to his line of thinking. 

Richharia filed a case in the Odisha high court against his removal from the CRRI. Water and electricity lines of his official residence were disconnected and he was forced to leave for Bhopal in 1966. After winning the legal case he returned to CRRI, but is said to have found his official chamber locked, and learned that all his research papers had been taken away by the authorities. 

In 1971, he joined Madhya Pradesh Rice Research Institute (MPRRI) in Raipur as director and became the agricultural consultant  to the Madhya Pradesh government. In 1976, the World Bank provided Madhya Pradesh a loan of Rs 4 Lakhs and urged the merging of MPRRI with Jawaharlal Krishi Vidyalaya in Jabalpur. This ended Richharia’s attempt to popularise promising and high-yielding indigenous varieties. 

Between 1971 and 1976, Richharia collected 17,000 indigenous rice from different parts of what was then undivided Madhya Pradesh. About 967 varieties were sent to 17 districts for trials, with an average yield of 3.98 MT/hectare. The collection also had short duration paddy, 237 varieties of aromatic rice, coarse and fine varieties. Modern dwarf varieties were not suitable in 92% of the rice growing belt of Madhya Pradesh. It is to be noted that average yield of India rice during the last couple of years was not more than 3 ton per hectare (ha). 

Under this system, paddy seeds were sown at the onset of rains and the field was ploughed across when the seedlings were five weeks old. Indigenous varieties like Surti Gurmatia and Baikoni outperformed modern varieties like Ratna and Sona under this system. Yield performance of some of the varieties.

Richharia identified several noteworthy paddy varieties which would have a “ratooning” ability while he was at the Bihar Agricultural University at Sabur. Ratooning is an agricultural practice that involves cutting the above-ground parts of a plant after harvest to encourage new growth from the base. He collected 44 cluster rice varieties which could easily be hybridised with other rice. He also identified 22 varieties of purple-leafed rice containing cancer-preventing elements. During his travels in Bastar, he had noticed how Adivasi communities sowed mixed varieties and could identify male sterile lines for facilitating natural hybridisation.

In 1983, the then prime minister Indira Gandhi asked Richharia to develop a plan to increase rice production. Richharia continued his quest and worked at developing a rice encyclopaedia covering 2,000 traditional rice varieties of Madhya Pradesh till he died in 1996.

Science politics affected his career, many believe, yet, Richharia remains alive in the thousands of indigenous rice varieties still grown by the farmers of central India.

At present when farmers are being lured to go for chemical-intensive paddy cultivation with the hope of ever-increasing yields, neglecting not only all other crops like pulses, oilseeds, millets and so on, his work is all the more important. 

Anupam Paul is an independent researcher on traditional crops and former additional director of agriculture (P) ,West Bengal. Soumik Banerjee is an independent researcher on traditional foods and crop conservationist.

‘Will Fight Tooth and Nail’: Why Farmers in Punjab Are Against the Draft Agriculture Marketing Policy

Farmers and agriculture experts have said that if implemented, Punjab will lose its agricultural and financial autonomy to corporates.

Jalandhar: Amidst the ongoing 10-month long protest at Shambu border in which farmers are pushing for a Minimum Support Price (MSP), the Union government’s ‘National Policy Framework on Agriculture Marketing’ has raised concerns among farmers that a “back door entry” of three farm laws, which were repealed in 2021, is being created.

The draft policy which was released on November 25, 2024, talks about dismantling Agriculture Produce Marketing Committee (APMC) markets and promoting contract farming, which was one of the key points in the three farm laws that farmers had protested against.

Up in arms against the draft policy, the farmers said that while they were fighting for MSP, the Union government was all set to uproot the APMC market system in Punjab, which was the best in the country, take away the financial autonomy of the state and push the farming sector into privatisation.

Farmers have also questioned the timing of the draft policy, as the Modi government has given just two-weeks’ time to the states to respond.

The document has brought the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM), which led the farmers’ agitation in 2020-21 and the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM) leading the Shambhu and Khanauri sit-ins for MSP, on one platform. Both SKM and KKM held a joint meeting in Chandigarh and asked Punjab’s AAP government to call a special session of the Vidhan Sabha and pass a resolution against the draft policy.

Farmers protest near the Shambhu border on December 8. Photo by arrangement.

What is the draft agricultural marketing policy?

Released by the Department of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare under Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare, the draft agricultural marketing policy talks about 12 reforms, which include allowing private wholesale markets to be set up, and permitting the direct wholesale purchase by processors, exporters, organised retailers and bulk buyers. The policy document also declares warehouses, silos and cold storages as deemed markets, calls for an e-trading platform, a single point levy of market fee, a single unified licence, rationalisation of market fee and commission charges.

The major concern among farmers is contract farming, a subject which was a part of the three repealed farm laws, equipping APMC markets with specific infrastructure and services in Public Private Partnership (PPP) mode and the push for reforms in the state’s agricultural marketing laws and policies.

Emphasising on privatisation, chapter 7 of the draft reads:

“Private markets are required to create competition among them and with other channels of marketing including APMC markets. Establishing private markets improves farmers-market linkages. As a fulcrum, private markets would enhance the farmers net income. Though the majority of states have made enabling provision for setting up of private wholesale markets, yet private markets have come up in only a few states like Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Karnataka, and Uttar Pradesh.”

Modi government wants to dismantle APMC markets: SKM and KMM leaders

Talking to The Wire, senior SKM leader Balbir Singh Rajewal said there was absolutely no doubt that the new draft agricultural policy was a “back door entry” of the three repealed farm laws.

“The Modi government’s message is clear that they want to break the APMC mandis in Punjab and bring corporate monopoly in agriculture. PM Modi is adamant to take revenge on Punjab, as we had led the farmers protest in Delhi. Since agriculture is a state subject, we have asked Punjab agriculture minister Gurmeet Singh Khuddian to bring a resolution in the Punjab assembly and oppose the new draft policy.”

Rajewal claimed that the new draft agricultural policy would erode Punjab’s stake over its own resources and agrarian economy in the same way in which the Goods and Services Tax (GST) has “broken the backbone of federal states’ financial autonomy.”

“The new agriculture draft clearly talks about private players setting up silos, which is totally unacceptable when Punjab already has a successful model of APMC Mandis in place. If the Modi government wants to set up silos, then they should give this task to the Punjab Mandi Board under the Punjab government which procures food grains through state agencies like Markfed, Punsup, Pungrain and others,” Rajewal said.

Agitating farmers at the Shambhu border on December 8, 2024. Photo: Special arrangement.

The SKM leader emphasised, “We will oppose the new agricultural policy tooth and nail. Once again farmers unions will have to come together to fight a tough and a long battle with the central government.”

Rajewal said that rather Punjab’s AAP government should demand the opening of the Pakistan border for trade. “It is high time the Punjab government speaks for its rights before it’s too late. Under its Hindutva agenda, the Modi government’s message is clear that they want to sell the country’s agriculture to the corporates severely affecting farmers and the consumers. It will push the country in a spiral of chaos”, he added.

Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM) coordinator leading Delhi Chalo morcha at Shambu border, Sarvan Singh Pandher also said both KMM and SKM are united against the new draft policy.

“While we are fighting for MSP, the Union government has brought yet another pro-corporate policy clearly signalling that it has no interest in addressing farmers’ woes. The government is more concerned about promoting privatization and the big corporations in agriculture,” he said.

Farmer leader Shingara Singh Mann from BKU (Ekta Ugrahan) union also said, “Read the new draft policy, it has clearly mentioned that its agenda was to promote contract farming, privatisation of mandis and an end to APMC mandis,” he said.

Mann also questioned the silence of chief minister Bhagwant Mann’s AAP government and said that they should hurriedly act against it. “Earlier also the Modi government had tried to impose the three farm laws during the COVID-19 pandemic but we fought against them. Now again, farmers will have to fight for their rights and Punjab would not be alone in this agitation. Soon Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and other states would join too,” he added.

He also asked the Modi government that if dismantling APMC mandis was such a success, then why labourers from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar were working in Punjab. “The farm labourers from these states have been telling us to save the APMC mandis, else Punjab’s farmers would also be ruined,” he said.

Agriculture economist speaks

Questioning the urgency of the agricultural marketing draft, renowned economist Ranjit Singh Ghuman from Punjabi University, Patiala said that the Union government highlighted the timing – the government has given just two-weeks’ time to state governments to respond to the policy.

“What was the urgency? Farmers’ fears are right because it talks about contract farming, private mandis and one nation, one market. The draft policy was raising questions over the intentions of the Union government for all the valid reasons,” he said.

Ghuman said that while the farmers were protesting for MSP for the last 10 months, there was no mention of MSP in the new draft policy.

“Rather, if the new draft policy comes into effect, APMC mandis and MSP will get diluted over the period of time,” he added.

The economist also said that MSP was the floor price or bench mark of crops. “If the new draft policy is implemented, it will lead to the mushrooming of the cartel system of corporations. Punjab will lose financial and agricultural autonomy, leading to massive loss of revenue through 3% each going as mandi fees and Rural Development Fund (RDF), respectively. If Punjab ends up losing 6% of its revenue earning, it will ruin Punjab’s economy. This also means that farmers would be forced to sow crops demanded by corporates, hence pushing the nation into food scarcity and a possible international crisis,” he said.

The economist advocated the need for a big discourse between state, farmers, and the consumers on the policy. “The Union government should understand that policies of this magnitude cannot be decided and imposed within two weeks’ time. India survives on agriculture and a decision related to it cannot be taken in haste,” he added.

Agitating farmers near the Shambhu border between Punjab and Haryana on December 14. Photo by arrangement.

Punjab agriculture minister’s meeting

On a joint call given by SKM and KKM, farmer leaders from various unions held a meeting with agriculture minister Gurmeet Singh Khuddian and Punjab government officials on December 19 at Chandigarh.

Discussing the agriculture marketing draft, farmer union leaders said that if the Union government was claiming that there was a need to increase the number of mandis, then they should construct more APMC markets and not bulldoze private markets.

Khuddian assured the farmers that he will discuss the policy with government officials and other stakeholders. “If imposed, the new agriculture marketing policy will uproot the APMC mandi system in Punjab. We will support our farmers,” the minister said.

Terming the draft agricultural policy as anti-farmer, anti-federalism, and anti-people Rajinder Singh Deep Singhwala from Kirti Kisan Union (KKU), said that MSP, which was the key demand of farmers, was missing from this policy.

“Under the garb of one nation, one market, the Modi government’s agenda is to push privatisation in agriculture. The 12 reforms mentioned in the policy talks about private market, direct marketing, PPP mode and declaring silos as deemed yards, which was nothing but a way to bring the three farm laws back,” he added.

Dallewal’s Hunger Strike Enters Day 28, Farm Leader Critical, Lost 15 Kgs

Over the past two days, the leader has interacted with only a few people, as starvation has weakened his immunity, leaving him vulnerable to infection.

Chandigarh: Sixty-six year-old farm leader Jagjit Singh Dallewal’s health remains critical as he enters the 28th day of fast-unto-death in demand of a legal guarantee for Minimum Support Price (MSP) on crops.

A cancer patient, the veteran farm leader has lost 15 kgs since he launched his fast-unto-death on November 26, at the protest site in Khanauri, against the centre’s tepid response to farmers’ demand for an MSP law.

The leader fainted on Thursday (December 19), prompting a team of medical professionals from NGO 5 Rivers Heart Association – which had been regularly monitoring him – to warn Dallewal that he was at risk of cardiac arrest and multi-organ failure.

Avtar Singh, a member of the association, told The Wire that Dallewal’s condition has been serious due to the constant drop in his blood pressure and an electrolyte imbalance. “Given his condition, he must be admitted to the hospital. But he is refusing any kind of treatment. He is firm on his stand that either the government accepts the farmers’ demands or he will continue with his hunger protest till his last breath,” Singh said.

On the orders of the Supreme Court, Punjab government on Friday set up a medical board consisting of senior doctors from a government hospital in Patiala district for round-the-clock monitoring. A makeshift hospital has been created at the protest site to deal with any possible emergency.

While an official update on his health is awaited, his supporters said that his health condition continues to be worrisome.

As per the test reports his supporters shared with The Wire, his blood pressure dropped on December 23. The ketone levels in his body, were quite high as per the December 21 test report, making him vulnerable to sudden deterioration in health.

Over the past two days, the leader has interacted with only a few people, as starvation has weakened his immunity, leaving him vulnerable to infection. The increasingly cold weather is also presenting a challenge.

Farmer leader Jagjeet Dallewal during his hunger protest at the Khanauri border. Photo by special arrangement.

Farmer leader Jagjeet Dallewal during his hunger protest at the Khanauri border. Photo by special arrangement.

From three farm laws to MSP protest

Dallewal, who was among the key leaders behind historic farmers’ agitation against the three ‘Farm Bills’ in 2020-21, is also the catalyst for latest ‘Delhi chalo’ march by Punjab farmers – this time over a legal assurance for minimum support prices for crops.

This time, the protest is under the banner of SKM (non-political) that he formed following differences with the main SKM forum and Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM), a forum of various farm unions of small farmers and farm labourers in Punjab.

For the last 10 months, the protest has been stalled at the Punjab-Haryana borders at Khanauri and Shambhu. The Bharatiya Janata Party-led (BJP) Haryana government did not let them pass through their state to reach Delhi and revive another farm protest against the central government, also under BJP-rule.

The recent attempts to send farmers from Shambhu on foot were foiled by the Haryana police. Many farmers were injured in the process. While a farmers’ march in Delhi is currently on hold, ahead of a call for Punjab Bandh on December 30, Dallewal continues to sit on a fast-unto-death protest.

BJP government’s apathy

His supporters at the protest site told The Wire that except for water intake, he has not eaten anything for close to a month now, putting immense pressure on his aged body. “The amount of time he has spent continuing with his hunger protest is unprecedented in the history of farm protests in India,” commented his fellow mate Lakhwinder Singh Aulakh.

He added that despite Dallewal’s age and the fact that he is a cancer patient, he has been bearing pain upon himself for the sake of farmers’ welfare. But it is sad that BJP government at the centre has not intervened yet, he added

On Friday (December 20), Congress national president Mallikarjun Kharge targeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi with a statement on X over the deterioration in Dallewal’s health. He said it is a matter of great concern and it is the constitutional responsibility of the government to end the fast-unto-death and adopt the path of dialogue.

Kharge added, “When you [Modi] were forced to withdraw the three black laws, you had announced the formation of a committee to give legal status to MSP. The whole country wants to know what happened to that promise? Do not forget that farmers are the backbone of the country and betraying them is betraying the country.”

On the other hand, Punjab BJP chief Sunil Jakhar alleged during a press conference on Monday (December 23), that in the past 10 days, several political leaders met Dallewal but no one told him to end his hunger protest. The Kisan outfits, along with politicians, also appeared less concerned about his health.

He mentioned that he would also attempt to convince Dallewal to end his fast, but everyone must move in this direction as his life is at risk.

Responding to Jakhar, KMM convenor Sarwan Singh Pandher in a media statement said that if Jakhar was so concerned about Dallewal’s health, then BJP’s Punjab unit must immediately approach their party top leaders in Delhi to end the prevailing deadlock.

The country’s prime minister and home minister must be convinced to pay heed to the legitimate demands of farmers as they were focusing only on big corporations, Pandher said. If they find a solution to the farmer’s problems, Dallewal’s life will be saved, he added.

Middlemen and a Faraway Market: Tripura’s Livelihoods Challenges

Poor transport facilities, limited access to the market and lack of funding plagues agriculture-based livelihoods in Tripura.

Located in northeastern India, the state of Tripura is known for its natural beauty and cultural heritage. Its economy is predominantly agriculture-based, with 70 percent of the population directly or indirectly dependent on agriculture and allied activities. In the financial year 2022–23, agriculture contributed 44 percent to the state’s economy. However, most farmers have marginal and small landholdings, leading to limited income. Additionally, Tripura’s geographical isolation from the rest of India—barring narrow strips connecting it to Assam and Mizoram, the state shares most of its border with Bangladesh—and rugged terrain prevent farming from becoming a sustainable livelihood option. But how do these challenges translate on the ground to complicate the lives of the state’s residents?

In order to understand this, we spoke with nonprofits working on livelihoods in Tripura. Through these conversations, we learned how Tripura’s situation differs even from neighbouring northeastern states, the attempts these organisations have made to improve conditions, and the support they need to achieve their objectives.

The culture of farming in Tripura   

Rice is the staple food for most people in Tripura and is also the most common crop in the area. Prasanta Debbarma, integrator at SeSTA—an organisation that works on livelihoods in the northeastern states—says, “We work with communities such as Debbarma, Kolai, Reang, and Jamatia, and most of them practise monoculture.” This is mainly due to limited water sources for irrigation. Only farmers with access to water near their paddy fields can grow rice year-round. He adds, “The other issue is that many farmers are smallholders. The average landholding here is approximately 0.5 acre, so farmers can’t afford to diversify much. They usually have to choose between rice and vegetables. If they grow rice, there’s often not enough space or water for a vegetable crop.”

Also read: What Does ‘Carbon Farming’ Mean for Indian Agriculture?

According to Prasanta, the farmers work in the rice fields for only two months a year, leaving the fields fallow for the rest of the year. “We have seen that for bigger families, the rice stock runs out within seven to eight months, and then they have to buy it from the market.”

SeSTA is trying to encourage the farmers to take up a range of livelihood activities. Prasanta says, “We want them to adopt at least three activities at a time.” The organisation has been promoting livestock rearing work, such as pig and goat farming, and is connecting farmers with various government schemes. But all agricultural and agri-allied businesses stumble upon the same barriers: poor transportation and a limited market.

Climate change and other roadblocks

Tripura’s environmental challenges further complicate the lives of farmers. Frequent floods lead to crop damage as well as loss of livestock, making things particularly tough for marginal and landless farmers who depend on their animals.

There are other challenges too. In the past, Jampui Hills in North Tripura district was popular for its orange plantations, but growers have now shifted to areca nut. While the authorities attribute this shift to climate change, the locals speak of a disease that killed their trees. Laldawnpuii Sailo, founder of Zamzo, an organisation working in Jampui Hills, says, “Deforestation has worsened climate effects, disrupted agricultural productivity, and endangered the livelihoods of families who have depended on farming for generations.”

Now, the areca nut producers face a new problem: the construction of the National Highway, for which slopes are being artificially modified, has resulted in an increase in landslides. The primary market for areca nuts is in Assam, and the goods must travel from Jampui Hills through the sole available route, Kanchanpur Road, to reach the rest of Tripura and Assam. Laldawnpuii says, “During the monsoons, there’s been an increase in landslides, making travel through Kanchanpur Road difficult.” As the market is quite distant and difficult to access for producers, the transport and sale of the produce is primarily handled by middlemen.

The middleman is the king

SeSTA, which also works in neighbouring Assam, finds the market structure in Tripura to be quite distinct. Shanti Bikash Chakma, an executive with the organisation in West Tripura district’s Hezamara block, participated in a survey of remote markets in Assam, such as those in Bongaigaon district. Comparing the markets in Assam and Tripura, Shanti explains, “In Assam, vendors from major cities such as Guwahati would visit to collect the produce, thus providing local farmers direct access to buyers. On the other hand, in Tripura, vendors from larger markets rarely come to visit small village markets; the middlemen therefore have complete control over the price offered to the villagers.”

A man sharpens sticks in Tripura.

Nonprofits have tried to look for alternatives everywhere, including investing in the handicraft sector. Photo: Rodingliana

Prasanta adds, “The distances between most of the locations where we work are vast, and transportation facilities are very poor. Most of the farms are far from the road, so bringing the produce from the fields and transporting it to the market is a substantial task.” He cites the example of Raishyabari, a block in Tripura’s Dhalai district known for its bananas. “The cost of transportation from there to Agartala [the capital city] is very high, which forces the farmers to sell their produce to local vendors at lower than market prices.” In such cases, the vendors act as middlemen, and the farmers have little choice but to settle for the quoted price.

According to Laldawnpuii, the situation is no different in Jampui Hills. “The middlemen look at the size of the areca nut bags and quote a price. They don’t even weigh it. But people give in because there’s no other option.”

High cost and no takers for alternatives

Compared with Assam, it is not only transportation costs that are higher in Tripura but also the costs of labour and building materials. For example, a pigsty costs INR 8,000 in Assam, a piglet is INR 3,200, and the feed for six months costs approximately INR 2,100. In contrast, Bhajakti Debbarma, a pig farmer from Hezamara block, shares, “Constructing my two-room pigsty cost approximately INR 21,000, including labour and transportation expenses. I paid INR 15,000 for a six-month-old piglet, and the feed for three months cost INR 2,700.”

Nonprofits have tried to look for alternatives everywhere, including investing in the handicraft sector, but these efforts have seen little success. Bibhuti Debbarma, founder of Youth for Integration, a nonprofit active in various districts of Tripura, says, “We have conducted skill programmes with weavers and craftspeople. But bamboo products such as bottles and baskets tend to have demand only during festival seasons, limiting the artisans’ income opportunities throughout the year.” He adds, “Artisans who weave rignai (a traditional attire) also struggle to compete in the market. These weavers put a lot of time and effort into their craft, but their products are undercut by cheaper, mass-produced versions made on power looms outside the state. These products sell at much cheaper rates than local artisans’ products, making it difficult for them to compete.”

Another issue is that Tripura lacks a strong brand identity for any specific product, unlike Assam with bamboo or Nagaland with king chili, for instance. Prasanta elaborates, “If someone from another state asks us about a signature vegetable from our state, we’re clueless. Our farmers plant whatever generates income at a given time. You can ask anyone where king chili is from and they will say Nagaland, even though there are other states that grow it; it is the same for squash and Meghalaya.”

Tripura does have unique products, such as the queen pineapple, for which it holds a Geographical Indication (GI) tag. This tag signifies that the state is the place of origin for the fruit and vouches for its quality. However, the fruit isn’t grown across the state, and thus farmers in only certain parts benefit from its sale. Prasanta says, “Queen pineapple is cultivated only in certain areas of Tripura, especially the North Tripura district, and can be harvested for just a few months.” Additionally, the state is the second largest producer of rubber in India, but due to a lack of proper processing units, most of the produce is sent off to other states. This further reduces the locals’ profit potential.

Little money and a lot of hope

Youth for Integration finds that livelihood infrastructure is almost non-existent in the remote regions of Tripura. Bibhuti notes, “While there are government training centres offering essential skills in handicrafts and handloom products, these efforts often lack proper follow-up, leaving trainees without the guidance they need to sustain their ventures.”

Limited support and poor market access contribute to reluctance among Tripura’s educated youth to invest in local entrepreneurship. “The states’ educated youth aspire to become entrepreneurs, but systemic issues dissuade them. As a result, they either struggle for the few available formal jobs or migrate to other states for better prospects,” says Bibhuti.

Even if the nonprofits want to change this, there’s very little funding coming their way. CSR initiatives hardly reach the state. “Apart from the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation [ONGC], very few companies extend CSR funding to Tripura. Most of it stops at Guwahati in Assam,” says Bibhuti. Owing to better connectivity, Guwahati has emerged an economic hub in the Northeast. There’s also a dearth of sustained funding from the state government. Bibhuti adds, “Once in a while, they fund nonprofits to organise awareness events. But we don’t receive money for larger, continuous projects.”

The nonprofits we spoke with believe that the state has the natural resources, talent, and cultural richness needed to create a unique space in both regional and national markets. But a change in fortune will require a more integrated and sustained approach. Improved funding channels, consistent follow-ups on training programmes, and partnerships with private companies could provide the kind of support local businesses need to thrive. Additionally, promoting grassroots initiatives in meaningful ways and establishing a reliable market for local products—beyond seasonal or festival sales—could increase incomes for artisans and small-scale farmers alike.

This article was originally published on India Development Review.

Parliamentary Standing Committee Recommends Implementation of Legally Binding MSP, Farm Loan Waiver

The Committees recommendations come at a time when farmer unions have been staging protests at the Shambhu and Khanauri borders.

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Food Processing has recommended the implementation of a legally binding minimum support price (MSP) in the country, a longstanding demand of farmer unions.

The Committee’s recommendations come at a time when farmer unions have been staging protests at the Shambhu and Khanauri borders, demanding a law guaranteeing MSP.

Former Punjab Chief Minister and incumbent MP from Jalandhar, Charanjit Singh Channi, who is the chairperson of the Committee, presented the first report of the Eighteenth Lok Sabha on demands for grants (2024-25) of the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare on Tuesday (December 17).

The recommendation for a legally binding MSP is also part of the report, said a press release from the Lok Sabha Secretariat.

“The Committee observed that implementation of MSP remains a focal point in the dialogue surrounding agricultural reform and farmers welfare in India. Since the Committee believe that implementing a robust and legally binding MSP in the country could play a crucial role in reducing farmer suicides in India by providing financial stability, protecting against market volatility & alleviating debt burdens, they recommended implementation of the same,” said the release.

In view of the rising farmers’ debt and suicides linked to farm distress, the Committee has also recommended the Centre to introduce a scheme to waive off debt of farmers and farm labourers.

Data provided by the committee also showed that even though the Department of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare got higher allocations in absolute amount from 2021-22 to 2024-25, the percentage(%) share of the Department w.r.t the total Central plan outlay, witnessed decline from 3.53% in 2020-21 to 2.54% in 2024-25.

The Committee urged the Govt. to enhance allocation to agriculture especially to improve productivity. It also recommended that the support given under PM-KISAN scheme may be increased to Rs.12,000 per annum from Rs.6,000 at present.

The Committee also recommended that a National Commission for Minimum Living Wages for Farm Labourers may be established at the earliest to provide long due rights to farm
labourers.

Last week, farmers’ unions demanding a law for MSP had called off their march to Delhi after the Haryana police once again deployed water cannons and tear gas on agitating farmers from Punjab at the Shambhu border crossing into Haryana.