Muslim Holds Ancient Key to Jesus Tomb Site in Jerusalem

Centuries ago, Jerusalem’s Muslim families were entrusted with the duty of opening and closing the church doors, a task they perform to this day.

Centuries ago, Jerusalem’s Muslim families were entrusted with the duty of opening and closing the church doors, a task they perform to this day.

Adeeb Joudeh, a Muslim, displays the ancient keys to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, during an interview with Reuters at his home near Jerusalem’s Old City, November 8, 2017. Credit: Reuters/Ronen Zvulun

Jerusalem: As dark falls, Adeeb Joudeh, a Muslim, makes his way through the stone alleyways of Jerusalem‘s walled Old City cradling the ancient key to one of Christianity’s holiest sites.

Centuries ago, the imposing iron key to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, built where many Christians believe Jesus was crucified and buried, was entrusted to his family, one of Jerusalem‘s most prominent clans, says Joudeh.

He dates the arrangement back to the time of Saladin, the Muslim conqueror who seized the holy city from the Crusaders in 1187.

“Honestly, it’s a great honour for a Muslim to hold the key to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, which is the most important church in Christendom,” Joudeh, 53, said.

Another of the city’s oldest Muslim families, the Nusseibehs, were entrusted with the duty of opening and closing the church doors, a task they perform to this day. It requires firm fingers: The key is 30 cm (12 inches) long and weighs 250 grams (0.5 pounds).

Historians differ on the roots of the arrangement. Some researchers say Saladin most likely bestowed the guardianship upon the two families in order to assert Muslim dominance over Christianity in the city. It also had financial implications, with a tax from visitors collected at the door.

Adeeb Joudeh, a Muslim, looks at documentation known as “Fermans”, royal decrees by rulers of the Ottoman empire, bestowing the key custodianship of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre upon his family, during an interview with Reuters at his home near Jerusalem’s Old City, November 8, 2017. Credit: Reuters/Ronen Zvulun

Documentation, however, only goes back to the 16th century, Joudeh said, displaying dozens of “Fermans”, or royal decrees by rulers of the Ottoman empire, bestowing the key custodianship upon his family.

Jerusalem‘s Old City today houses sites that are sacred to all three major monotheisms. It and other east Jerusalem areas were captured by Israel from Jordan in the 1967 Middle East war.

Israel has since declared the entire city its undivided capital. This status is not recognised internationally and is rejected by the Palestinians who want East Jerusalem as capital of a state they hope to found.

Worshippers stand nearby as a priest peers out from the Edicule, the burial place housing the purported tomb of Jesus, at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem’s Old City, November 3, 2017. Credit: Reuters/Ronen Zvulun

Joudeh says his key is about 800 years old. Another copy he holds broke after centuries of use.

“I started learning this when I was eight years old. It’s handed down from father to son,” said Joudeh. “I have been doing this for 30 years and I feel that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre is my second home.”

The Greek Orthodox, Armenian and Roman Catholic denominations share custody of the church, where tensions often run high over control of its various sectors.

Christianity scholar Yisca Harani said having Muslim families in charge of the key and the doors helps somewhat in keeping the peace between the denominations.

“The church is definitely a model of co-existence,” Harani said.

(Reuters)

Russian Space Agency Launches Investigation Into Failed Launch

Though the November 28 launch was initially reported as successful, Russia lost connection with its new weather satellite Meteor-M – the primary payload on board the rocket – within hours of its launch.

Though the November 28 launch was initially reported as successful, Russia lost connection with its new weather satellite Meteor-M – the primary payload on board the rocket – within hours of its launch.

A Soyuz-2.1b rocket lifts off from the Vostochny Cosmodrome on November 28. Credit: Roscomos

A Soyuz-2.1b rocket lifts off from the Vostochny Cosmodrome on November 28. Credit: Roscomos

Nineteen satellites that Russia launched on a Soyuz-2.1b rocket November 28 are now being considered by many as lost. One of the companies involved in the mission has expressly said that the launch was a failure, Space.com reported, and Russia’s space agency Roscosmos is said to have announced an expedited probe into the causes of the failure.

Though the launch was initially reported as successful, Russia lost connection with its new weather satellite Meteor-M – the primary payload on board the rocket – within hours of its launch. “Contact has not been established because it is not on its planned orbit,” BBC quoted Roscomos as saying then.

Since then, neither Roscomos nor Glavkosmos (the company that arranged for the launch of the 18 other satellites on board) have said anything else. According to Space News, “A report by the Russian news service Interfax, citing a Russian industry source, claimed that the Fregat upper stage was in the wrong orientation during its initial burn, sending the stage and its satellite payload into the Atlantic Ocean. That report has not been confirmed by Roscosmos.”

However, further information did come from the Canadian satellite operator Telesat, which had a prototype satellite on the rocket. Telesat released a brief official statement on Tuesday terming the launch a failure. “Telesat learned this morning that the Soyuz 2 launch vehicle that was to place 19 spacecraft into orbit, including Telesat’s first Phase 1 LEO satellite, has failed,” Space News quoted the statement as saying. ““Notwithstanding this failure, Telesat’s plans to develop a state-of-the-art, high capacity LEO constellation that will deliver transformative, low latency, fiber-like broadband to commercial and government users worldwide, remain on track.”

None of the other customers of the launch have officially called it a failure. Nick Allain, spokesman for Spire, a company which had ten of its ship-tracking and weather data cubesats on the Soyuz, told Space News they would not comment until the Russians “have completed their own investigation”.

The November 28 launch was the second ever from Russia’s Vostochny Cosmodrome. The first launch from here, in April 2016, had also been of a Soyuz rocket.

Is Disgust a Universal Emotion?

Some wild chimpanzees wipe off their penes after sex. One dung-beetle species avoids carnivore caca. Some animals use vomit, faeces or gas as defensive strategies against predators and rivals.

Some wild chimpanzees wipe off their penes after sex. One dung-beetle species avoids carnivore caca. Some animals use vomit, faeces or gas as defensive strategies against predators and rivals.

A pink coloured papier-mâché replica of faeces. Credit: Cecile Sarabian

A pink coloured papier-mâché replica of faeces. Credit: Cecile Sarabian

Animals do the most amazing things. Read about them in this series by Janaki Lenin.

Would you eat a piece of chocolate that smelt of faeces or was contaminated by it? Or, let’s say, you thrust your hand into a box without looking first. But your prankster friend had put something in there that feels like excreta. Would you continue to rummage around? What explains our aversion to poop that some synonyms are even considered vulgar?

We are also disgusted by other bodily fluids – blood, vomit, semen, snot. We recognise them by texture, smell and sight, and revile anything that resembles them. One theory suggests disgust is evolution’s way of maintaining hygiene and good health.

Animals and humans living in close quarters are at higher risk of disease. Contact with one another transmits many contagious diseases, from common cold to hepatitis. Microbes merrily circulate, reproducing and causing havoc.

Our defence involves three actions: avoid contact with anything that could make us sick, boost immunity to fight it off if we do get infected, and tolerate it without suffering. Avoiding contact is by far the most effective preventative measure. Since body excretions contain eggs and parasites, the feeling of disgust keeps us from touching them.

Humans aren’t the only animals to avoid droppings. Ungulates visit specific spots to evacuate their bowels and these areas can be crawling with nematodes. So the animals avoid such latrines and forage in unsullied pastures.

Even insects that handle dung are careful. One species of dung beetle in South Africa (Scarabaeus lamarcki) avoids carnivore ordure that host disease-causing bacteria. It instead targets herbivore dung. These creatures use their sense of smell to stay away from excrement.

Not much is known about primates other than humans. Male chimpanzees in Uganda and Tanzania fastidiously clean their penes with leaves or their hands after sex. Researchers aren’t sure if this personal hygiene behaviour protects the primates from sexually transmitted diseases. But others of the species in Ivory Coast, Guinea and other parts of Tanzania aren’t as squeamish.

But good health isn’t the only reason for this aversion. “For example, some animals use vomit, faeces or gas as defensive strategies against predators and rivals,” says Cécile Sarabian. “Although we can’t know what animals are feeling, their behaviour resembles ours and we know how we are feeling at those moments.”

Testing if chimpanzees avoid excreta on sight… Credit: Cecile Sarabian

Testing if chimpanzees avoid excreta on sight… Credit: Cecile Sarabian

 

Sarabian, a doctoral student at Kyoto University, Japan, had studied Japanese primates on Koshima, a small island in the far south where they are fed wheat. Her advisor, Andrew MacIntosh, studies how diseases travel through wild animals. “I noticed that when grains of wheat hit the top of faeces, they just remained there,” Sarabian told The Wire.

She came to the conclusion that by cleaning acorns, washing sweet potatoes and avoiding food resting on faeces, the primates suffered from fewer parasites. She and MacIntosh wondered whether chimpanzees and bonobos also behave similarly. “We knew that great apes do not have the same dexterity as macaques when it comes to food processing.” Did they shun contaminated food? And if so, how did they detect it? Do they use sight, smell, or feel? To answer these questions, Sarabian headed to Gabon.

She bought replicas of poop online from Barcelona, Spain, which has a scatological fixation. “When I arrived in Gabon, I had two bags – including one full of fake poops,” recalls Sarabian. “At the customs, they were stopping everyone to check the bags and I was like ‘oh nooo, what am I gonna say?’ I thought I may have to bribe someone for getting fake poops in the country, but by the time my turn came, they were checking one bag [per passenger] and luckily they chose the other bag.” Sarabian blogs about her fieldwork here.

She put a group of 20 chimpanzees at a captive facility in southern Gabon through their paces. To test if the primates avoided excreta on sight, they set pieces of bananas on top of three objects: replicas of faeces made of papier-mâché in brown and pink colours and a rectangular piece of foam. If the chimpanzees recognise and stay away from excreta, they take the banana from the foam, maybe the piece from the pink poop, but turn away in revulsion from the brown faeces.

On the contrary, they didn’t care, eating the fruit placed on foam or stuck to caca. They did seem to prefer bananas on foam first and then pink poop. Once they gobbled those up, they reached for the one on brown replica.

Did they see through the experiment, realising those were poop replicas and not the real thing? Or were they being slobs? Even Japanese macaques were more careful when given the same option. Chimps can see pink so colour blindness is no excuse. Maybe they knew faeces of that colour cannot exist even though the shape was suspiciously similar. Still, it doesn’t explain why they went for the fruit on the brown faeces.

They ate banana every day; perhaps they loved it so much that nothing could come between them and their treat. Perhaps if it had been a less desirable food item, they would have been fussier. Japanese macaques didn’t touch contaminated wheat, but when they saw peanuts stuck to poop, temptation won over aversion.

Another consideration for the chimpanzees’ weak wills may be the timing of the experiment – set before they had their breakfast. Hunger could have trumped discretion. Humans are no different. If they were famished, they weren’t put off by mouldy corn.

Disgust could also be a cultural trait. Just as some wild chimpanzees wipe off their penes after sex but others don’t, perhaps the ones at the captive facility had lower thresholds of disgust.

In the next phase of the experiment, Sarabian tested if the primates’ sense of smell would help them stay clear of contaminated food. Out of their sight, she rubbed a piece of bamboo with faeces (not the fake thing but the real one), blood, semen or water and fixed it to next to a box. She then attracted the primates to the box with a piece of banana that she held behind the bamboo piece. A few seconds after they arrived, she dropped the fruit into the box under their watchful eyes. They had to smell the bamboo before eating.

This was by far the worst part of the experiment, says Sarabian. She had to bear the smell of these biological fluids despite wearing a mask.

But even without a mask, the chimps apparently weren’t put off by the smell. Blood, semen and water didn’t deter them. But the stink of faeces put them off… only a little bit. If even the stench didn’t repel them, maybe the feel of caca would be revolting.

Sarabian kneaded dough to the same consistency of poop and hid it inside a box. In another, she hid a piece of rope. In front of her chimpanzee audience, she placed a piece of banana into each one and observed their reactions.

One captive chimpanzee was a trying experimental subject. “Brigitte was known to fling faeces at people and I was not an exception,” rues Sarabian. “She was not always easy to test and my white lab coat was often not white anymore after performing experiments in her enclosure.”

She had 42 chimpanzees do this trial. Unlike the previous two tests, “we had only one trial per individual per condition – dough or rope,” explains Sarabian, “because we were interested in their first reaction to these substrates and did not want them to get habituated or acquire visual cues of the substrate by pulling it out of the box.” She made up for the fewer trials but adding more subjects.

Humans had already done this test. When asked to rate different materials based on moisture, consistency and temperature, they said wet, smooth substances that felt like dough or caca were disgusting. Would the chimpanzees have similar reactions?

The chimpanzees didn’t like the wet, soft consistency of dough. This time, they refused to eat the piece of fruit they thought had been set on top of faeces.

It’s possible the chimpanzees recoiled because they hadn’t had much experience with dough-like substances or the newness of the experience put them off.

A chimpanzee feels inside a box containing a banana that may rest on dough or rope. Credit: Cecile Sarabian

A chimpanzee feels inside a box containing a banana that may rest on dough or rope. Credit: Cecile Sarabian

“The key points of this study are that chimpanzees delay eating food items placed atop replica faeces compared to the more benign brown foam,” says Sarabian. “They generally stay farther away from the smell of potential biological contaminants (conspecific faeces, blood and semen), and recoil from food items associated with soft and moist substrates.”

Sarabian concludes that disgust doesn’t totally force the animals to shun tainted food. “Avoiding potentially infectious materials makes sense in an evolutionary framework,” says Sarabian, “but these results additionally open the door to the possibility that our own experiences of disgust may be more widespread in the animal kingdom than once thought.”

Is aversion to poop an innate trait? Human parents have to be watchful of what toddlers shove into their mouths. When the children are old enough to understand, the grownups teach them not to eat anything that has fallen on the ground or has been defiled in any way. Some children have a propensity to play with poop. If there’s an evolutionary mechanism at work, it directs youngsters to stuff their mouths with anything. That is how children build their immune systems.

Besides, newborns inoculate their guts with the microbes needed for digestion by eating faeces, in tiny amounts and not big globs of it. If feeling disgust is an evolutionary mechanism to encourage hygiene and avert disease, it seems to have failed.

Despite toddlers’ attraction to filth, one study found three-day-old infants showed their disgust of butyric acid, a volatile compound found in vomit, by curling their upper lips or wrinkling their noses.

“Few things in nature are truly 100% learned or 100% innate.” says Sarabian. “The ontogeny [origin and development] of this behaviour is a question worth investigating further.”

This study also opens up the field to a lot more questions. For one thing, does aversion to bodily fluids vary by individual? Does personality affect an individual’s parasite load? Or does avoidance of contaminated food items relate to “physiological responses, such as a drop of blood pressure, or the activation of certain face muscles, for example, both associated with the expression of disgust in humans”?

The study was published in the journal Royal Society Open Science on November 8, 2017.

Janaki Lenin is the author of My Husband and Other Animals. She lives in a forest with snake-man Rom Whitaker and tweets at @janakilenin.

GDP Growth Recovers to 6.3% in September Quarter

The GDP growth had hit a three-year low of 5.7% in the first quarter of 2017-18.

The GDP growth had hit a three-year low of 5.7% in the first quarter of 2017-18.

Credit: Reuters

New Delhi: India’s GDP growth recovered to 6.3% in the July-September 2017 quarter on the back of revival in manufacturing activity after falling to 5.7% in the in April-June quarter, official data showed on Thursday.

However, the figure is lower than the 7.5% growth reported in the same period last year.

The July-September growth was also lower compared to China’s GDP of 6.8% in the same quarter.

While addressing a press conference to announce the quarterly GDP, India’s chief statistician T.C.A. Anant said manufacturing activity picked up in the second quarter as uncertainty cleared post roll-out of Goods and Services Tax (GST).

“Major sector which has seen a sharp decline is industry. Corporate entities were pulling down their stocks in Q1 (April-June), which seems to be in anticipation of GST price labelling effect,” Anant said.

The manufacturing sector grew at a decent 7% in the quarter under review, picking up from 1.2% in the preceding quarter. Awaiting implementation of the GST in the first quarter, companies had reduced production.

The mining sector too posted robust growth of 5.5% in the second quarter after reporting negative growth of 0.7% during April-June. Electricity and utility services sector maintained its strong performance, growing by 7.6% in the July-September quarter, up from 7% in the preceding quarter.

The construction sector continued to remain in the doldrums, with the industry reporting 2.6% growth during the second quarter, slightly up from 2% in April-June period.

The agriculture growth slowed to 1.7% from  2.3% in the first quarter. Financial and hotel sectors also showed slowing growth momentum.

Industry % change in GVA over previous year (Q1) % change in GVA over previous year (Q2)
Agriculture, forestry and fishing 2.3 1.7
Mining and quarrying (-0.7) 5.5
Manufacturing 1.2 7
Electricity, utility services, etc 7 7.6
Construction 2 2.6
Trade, hotel, transport, etc 11.1 9.9
Financial, insurance, real estate 6.4 5.7
Public administration and defence 9.6 6
Gross Value Added 5.6 6.1

Source: Central Statistical Office

Private investment remains slow as the industry battles with overcapacity due to weak demand. The government is banking on public expenditure and foreign direct investment to boost the growth. However, that may not be enough to propel the economy to 8% plus growth trajectory, said economists.

There is little sign of the economy accelerating in the third quarter, with exports showing negative growth in October, for the first time in 15 months.

The micro, small and medium enterprises (MSME) sector, which forms the backbone of the country’s manufacturing sector, has been hit hard by the government’s economic adventures of demonetisation and GST.

The big corporates are overleveraged and many of them are facing bankruptcy proceedings after defaulting on loan repayments. They are reluctant to make fresh investment.

Why ‘Clicktavism’ Is a Potent Instrument Against Sexual Violence

The convergence of real-life and online activism can help victims of sexual and gender-based violence find creative approaches to telling their stories, including through writing, poetry, dance and music.

The convergence of real-life and online activism can help victims of sexual and gender-based violence find creative approaches to telling their stories, including through writing, poetry, dance and music.

Women must be able to tell their stories beyond a few clicks on a computer or a smart phone. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Women must be able to tell their stories beyond a few clicks on a computer or a smart phone. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

New York: It’s the fifth day of the 16 days campaign on violence against women but I feel like the campaign started months ago because of the powerful #MeToo campaign. While I applaud this campaign, I have some thoughts that I believe could make this a truly global watershed moment in the fight against sexual and gender-based violence.

Expand the “clicktivism”– the use of social media and the Internet to advance social causes – to real life activism. The issue of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) needs to be addressed in multiple ways beyond hashtags. Women must be able to tell their stories beyond a few clicks on a computer or a smartphone.

There is nothing more cathartic for victims/survivors than to be able to share their stories in a safe environment with caring people who are ready to support them. This can help in breaking their feelings of isolation, guilt and shame and convey the message that they are not being judged and that help is available.

Creative approaches to storytelling by victims of SGBV including through writing, use of theatre techniques, poetry, dance and music must be supported and enhanced. This is where the convergence of real-life activism and online activism would again prove helpful.

Online platforms allow for sharing of these creative approaches in working with victims/survivors of SGBV. They can inspire support groups to explore, replicate and modify such approaches that in turn can result in more diverse and more effective interventions.

Expanding and strengthening networks of SGBV support groups is another area where online activism can augment real life activism. Social media are an effective platform to reach out to the “unusual suspects” –i.e., those who describe themselves as not the “activist type.” This can result in very concrete actions including technical support as well as funding for SGBV prevention programs.

Protection of victims/survivors is paramount. Silence protects the perpetrator and imprisons the victim. As a feminist activist, I strongly believe this. However, I’m also aware that it is easy to utter these words especially when you are not the victim. Whether one is working online or in person or both, the protection of victims/survivors is critical.

The success and failure of any intervention depends on how adequately victims/survivors are protected—especially those who speak out about the abuses committed against them. In many cases, the victims/survivors risk their lives when they speak out to provide details about the crime and when they identify the perpetrator.

Thus, all institutions and individuals in the intervention chain: the doctor who examines the victim and issues the medical certificate, the police officer who conducts the investigation, the journalist who reports about the crime, the judge who prosecutes the case, the psychologist who provides counseling services, the social worker who lends overall support to the victim/survivor must be highly qualified professionals. They all must play as part of a team whose singular mission is to establish the truth and seek justice for the victim.

Accountability in all places. There are numerous international instruments that have been adopted by the United Nations to combat SGBV. They include General Recommendation 12 adopted in 1989 by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In 1990, General Recommendation 14 addressed female circumcision and other traditional practices harmful to the health of women.

In 1992, the Committee adopted General Recommendation 19, which defines gender-based violence to be violence that is directed against a woman because she is a woman or that affects women disproportionately. The 1993 UN General Assembly Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women outlines steps that governments and the UN, should take to address gender-based violence, and makes clear that governments should not invoke any custom, tradition, or religious consideration to avoid their obligations with respect to its elimination, and should exercise due diligence to prevent, investigate and, in accordance with national legislation, punish acts of violence against women, whether those acts are perpetrated by the State or by private persons.

There is also the groundbreaking UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the supporting resolutions on Women and Peace and Security that aim to prevent the use of rape and other forms of sexual violence as a weapon of war. These international laws and policies are reinforced by regional and national legal mechanisms in various countries.

It is clear is that there is no shortage of laws and policies to combat sexual and gender-based violence. What is lacking is implementation. A strong civil society is crucial in holding the UN and governments accountable and call for effective implementation at all times.

However, I would like to emphasize that accountability should be demanded from everyone, from all places. While we hold public authorities accountable, we also need to hold families and communities accountable. Many SGBV crimes are committed in the private sphere.

Furthermore, it is also families and communities that demand victims/survivors to suffer in silence as they will bring dishonour if they speak out. When news about the crime goes out – particularly in cases of rape, the women are married off to their rapists or driven away if they refuse.

A lot more needs to be done in order to have a world free from violence for all women and girls. I have no doubt that linking clicktivism with real-life activism, and broadening the outreach of real-life activism by complementing it with digital activism could help create that world.

(IPS)

Mumbai’s Mahul Is a Classic Case of Rehabilitation Gone Horribly Wrong

After their houses were razed to the ground, families living along the Tansa water pipeline were moved to a heavily industralised area with poor transport connectivity. This has cost them both their health and livelihood.

After their houses were razed to the ground, families living along the Tansa water pipeline were moved to a heavily-industrialised area with poor transport connectivity. This has cost them both their health and livelihood.

The MMRDA building complex with a storage unit of Sealord Enterprises near it. Credit: Sayan Bhattacharjee

The MMRDA building complex with a storage unit of Sealord Enterprises near it. Credit: Sayan Bhattacharjee

Mumbai: On May 13, nearly 1,000 houses near the Tansa water pipeline in Ghatkopar and Vidyavihar in Mumbai were razed to the ground by the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC). The demolition was carried out in accordance with a Bombay high court 2009 order to remove settlements within ten metres of either side of the pipeline. However, the residents of the demolished shanties are not homeless today. The state can claim that they have been ‘rehabilitated’, as they have been moved to Mumbai Metropolitan Regional Development Authority (MMRDA) buildings in Mahul, where they have been living since June 12. But even the flimsiest definition of rehabilitation cannot be optimistically applied to the changes that these individuals and families have experienced in the last six months.

Living in a gas chamber

Mahul is a heavily-industrialised area with Hindustan Petroleum and Bharat Petroleum refineries operating there, along with other industries like Sea Lord Containers, Aegis Logistics Ltd, Tata Power and Rashtriya Chemical and Fertilizers. The air in Mahul is thick and pungent with emissions from these industries. Ever since their arrival, the erstwhile residents of Ghatkopar and Vidyavihar have been plagued by illnesses. They are rapidly losing hair. The corrosive environment is acting on their skin, the effects of which can be seen in the form of pimple-like growths or dark patches. They complain of stinging in their eyes and burning in their throats.

Dark patches on the skin of a resident's hands. Credit: Sayan Bhattacharjee

Dark patches on the skin of a resident’s hands. Credit: Sayan Bhattacharjee

Anita Dhole, who used to live in Rajawadi and is now residing in the MMRDA building complex, has been collecting and neatly arranging in files the medical reports of those who have fallen ill since the move. Leafing through the reports shows the frequency with which residents have been affected by respiratory problems, skin rashes, heart problems and increase in blood pressure. Dhole herself has suffered a respiratory tract infection and skin rashes, while her mother’s blood pressure has risen severely.

Adding to the deteriorating health of the residents is the poor quality of water supplied in the buildings. At times, the water even has a layer of oil on it. Several residents have suffered stomach infections from consuming the contaminated water. Illness hangs heavy in the air they breathe and the water they drink, and a statement repeated by numerous frustrated residents was: “Woh hume yahaan rehne ke liye nahi bheje hai, yahaan marne ke liye bheje hai (They have not sent us here to live but to die).”

The files of medical reports maintained by Anita Dhole. Credit: Prthvir Solanki

The files of medical reports maintained by Anita Dhole. Credit: Prthvir Solanki

Stranded and unemployed

This area has no municipal hospital and the residents travel to Rajawadi Hospital in Ghatkopar, which is 11 km away. This brings to the fore another major issue of the area – lack of connectivity through the city’s train network. The nearest convenient stations are Chembur and Kurla – which are eight and 12 km away, respectively. A one-way trip to the Rajawadi Hospital is a Rs 140 rickshaw journey. This lack of connectivity has proven to be crippling in an area which has little to offer in the way of employment and education to the relocated people.

Rehabilitating’ the residents 12 km away from their original settlement to a place with poor transport connectivity has made them lose access to their earlier jobs. Dhole says of the women residents, “Most of them used to perform domestic labour like cleaning and cooking in the nearby middle and upper-middle class homes of Ghatkopar. Now most of them are unemployed because there aren’t such residential areas in the vicinity. They can’t even try to venture further in search of similar work due to high transport costs.”

Most of the residents are currently out of work.

Anita Dhole in her allotted room in the MMRDA complex which she has refused to accept as a home and settle into. Credit: Prthvir Solanki

Anita Dhole in her allotted room in the MMRDA complex which she has refused to accept as a home and settle into. Credit: Prthvir Solanki

Expendable education, expendable lives

Jaishree Kailashparke has five children. The eldest daughter, 17 years old, is currently not studying. She was unable to get admission to college due to a delay in application, which was because of the disruption caused by the demolition and relocation. The second daughter, 16, goes to college in Vikhroli, the commute to which costs Rs 200 per day. On days when her family is running short of money, she does not go to college. The third daughter, 14, has been admitted to a private school in Mahul as there are no municipal schools in the area. The family had to pay Rs 1,000 for her admission and continues to pay Rs 900 every month to educate her. Given that she was formerly receiving free education at the municipal school in Rajawadi, the financial burden on the family has multiplied enormously. The two youngest children were sent back to their native village after the relocation as the parents found themselves unable to sustain the entire family with the additional costs and the loss of Kailashparke’s income as a domestic worker.

Many other children continue to study in schools in Ghatkopar due to the lack of accessible schools in the area. Mothers accompany their young children to school on buses and wait nearby until its time to take them back home, as they lack the money to commute to and fro multiple times. The additional cost of commuting means that they have no other option but to miss school often, sometimes for days on end.

These are not minor details of their lives. By transplanting them here, the state has essentially cut 5,000 people off from employment, education and a basic standard of health. And more families are trickling into the 72 buildings of the MMRDA complex every day as the demolition drive continues in different areas along the Tansa pipeline.

It’s interesting that in 2013, ten buildings of this complex were allotted to police personnel to increase the security of this industrial area, which is a high-security zone vulnerable to terror attacks. However, they never moved in and the current residents argue that the personnel refused to live here due to the low standard of living. Rekha Gadge, a fiery resident, exclaims: “If the government thinks that this is an acceptable place for us to live in, I would like to see some of its high-level personnel also living here. If they’ll be willing to live here, all our complaints will be proven false and only then we shall shut up.”

Imagining and practicing rehabilitation

Is merely moving people to a room with four walls and a roof rehabilitation? Bilal Khan, the convener of Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan, says, “Rehabilitation is supposed to encompass the restoration of livelihood and education opportunities. It is not merely displacing people without taking into consideration any basic amenities. This is technically relocation. I wouldn’t even call this relocation, this is dumping.”

According to Khan, this is a stark case of how the existing idea and implementation of slum rehabilitation is completely flawed. “People are here in this city to earn a livelihood. They’re not here to squat in a house. The end of rehabilitation can’t be just to provide a house and then wash your hands off the matter.”

In this case, the house is poisonous.

The buildings of the complex. Credit: Prthvir Solanki

The buildings of the complex. Credit: Prthvir Solanki

The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, has laid down a framework for the rehabilitation of people displaced by land acquisition for state projects which is sensitive to the need to deeply take into consideration the livelihoods and access to public amenities of the displaced people. It should not be too much for the erstwhile residents of Tansa pipeline area to expect the same basic principles of rehabilitation to inform the state’s supposed rehabilitation efforts in this context as well.

It is not the case that the government was not aware of the issues of the Mahul building complex and the unwillingness of slum-dwellers to move there. In fact, on December 28, 2016, a major function was held in Ghatkopar attended by government functionaries including chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and Maharashtra housing minister Prakash Mehta – who is also the MLA from Ghatkopar East. A great exhibition was made of allotting and distributing the keys of houses in nearby Vidyavihar West to 400 families of Rajawadi and promises were made to similarly rehabilitate the rest of the residents close by. This was prior to the BMC elections which were held in February 2017. The resettled people also have older videos of Mehta addressing them and telling them that they will not be shifted to Mahul.

Even while their houses were being demolished, the residents believed that they were not going to be shifted to Mahul but were going to be rehabilitated nearby. Though they have been residing in the Mahul complex for the last six months, they refuse to accept it as their home and demand better for themselves. They are currently gathering their resources and preparing to go to court against the unlivable conditions that the state has imposed upon them and the political manipulation that they claim they have been subjected to.

Sukrita Baruah is an MA student in Media and Cultural Studies at Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.

Meet Indranil Rajguru, the Congress Candidate Hoping to Beat Vijay Rupani in Gujarat

Rajguru has been campaigning in the Rajkot West constituency for a year now, and is known for his aggressive, macho image.

Rajguru has been campaigning in the Rajkot West constituency for a year now, and is known for his aggressive, macho image.

A hoarding that says 'Vote for Rajkot, vote for Indranil'. Credit: Damayantee Dhar

A hoarding that says ‘Vote for Rajkot, vote for Indranil’. Credit: Damayantee Dhar

Rajkot, Gujarat: Indranil Rajguru, the 51-year-old Congress candidate and currently an MLA from Gujarat’s Rajkot East constituency, will face off against BJP candidate chief minister Vijay Rupani from the Rajkot West constituency in the upcoming elections on December 9. Rajkot West has been something of an impregnable fortress for the BJP for the last two decades.

Rajkot West is the largest constituency in the Saurashtra region, with more than three lakhs voters. There are about 42,000 Kadwa Patels, 33,000 Leuvva Patels, 25,000 Brahmins, 35,000 Kshatriyas, 25,000 Vanias and less than 10,000 Jains in the constituency. Rajguru is a Brahmin, while Rupani is a Jain. Analysts say the Hardik Patel factor may swing about 10-15% of the votes that were with the saffron party before against the BJP.

Rajguru comes across as an aggressive, powerful and macho leader, who is being posed as a saviour who will lead the constituency out of decades of BJP misrule. On the other hand, Rupani comes across as a docile and non-charismatic, with an unimpressive personal portfolio. While Rajguru appears larger than his party, Rupani stands under the shadow of not just the BJP but Narendra Modi. People of the constituency are aware that Rupani was handpicked by the Amit Shah-Modi duo.

The Congress candidate has declared assets worth Rs 141 crore, while Rupani has declared assets worth about Rs 9 crore.

Most Congress posters have a photo of Rajguru alone, with the catchphrase “Maro mat Rajkot ne, maro mat Indranil ne (My vote is for Rajkot, my vote is for Indranil)”, while the BJP posters have an array of faces – Modi, Shah, BJP state president Jitu Vaghani and Rupani. BJP has used a series of catchphrases, including some using the chief minister’s first name as a pun: “Rajkot Vijay bhav (Rajkot shall win)”; “Vikaas matey vote do (Vote for development)”; “Narmada ni nir matey vote do (Vote for the water of the Narmada)”; and “Rajkot ka beta, Rajkot ka neta (Son of Rajkot, leader of Rajkot)”. There are also BJP posters that have photos of only Modi and Shah – which say a lot about how both the party and the electorate view Rupani as a candidate.

Narendra Modi and Amit Shah are seen on a BJP hoarding in Rajkot West. Credit: Damayantee Dhar

Narendra Modi and Amit Shah are seen on a BJP hoarding in Rajkot West. Credit: Damayantee Dhar

Rajkot West has been a BJP bastion since 1985 and has produced three chief ministers – Keshubhai Patel, Modi and Rupani. Despite being an important seat for the ruling party, the city has not developed as much as Surat or Ahmedabad.

While Rupani has a team of devoted, politically experienced and disciplined BJP, RSS and VHP volunteers – with at least 1,000 volunteers per booth – Rajguru, a third generation politician, is not leaving anything to chance either. As a politician who appears to understand the moves of his opposition party well, Rajguru began his preparation more than a year ago. According to locals here, Rajguru has been using the BJP’s strongest weapon against them. For the last year, he has been organising and attending various religious events to make a dent in BJP’s vote bank across castes.

Channel Public Relations Consultancy, a Delhi-based PR company, was hired about four months ago to exclusively manage Rajguru’s campaign. A social media team of about 70 youngsters has been hired from all over the country and they are working under the supervision of Sandhya, Indranil Rajguru’s elder sister. In the last year, various programmes were undertaken as a part of his campaign, including street plays, door-to-door visits, calling at least 1,000 new people everyday to interact with Rajguru, musical concerts and events, and comedy shows by local artists. Other unique programmes were also organised, like ‘Young Rajkotians’, where Rajguru would reach out to the youth and first-time voters, and ‘Coffee with Congress’, a five-day event where anybody could ask Rajguru a question in one-hour sessions between musical performances by local artists. The women’s cell of the Rajkot Congress reached out to women and senior citizen voters.

Both candidates began their political careers as standing committee chairman in the local civic body, but Rajguru’s track record is unbeaten. He won in the Rajkot East constituency after the BJP had been in power there for 22 years, and won the civic elections for the Congress for the first time in the year 2000.

The 'Coffee with Congress' event. Credit: Damayantee Dhar

The ‘Coffee with Congress’ event. Credit: Damayantee Dhar

The candidate who calls Rupani “Amit Shah ka CM” sat down for a conversation with The Wire. Excerpts:

You have declared assets worth about Rs 141 crore, while Vijay Rupani has declared about Rs 9 crore. Does the stark difference between the declared assets portray you in a bad light or make this an unfair contest?

If he (Rupani) doesn’t have money, then how is the city filled with BJP hoardings? Rupani spent about Rs 11 crore when he had contested and won the by-poll of 2014, though he declared assets of only about Rs 7 crore. This time, just the hoarding spaces are worth more than Rs 9 crore. Who gives this money and where does it come from?

The BJP has come up with a catchphrase for Vijay Rupani – Rajkot ka beta, Rajkot ka neta. How will you counter that?

Many leaders of the BJP have been portrayed as the son of Rajkot in past – Keshubhai, Vajubhai Vala, Modi and now Rupani. But none of them turned to look back at Rajkot or its people after winning. Nobody did anything for Rajkot. So this year, if Rupani is portrayed as the son of Rajkot, so am I. If he became the leader of Gujarat, I shall too become the leader someday.

Vijay Rupani comes across as a soft spoken, down to earth and docile leader, as compared to your aggressive image. Does this factor go against you? How do the people of Rajkot view Vijay Rupani?

During his days as standing committee chairman of the civic body, Rupani promoted organised corruption. As an MLA, he misused the state machinery and kept the police in his pockets. He has held the hands of criminals and helped them flout law and order. People of Rajkot know this face of Rupani.

You won from Rajkot East in 2012 and yet wanted to fight from another constituency this election. Why?

I contested from Rajkot East to defeat a candidate who had not proven to be the right leader for the people of the constituency. But while I was an MLA from Rajkot East, an equally incapable leader not only won from Rajkot West but acquired the highest post of the state. I want to defeat the candidate who is not right for the people of the constituency and Gujarat. It is better to stop him here than let him ruin the state further.

The young Rajkotian campaign. Credit: Damayantee Dhar

The young Rajkotian campaign. Credit: Damayantee Dhar

It is being said that you have declared a personal war against Vijay Rupani and that you have vowed to defeat him. Why?

Yes, I want to defeat Rupani at any cost, but that is not personal war. I have never said anything about his family or personal life. How is countering and highlighting his acts of corruption a personal issue? When I spoke about corruption in the assembly earlier, Saurabh Patel (former finance minister) and Rupani called me aside and asked to not attack them on a personal level. When the fight is against a shrewd opponent, one has to see that their weapon is potent. So I have been talking about corruption in the public domain committed by these leaders – and that isn’t personal.

Before the announcement of your candidature, there was a lot of resentment against you in the party fold in Rajkot. Many leaders complained that you not only want to contest from Rajkot West, but want your choice of candidates to be selected from Rajkot East and Rajkot Rural. Are these leaders standing with you now?

There were issues that have been resolved. Candidates have been finalised and party members are working unitedly with the sole intention of defeating the BJP now. We keep our infighting aside when we stand united against the BJP.

 Will Congress lose Rajkot East in your absence?

There is no way we will lose that seat again. In fact, we have chances of winning Rajkot Rural too.

The Rajkot West seat has been a BJP bastion since 1985. How do you plan on winning from the constituency?

Usually, the Congress would wake up sometime ahead of the election and contest with about 20% preparation. This time, preparations have been going on for a year and we are about 60% prepared. There is an enthusiasm among Congress workers, as they have me as a strong candidate. Besides this, BJP workers are unhappy with Rupani being the candidate again. Rajkot has not developed at all, despite producing three CMs for the BJP. They made an issue out of cows for evoking sentiments. I would have understood the sentiment that they regard the cow as a mother if the BJP had constructed even one cow shelter for the dying and sick cows. They call Gujarat a dry state, but alcohol is available in abundance, even within about a kilometre of the CM’s house in Rajkot. The anger of people who suffered due to the Goods and Services Tax and demonetisation, and the way the BJP has handled protestors – be it Patidars, businessmen or Anganwadi workers – will also add up in my favour.

CBFC Chief Prasoon Joshi Appears Before Parliamentary Panel on ‘Padmavati’

Sources said the Central Board of Film Certification chief told the panel that a decision on the film would be taken after showing it to experts.

Prasoon Joshi.

New Delhi: Censor board chief Prasoon Joshi today appeared before a parliamentary panel to brief members about the controversy over Padmavati and said the film had not yet been approved, sources said.

Joshi, who is also scheduled to appear before the parliamentary standing committee on IT later in the day, told the Lok Sabha Committee on Petitions that the censor board had only cleared the trailer and promos of the period film.

Sources said the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) chief told the panel that a decision on the film would be taken after showing it to experts.

Asked by a member whether as censor board chief he had seen the film, Joshi is learnt to have replied that he that had not.

The Lok Sabha Committee on Petitions had sought a report from the information and broadcasting ministry and the censor board after C.P. Joshi and Om Birla, two BJP MPs from Rajasthan, filed a plea on “objectionable content” in the film before the panel.

The officials, sources said, were of the view controversies are often created for commercial purposes though it was not clear in this case.

The panel had asked the officials for a report before November 30, senior BJP leader Bhagat Singh Koshyari, who heads the panel, had said earlier.

Padmavati director Sanjay Leela Bhansali is also expected to appear before the parliamentary panel, which too has invited officials from the ministry and the censor board to discuss the film.

The panel on IT, which also looks into issues concerning the information and broadcasting ministry, has called the meeting to discuss the problems and issues of the film industry, an official said.

Various Rajput groups and political leaders have accused Bhansali of distorting history in the movie by using a romantic dream sequence between the Rajput queen Padmini and Sultan Alauddin Khilji, a claim repeatedly denied by the filmmaker.

Historians are divided over whether Padmini actually existed.

The Deepika Padukone-Shahid Kapoor-Ranveer Singh film was was earlier scheduled to release on December 1. The makers have deferred the release till they receive a certificate from the CBFC. They recently applied for 3D certification.

Modi’s Congress Bashing in Gujarat Indicates BJP Is Grappling to Keep Patel Votes Intact

While BJP leaders are going all out to arrest the erosion of Patidar support in the state, they are unlikely to sway those members of the community who have resolved to desert the saffron party.

While BJP is going all out to arrest the erosion of Patidar support in the state, they are unlikely to sway those who have resolved to desert the saffron party.

PM Narendra Modi while addressing a rally in poll-bound Gujarat. Credit: narendramodi.in

PM Narendra Modi while addressing a rally in poll-bound Gujarat. Credit: narendramodi.in

It’s a last-minute scramble for Patel votes and the BJP is going all out to prevent the erosion of the community’s support. Patels have hitherto been the most dependable for the saffron party. Leaving nothing to chance, Narendra Modi, in a bid to woo the Patels, made some absurd charges earlier this week while addressing public meetings in Saurashtra – the Patel heartland of Gujarat.

Accusing the Congress and the Nehru-Gandhi family of hating Gujarat and its people since the time of Sardar Patel, Modi alleged that the grand old party had ‘conspired’ to get rid of four Patel chief ministers in the past, including Keshubhai Patel. Modi alleged that a conspiracy was hatched in the Congress office to throw out this “Kathiawad no dikro (son of Kathiawad or Saurashtra)” after the earthquake of 2001. This, he said, was done by accusing Keshubhai of not being able to handle the post-quake rehabilitation. However, it is fairly well-known that Modi – posted in BJP headquarters in Delhi at the time – had worked for the replacement of Keshubhai on these very charges, and he had himself become the chief minister of Gujarat after Keshubhai left office. Keshubhai believed that Modi was instrumental in his ouster and in the last assembly election in 2012 had formed the Gujarat Parivartan Party to fight the BJP. Before that, Keshubhai had tried – rather unsuccessfully – to foment a Patel revolt in BJP for several years.

Even stranger was Modi’s assertion that Congress removed Chimanbhai Patel because he was proving to be his own man as chief minister. However, it is known that Chimanbhai had to step down as Gujarat’s chief minister after the massive student-led Navnirman movement in 1974 engulfed the entire state. In fact,  the prime minister’s website claims that as a young activist of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, Modi himself joined the Navnirman Andolan and that this movement led to a significant broadening of his world view.

He also accused the Congress of being instrumental in the removal of Anandiben Patel as chief minister and alleged that they had “brought in money and men” and fanned Patel quota violence. “In fact, the Congress never allowed the Patel chief ministers to be in peace,” Modi asserted.


Also read: Despite Widespread Discontent, Urban Gujarat Is Likely to Stand Behind BJP


According to a political analyst: “Modi has the gift of the gab and is a powerful speaker but I don’t think whether these charges will convince those Patels who have decided to desert the BJP. But can’t say anything about fence sitters.” Ground reports suggest that peasants’ anger in Saurashtra is at the highest in Patel-dominated Amreli. The farmers are unhappy with the government for not giving reasonable prices for procurement of cotton, sesame and groundnut. They are also upset about not getting 24-hour power supply and for the high premium they have to pay for crop insurance. The government is making partial payments, or in some cases none at all, against insurance after crop failure, these peasants allege. Apparently, during the 2014 elections, Modi had made promises to the peasants to take care of these problems. But these promises were never kept, the peasants say, and hence the anger.

Modi is not alone in trying to save Patel votes. Most of the BJP campaigners including central ministers who are seeking votes are holding the sceptre of the Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi and Muslim (KHAM) combination that was conjured in the 1980s by the Congress. This KHAM combination led to the marginalisation of the Patels from the power structure and had driven them to the arms of the BJP. The saffron campaigners are harping on about how the Congress’s strategy this time is to fight the elections on a ‘caste’ angle aimed at bringing back the KHAM formula, to ensure the exclusion of Patels. Thus implying that it would be wise for Patels to vote for BJP.

Adding ammunition to this line of thinking, law minister Ravi Shankar Prasad is also campaigning that the Congress promise of reservations for Patels is false and misleading. This because the Supreme Court has fixed the upper limit of reservation at 50%, thus making it impossible to give reservations to the Patel without breaching this upper limit. After prolonged talks, Hardik Patel agreed to support the Congress last week after the party promised reservation for Patels and showed him a formula through which this could be made possible.


Also read: Gujarat Polls Not About Caste Dynamics, But People’s Struggle Against the BJP: Alpesh Thakor


In Surat, where Patels from Saurashtra are present in huge numbers in the diamond industry both as workers (who polish diamonds) and owners of polishing units, the BJP is resorting to a smart trick. The nature of the diamond industry is such that there are close ties between the owners and workers – a bond fostered by their caste and also the region that they hail from. On the ground, sources suggest that the BJP has now launched massive efforts to convince the owners of the units to stand by the saffron party and also in turn prevail upon their workers to do the same. At the same time, to beat the anti-incumbency effect, the BJP changed their candidates in three Patel-dominated seats in Surat, denying berths to sitting MLAs. These sitting Patel MLAs had earned the ire of their community members in 2015. Whether the strategy will work or not in Surat remains to be seen, but the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) spawned by Hardik is active in trying to rein in the BJP. This week, Union minister of state Parshottam Rupala – a Patel from Saurashtra – had to be accompanied by a huge police cover for campaign in Patel-dominated areas of Surat due to fears of disruption by PAAS activists. In fact, he became the first BJP leader to go into the area to address a public meeting.

“In this election, the Patel votes might be the decider. Thus there is a mad scramble for their votes. This is the reason why Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi and Hardik Patel are campaigning in Saurashtra at the same time,” points out an analyst. The Patels comprise 15% of the electorate but have played a major part bringing the BJP to power since 1995. “The older settled middle and upper class Patel in cities are still for the BJP but the younger Patel are restive. I think that those below 35 might not vote for the BJP,” according to the editor of a daily. “The BJP has not done anything great for the last five years but I think they deserve a last chance,” says 50-year-old Surendra Patel, a manager in a large corporate. Making his choice clear he says: “The Congress is not really an alternative in Gujarat with no convincing local leaders. One Rahul Gandhi can’t make a difference. ” However, Patel traders agree that the Goods and Services Tax has greatly affected their business but perhaps, influenced by the BJP domination in the cities, they may still go with the party.

Kingshuk Nag worked as resident editor of the Times of India in Hyderabad for many years. Prior to that he was the TOI’s resident editor in Ahmedabad.