Environment

Crackers Outside, Air Purifiers Inside: The Public-Private Conundrum of Environmental Good

For many, the solution is simple: retreat indoors, turn on the air purifier and insulate their private spaces from the public harms of toxic air.

Every year as Diwali approaches, headlines about air pollution in Delhi remind us of the environmental challenges that loom over us. In response, Delhi, Haryana and Punjab instituted a ban on firecrackers this year, aimed at curbing the already deteriorating air quality. Yet, despite these clear government warnings and Supreme Court directives, the festival saw widespread firecracker use, further degrading air quality. For many, the solution is simple: retreat indoors, turn on the air purifier and insulate their private spaces from the public harm of toxic air.

This behaviour underscores a critical issue: when the government fails to ensure public goods like clean air, either you become wealthy enough to shield yourself, or you face the health consequences. In this increasingly materialistic world, where individual wealth is becoming the primary means to shield oneself from collective problems, the concept of collective action and shared responsibility is rapidly eroding. When affluent households can afford to insulate their private spaces with costly air purifiers, the very foundation of social trust and collective efficacy begins to weaken.

Distancing and the public-private conundrum

The phenomenon of ‘distancing’, discussed by Thomas Princen and colleagues, sheds light on the growing reliance on private solutions to shield against public harm. In our globalised supply chain, the environmental impacts of individual consumption are increasingly outsourced and geographically and culturally distanced from consumers. This separation allows people to largely ignore the environmental costs of their actions, as they are far removed from the consequences.

This distancing is apparent in the way air pollution affects different social classes within the same city. As firecrackers fill the skies with smoke and particulate matter, those who can afford air purifiers enjoy some level of safety, while marginalised communities – who cannot afford such luxuries – are left to bear the brunt of the pollution. This public-private divide highlights the shift in the very notion of environmental goods: clean air is no longer a shared public right but an exclusive commodity accessible to those with financial means.

Inverted quarantine

This privatisation of safety is encapsulated by sociologist Andrew Szasz’s concept of ‘inverted quarantine’. Traditionally, quarantine involves isolating a source of harm to protect the public. In contrast, inverted quarantine involves creating personal safe spaces within polluted environments. With air purifiers, bottled water and organic food, affluent individuals build a ‘commodity bubble’ to shield themselves from environmental hazards.

Szasz critiques this approach as it erodes collective action by promoting a sense of complacency. When those with resources can shield themselves from pollution, they feel less urgency to advocate for broader solutions. This cycle risks normalising environmental degradation as something inevitable, something to be managed privately rather than publicly addressed. As air purifiers top Diwali gift lists, the underlying message is clear: safeguarding one’s health is now a private responsibility, affordable only to those who can pay the price.

For Delhi’s marginalised population, however, such protection is out of reach. The cost of a basic air purifier equates to about 15 days’ wages for many, making it an unattainable luxury. Left without the means to shield their homes, they are forced to endure the health risks of pollution, underscoring the growing inequity in access to environmental protection.

Moreover, there is a psychological element driving this behaviour. Firecrackers, although they worsen air quality, provide immediate, short-term enjoyment that is relatively inexpensive compared to the long-term health investments required to mitigate pollution’s effects, such as air purifiers. The transient pleasure of bursting crackers can make it harder for individuals to recognise the long-term harm their actions cause, both to themselves and others. This disconnect between immediate gratification and future health risks creates an even larger obstacle to fostering collective action, further driving the public-private divide.

Decline of collective responsibility

The disparity in public and private environmental protection not only exacerbates social inequality but also weakens collective efficacy and social trust. Development aspirations increasingly revolve around securing wealth as a means to create a ‘clean’ private sphere – achieved through economic gains and consumer products that promise safety from public harm. In today’s system, financial success doesn’t just buy a better lifestyle; it buys the resources necessary for a healthier, safer living environment.

At the intersection of these private-public dynamics lies a pressing question about collective responsibility and environmental justice. How can society address environmental issues as a community if affluent households can insulate themselves from shared harm? The widespread defiance of the firecracker ban underscores this breakdown of collective action, where individual enjoyment takes precedence over public health. As environmental safety becomes a luxury, trust in government efforts to protect public welfare wanes, further undermining any collective response to these crises.

It is crucial to reflect on the notion that environmental goods like clean air are not just a privilege but a public right. When the good life is narrowly defined by the ability to shield oneself from pollution, society loses its collective responsibility to demand better public protections. Reimagining development aspirations – anchoring them in environmental stewardship, collective efficacy, and reinforced social trust – is essential to counter the current trajectory.

To shift this trajectory, we must prioritise a shared commitment to safeguard public goods. The worsening air quality in Delhi serves as a vivid example of how urgent this need is, yet it also shows that achieving it requires collective action. With the affluent few able to buy their way out of the problem and the marginalised left exposed, fragmentation along lines of wealth and privilege is worsening. Let us remember that protecting the environment should not be a private luxury. Only by working together can we ensure a cleaner, healthier and more equitable future for all.

Soumyajit Bhar and Kalpita Bhar Paul are assistant professors at School of Liberal Studies, BML Munjal University.

Interview | ‘Government Has Only One Plan – to Help Adani’: Jyoti Gaikwad on Family, Dharavi and a ‘Takeover’

‘The government made the land available to Adani at a throwaway price. Why did that happen?’

Mumbai: Since the early 2000s, the redevelopment of Dharavi, one of the largest slum regions in Asia, has remained a politically contentious issue. In 2022, the Maharashtra government awarded the Dharavi redevelopment project to the Adani Group, bringing the issue back to the forefront.

In the backdrop of the upcoming Maharashtra state assembly election, The Wire met with the Congress candidate who was on a door- to-door election campaign in the area. Jyoti Gaikwad, an Ayurvedic doctor by profession and the younger sister of Member of Parliament Varsha Gaikwad, is making her debut in electoral politics. Just months before the elections, Jyoti, who had taken her husband’s last name after marriage, got her name officially reversed to Gaikwad just so that locals associate her with her family’s legacy.

Jyoti, in the interview, claimed that by handing over the redevelopment project to Adani, the Mahayuti government has virtually rendered the residents of Dharavi homeless. She also spoke about her family’s contribution in the region, the alternative plans that the Mahavikas Aghadi (MVA) has for Dharavi, and the long-standing Maratha reservation issue.

Excerpts from the chat are as follows.

You are contesting elections for the first time. Unlike your father (Eknath Gaikwad) and sister (Varsha Gaikwad) you haven’t been actively involved in politics. Also, you have not really lived in Dharavi. How familiar are you with Dharavi and its issues?

My father has been a Member of the Legislative Assembly from this constituency for three times and an MP, four times. My sister Varsha tai too has got elected from here four times. Although I have not had an active part in politics, Dharavi and its issues have been an integral part of my growing up. So nothing about it feels new. The Gaikwad family has had a long relationship with the region.

What according to you are the major concerns of the region?

There is only one right now. The takeover of the region by Adani. The government’s decision to hand over the redevelopment to Adani, along with a huge parcel of land in the Mumbai suburbs, have turned into a burning issue this election.

The government’s sole reason to get Adani involved in the redevelopment (of Dharavi) was to throw the families who have lived here for close to half a century out of the place. His men have been visiting the region and are making tall claims but most of these claims are untrue. For instance, one of their claims – of building new structures on the 60-feet road for those who are eligible – can’t be farther from truth. That land belongs to Railways and rehabilitating people on railway land is not possible as it can never be privately owned.

Note that only those who moved her before 2000 are considered eligible for rehabilitation. The rest aren’t. And even those eligible have no clarity about the exact place they would be rehabilitated to eventually.

The estimate says over seven lakh people are going to be declared ineligible and shunned out to suburban areas like Mulund, Bhandup, Kanjurmarg, Deonar Dumping Ground, Saltpan region in Mumbai suburbs, Madh and Malvani. Most of these are strictly non-developmental zones. But still, the government has gone all out to please a corporate honcho and hand over land in ecologically sensitive areas for building structures.

Our question is why is the government so keen in throwing the locals away to faraway places. People don’t just live here but also earn their living by running their small but sustainable businesses. The ecosystem of the region is such that the businesses thrive only because people are so close to their workplaces. Throwing people out of here also means snatching away their means of livelihood.

The government has been scheming for very long. We won’t let this materialise.

Can you explain how exactly the government is making way for Adani group to take over this and adjoining areas?

The decision to hand over land to Adani Realty came over two and half years ago. Since then, the government has slyly handed over more and more land to Adani, finally making their intentions clear to us. The most recent Government Resolution (GR) was issued on October 4 this year, making more adjustments to the existing plan. And now, the Dharavi Redevelopment Project Private Ltd [Note: Adani Realty established a special purpose vehicle or SPV called DRPPL with the state government’s Dharavi Redevelopment Project Authority. Adani Realty owns 80% of DRPPL] has been acquiring more and more land outside Dharavi under the pretext of making rental arrangements for the locals here.

What kind of plan is this where the locals will be uprooted from the region and their businesses destroyed?

Redevelopment of Dharavi isn’t a new thing. Since early 2000, talks have been taking shape and then fizzling out. Since the Adani group came in to picture, people say some concrete steps, although not in the favour of the people here, are taking place on the ground. Congress, and other MVA allies, they claim, have been dissuading them from participating in the survey. How true is this?

Nothing good will come out of this survey. Then why should we cooperate with them for it? It is not like people are against development here. Everyone here, including the Congress, wants people to have better housing and better living conditions. We want better roads and parks here. But in the existing plan, that is not possible. The government has only one plan – to benefit Adani. Why would we allow that kind of destruction?

So, does your party and the MVA have any concrete plans to offer the residents here?

A plan can be worked out without having to displace anyone or their businesses. We want to ensure that people stay closer to their place of business and their places of worship are also saved.

For the past many days, surveyors have been visiting the region regularly. On one such occasion, I stopped them and asked them for their blue print. What is it that they want to offer people here? They had nothing. They either have no blueprint or are not making it public. Why are these surveys carried out without taking people into confidence, without telling them what is in the offing for them? This entire exercise has induced so much anxiety among the people here.

The government made the land available to Adani at a throwaway price. Why did that happen? Salt pan land that acts as a barrier for floods in the city, were handed over to Adani. Why did the government not think about the environmental hazard this decision could pose for an already fragile region?

They want to send the people of Dharavi to the Deonar Dumping Ground. People out there are dying of lung ailments; they are inhaling poisonous gases. Those people are moving out and looking for alternative accommodation and the government wants to throw people of Dharavi there. Why? Only because Adani wants this land. And because it is a strategically located region and Adani wants to build a BKC-2 here [Note: BKC is Bandra Kurla Complex, one of the thriving corporate zones in the city].

Also read: Ally Hopping, Assuaging Leaders: Maharashtra’s Seat-Sharing Troubles Reflect Changing Politics

Your candidature while for the Gaikwad family and your party was a natural one, your allies are not. Baburao Mane, of Shiv Sena (Uddhav Thackeray faction), who has been actively working in the region was upset with the decision to field you from the region and even went ahead and filed his nomination. Similarly, many party workers, including some from your own office have filed their nominations. Their allegation has been that that your family, like most from your party, has been promoting dynasty politics. What is your take?

None of this is true. Eknath Gaikwad and Varsha tai have been winning from here for several decades. My father had once lost to Mane and Mane had distributed sweets only because he could win against my father. So, you can imagine what his intentions were. Besides that, all ally parties are here with me, campaigning for me door to door. We are all working together.

What is your take on the long-standing demand for reservation for the Maratha community in the state?

Our leader, Rahul Gandhi, has been saying all along: Carry out caste census in the country and come up with policies and give reservation and shares as per the different community’s population and their social and educational condition. This ask is valid. We are not against any community seeking reservation. Just that it needs to be done systematically, on getting proper data in hand.

How the NTCA Defied the Tribal Ministry, its Own Officials to Order Massive Displacement of Tribals For ‘Conservation’

Documents show the National Tiger Conservation Authority was more concerned with eco-tourism in tiger reserves than the land rights of tens of thousands of tribals.

New Delhi: The National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) seemingly ignored the concerns, suggestions and directions of every single stakeholder, including its own officials and the Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MOTA), while issuing a controversial relocation order in June this year. According to the minutes of meetings of at least three consultations that took place between January 2023 and February 2024, the NTCA was consistently asked to prioritise concerns of the tribal populations in tiger reserves, while implementing the relocation from these areas. Documents accessed by Land Conflict Watch show that these meetings involved the NTCA, the MOTA, the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MOEFCC), and in one instance the Union environment minister Bhupendra Yadav himself.

In each meeting, the NTCA was asked to address the grievances of tribal communities, regarding village relocation, by the MOTA, the MOEFCC and its own officials. In addition, the MOTA made it clear that relevant Forest Rights Act (FRA) provisions have to be kept in mind while notifying both, tiger reserves and village relocation programmes – in effect, FRA claims have to be cleared before any relocation, as the claims would then enable the communities to claim compensation and rehabilitation packages.

Despite these internal discussions, on June 19, the NTCA inexplicably sent an order to wildlife wardens of all the tiger states in the country. The order asked to expedite the relocation of 591 villages, comprising 64,801 families, from all tiger reserves.

As per NTCA data, 89,808 families reside in 848 villages in tiger reserves – all are eligible for FRA. Of the total villages, 257 (30%) with 25,007 families have already been relocated. If implemented, the current order would spark one of the largest displacements of people in the name of conservation. Not only does this order threaten the livelihood of one of the most marginalised segments of Indian citizenry, it also allegedly violates several legal safeguards provided to tribal communities.

Several activists and environmentalists told LCW that the current order violates the FRA, the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 (LARR), the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities), 1989, and some provisions of the Wildlife (Protection) Act 1972 under which the notice was issued. According to CR Bijoy, an independent researcher and activist, even the relocations carried out so far have been “patently illegal.”

Amanat Ali, who leads the Van Gujjar Tribal Yuva Sangathan – an organisation that works on rights of indigenous tribes in Uttarakhand – told Land Conflict Watch that the notice has spread fear among the state’s nomadic pastoral communities. Ali said that they were planning to march to Delhi and put forth their demands. “The letter makes us feel like sub-humans,” Ali said, adding that non-forest-dwelling people in the state now think “that we are encroachers.” He said that his organisation was planning to “create a political movement only then our voices can be heard.”

Similarly, in Madhya Pradesh’s Ratapani Tiger Reserve, villagers were holding meetings to decide the future course of action. “About 4-5 villages of the existing 30 villages in the Raisen district are thinking of holding protests,”said Mukesh Tomar, an advocate who works closely with the villagers. Subsequently, protests have been staged in at least five tiger reserves, over the past few weeks.

Also read: International Index Ranks India Among Top Five Worst Performers in Conservation Efforts

What transpired in the NTCA meetings

It was in January 2023, that Union environment minister Bhupendra Yadav first noted that the settlement of FRA should be taken up on a priority basis, and that this would speed up the process of “voluntary” relocation of the villages.

Four months later, the MOTA placed the issues faced by tribal communities in front of the NTCA, in a meeting held on May 29. The MOTA had unequivocally stated the need for compliance with the FRA before declaring new areas as critical wildlife habitats. Roop Narayan Mandwe, an NTCA official, too, had suggested that the interests of tribal groups must be taken care of in tiger reserves, particularly with respect to the settlement of the rights of these communities.

In the next meeting, on February 29, 2024, Mandwe emphasised the need to use traditional knowledge for conservation instead of a tiger or cheetah-centric approach. Here the traditional knowledge-centric approach referred to the well-documented environment-beneficial practices undertaken by forest-dwelling communities that help in the conservation of forests and wildlife. For instance, the Van Gujjar community’s rotational and migratory grazing practices allow the regeneration of grasslands, seed dispersal, and fertilisation of the forest through the dung of their Gojri buffaloes.

Their mobility and migration activity also helps in preventing forest fires and maintaining water resources. They are also known to remove weeds/invasive species and plant native trees during their annual Sela Parv festival using customary knowledge.

In response to Mandwe, a MOTA representative added that this approach to conservation will ensure that the “involvement of tribal communities” does not become “prejudicial to their well-being.” The representative suggested that “instructions may be issued from the MoEFCC that benefits accruing from various schemes should be provided to forest right holders in full measure.”

In both these meetings, the NTCA assured the MOTA and the MOEFCC that compliance with FRA was being ensured at the field level, and forest villages were being treated on par with revenue villages.

However, the June order did not even mention FRA claims – it only stated how the slow relocation was a “grave concern” in light of tiger conservation.

In a meeting held in July, a month after the order was passed, NTCA officials were mostly concerned with the management of eco-tourism around the core and critical tiger habitats.

“Tourism outside the core area of tiger reserves should be factored in the tourism plan in the master plan of the Eco Sensitive Zone,” NTCA member Rahul Bhatnagar said, among other things such as the need to develop a centralised portal for booking of facilities in tiger reserves.

It is telling that only the Inspector General, Forest, talked about how the notification of new tiger reserves was causing resentment in tribal communities, and gave suggestions on how to tackle that. One of the IG’s recommendations was that instead of notifying new tiger reserves or Protected Areas, protection of the tigers in non-designated areas could be achieved by professional management of the animal’s population in such areas.

Once a tiger-populated area is designated as a tiger reserve, the local human population often faces the threat of displacement. Although the law permits relocation of villages only on a “voluntary” basis with “mutually agreed terms and conditions,” there have been numerous instances in the past where this principle was not adhered to.

According to the Land Conflict Watch database, there have been allegations of coercive and illegal evictions of tribal villages in Maharashtra’s Tadoba Wildlife Sanctuary and Madhya Pradesh’s Kanha Tiger Reserve. These actions have been reportedly carried out by forest and revenue authorities under the guise of voluntary resettlement.

What does the letter violate?

The major contention regarding the order is that it quoted Section 38V (4) of the amended WLP, which stipulates that the core and critical tiger habitats are required to be kept as inviolate for tiger conservation. But the order conveniently omitted one part of the section – “without affecting the rights of the Scheduled Tribes or such other forest dwellers.”

Another Section (O) of WLPA specifically prohibits NTCA from issuing directions that interfere with the rights of local people. Additionally, the act mandates that relocation from a tiger reserve is to be done only when it has been established scientifically and with the consent of Gram Sabha that coexistence of any kind is not possible in that specific tiger reserve. There are examples in the country where traditionally dwelling tribes have coexisted with tigers in the tiger reserves and have aided in conservation. Therefore, any relocation prior to establishing that coexistence is not possible and settling the FRA claims would be “criminal.”

Also read: Survival in the Time of Conservation: Women Demand Forest Rights in Protected Gulf of Mannar and Sundarban

What next?

Activists, experts, environmentalists and citizens have come together to protest the latest order. A collective letter sent to the NTCA, MOTA and the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes stated that the dispossession of forest-dependent communities, which are integral to any kind of sustainable and just model of conservation, will result in conflicts. It was endorsed by many notable activists and environmentalists such as developmental economist Jean Dreze, Chennai-based writer Nityanand Jayaraman, and Sharachchandra Lele, convenor of the Centre for Environment and Development at the Ashoka University.

They are demanding a withdrawal of the notice and that the NTCA send an immediate advisory to ensure the recognition and vesting of forest rights in all villages in the areas notified as tiger reserves and other Protected Areas. They have also asked authorities to adopt the community-governed model of conservation governance, as enshrined in FRA.

“The issue has been raised for very long by forest dwellers, conservationists, political parties, people’s organisations, media, etc but has had no impact whatsoever. This shows a disregard and inability of the elected government to address such matters that pertain to the masses,” said Bijoy, as he spearheads the protest against the NTCA order.

NTCA official Roop Narayan Mandwe has refused to talk to journalists. Emails were sent to NTCA on September 20 and the MOTA on September 9. This report will be updated if any of these bodies respond.

Sukriti Vats is a writing fellow at the Land Conflict Watch, an independent network of researchers studying land conflicts, climate change, and natural resource governance in India.

Smog Shrouds Delhi After Diwali, Air Quality Dips in Several Metros

As Diwali celebrations erupted in full swing between October 31 and November 1, several metros in India witnessed a deterioration in air quality.

New Delhi: On the morning of November 1, just after the night of Diwali celebrations, many parts of New Delhi were shrouded in smog. As per data released by the Central Pollution Control Board, air quality in the city dipped, with the government’s Air Quality Index (AQI) clocking 328 in the city on October 31 and 339 on November 1 though still remaining in the “very poor” category. Air of this quality can cause respiratory illnesses on prolonged exposure.

Several other metro cities across the country also witnessed a dip in air quality.

Delhi smothered in smog post-Diwali

Smog smothered many parts of the national capital on the morning of November 1, just after the festival of Diwali that was celebrated on October 31.

Called the “festival of light”, Diwali celebrations in Delhi and across many parts of the country are characterised by the use of fireworks, including firecrackers. Studies show that firecrackers release many pollutants into the air, including nitrous oxides and fine particulate matter (or PM2.5).

Fine particulate matter – which are also released when wood and other fossil fuels are burnt, such as in gas in vehicle engines, coal in thermal power plants, and wood in traditional fire stoves – are particles less than 2.5 microns in diameter and can be detrimental to health, causing respiratory illnesses and even cancers.

A study published in 2019 found that firecrackers burst during Diwali 2017 increased levels of sulphates and other pollutants by 3-23 times over the city of Ahmedabad. Another study in 2018 found that the use of firecrackers during Diwali in Delhi causes a small, “but statistically significant increase” in air pollution in the city, and that different locations within Delhi witness different levels of pollution during this time.

With the national capital already witnessing dips in air quality due to stubble burning in croplands in nearby states, the Delhi Pollution Control Committee on October 14 announced a complete ban on the manufacturing, sale, storage, and bursting of all kinds of firecrackers in the the city till January 1, 2025.

However, this didn’t help bring down pollution during this time. As per the Ministry of Earth Sciences’ Air Quality Early Warning System for Delhi (a project undertaken by the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology, Pune) and the CPCB, the air quality over Delhi was in the “very poor” category with an AQI of 328 as of 4 p.m. on October 31.

On November 1, air quality dipped further. As per the CPCB bulletin dated November 1, the AQI in Delhi was 339 (still in the “very poor” category) with fine particulate matter (PM 2.5) being the prominent pollutant. Per the Air Quality Early Warning System for Delhi’s bulletin dated November 1, air quality in the city is likely to remain in the “very poor” category on November 2, 3 and 4, and six days to follow. According to the CPCB daily bulletin of November 1, Gurugram also recorded an AQI above 300 (309) which falls in the “very poor” category.

Delhi environment minister Gopal Rai on November 1 flagged off mobile anti-smog guns to counter the pollution menace in the national capital.

Air quality dips in many other metros

Kolkata’s air quality, meanwhile, dipped from a “satisfactory” AQI of 57 on October 31, to a “moderate” AQI of 155 on November 1. Bengaluru witnessed a slight dip in air quality too though it still remained in the “moderate” category on both October 31 and November 1: its AQI increased from 109 to 135 on these days.

Mumbai, however, clocked a “Moderate” AQI of 169 on November 1, barely changing from its AQI of 167 the previous day.

Interestingly, Chennai’s air quality got better on November 1 as its AQI decreased from 213 (“poor”) on October 31, to 142 (“Moderate”) on November 1. This could be because Diwali celebrations that include bursting firecrackers begin earlier here. As per a report by The Hindu, festivities kicked off on October 30, and low wind speeds may have worsened the situation as this prevents pollutants from being dispersed in the air.

According to the report, Chennai also witnessed smog on the night of October 31, with people bursting firecrackers outside the permitted time limits.

Tamil Nadu was among the many states that had banned the bursting of firecrackers except for a specified time slot: it was permitted only for an hour in the morning (6-7 a.m.) and an hour in the evening (7-8 p.m.). Delhi, meanwhile, has a complete ban on firecrackers till January next year. However, people flouted this rule across the city on the night of Diwali, as per several reports.

Other states that had imposed bans and restrictions included Punjab, Haryana, Odisha and Bihar.

Spain: Rescuers Search For Survivors, Bodies Following Deadliest Floods Since 1973

Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, who has called three days of national mourning, headed to the region on Thursday.

Some 1,000 Spanish troops, alongside police and firefighters, have begun searching through debris in the Valencia region after massive floods killed at least 95 people and left many others missing in Spain’s southeast.

Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, who has called three days of national mourning, headed to the region on Thursday (October 30).

On Thursday, he urged residents of the regions hit hardest by the floods in a generation to stay home.

“Please, stay at home … follow the calls of the emergency services … right now the most important thing is to save as many lives as possible,” Sanchez told residents of the provinces of Valencia and Castellon.

The disaster was the deadliest of its kind in the country since 1973, with up to a year’s rain falling in the region in a matter of hours.

Scientists have warned that such extreme weather events are becoming more intense, longer and more frequent because of human-induced climate change.

Power outages, no drinking water

On Thursday morning, tens of thousands of homes still lacked electricity and drinking water, while hundreds of cars and trucks swept along by the water masses littered the streets.

Authorities said Paiporta, in the Valencia suburbs, suffered the most deaths, with about 40 people falling victim to the floods.

Six of those who died there were in a home for the elderly, Spanish broadcaster RTVE said.

Officials in the Valencia region, where at least 92 were killed, said survivors were being sheltered in temporary accommodation such as fire stations. They said, however, that the death toll in the region will rise as more bodies are found.

Two women died in the Castilla-La Mancha region southeast of Madrid also died, while a British national was killed in Andalusia.

Condolences from PM, king

Sanchez expressed his condolences in a televised address on Wednesday, saying “All of Spain weeps with all of you … We won’t abandon you.”

He said the disaster could not be considered over and that “we will deploy all the necessary resources for as long as necessary so that we can recover from this tragedy.”

King Felipe VI said he was “devastated” by the disaster and offered “heartfelt condolences” to families of the victims.

Valencia regional government chief Carlos Mazon has rejected criticism that the population was warned too late about the coming floods, saying alerts were issued as early as Sunday.

The regional government had been criticised for not sending out flood warnings to people’s mobile phones until 8:00 pm on Tuesday, when flooding in some areas had already begun.

This article was originally published on DW.

Blowing Hot Air: Countries’ Official Pledges Are Not on Track to Arrest Global Temperatures to Agreed Limits

Ahead of COP29, the UNEP’s latest Emissions Gap Report warns that countries have to collectively commit to cutting 42% of annual greenhouse gas emissions by 2030, and 57% by 2035.

New Delhi: As global temperatures rise, climate change has most of the world in turmoil with extreme weather events including intense rains, droughts, wildfires and more. And the bad news doesn’t seem to end.

As per this year’s United Nations Environment Programme’s (UNEP) Emissions Gap Report released on October 24, the current Nationally Determined Contributions – pledges by nations that aim to tackle climate change through actions such as increasing renewable energy sources to cut greenhouse gas emissions – are just not going to do the job of limiting warming to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels, as agreed in the 2015 Paris Agreement.

In fact, the existing NDCs mean that the world could well witness a global temperature rise of 2.6-2.8°C this century, the UNEP report said.

Science shows that at such temperatures, entire ecosystems could collapse. For instance, a study in 2022 showed that if the world hits 2°C above pre-industrial levels, all remaining refuges for the world’s already-ailing coral reefs will no longer exist. Coral reefs are critical for the survival of several fish species, many that people – especially local communities – rely on for both sustenance and livelihoods.

Cattle owned by a Rajasthan pastoralist community which is forced to move from place to place in search of water. Photo: ICARDA/Flickr (Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 2.0 Generic)

Countries are not implementing their pledges

The Emissions Gap Report 2024, released by the UNEP on October 24, titled ‘No more hot air…please!’, focuses on the Nationally Determined Contributions of nations in context of the upcoming 29th Conference of Parties (COP), the UN’s largest climate conference where leaders and government representatives will convene to take decisions on ways to tackle climate change. The 11-day-long COP29 will kick off on November 11 at Baku, Azerbaijan. Countries’ pledges or targets to cut down emissions are officially listed as their Nationally Determined Contributions, and are part of their ratification of the Paris Agreement. Targets can be unconditional or conditional: the latter are implemented by countries only if they receive financial support from other countries or international agencies. Nations have to submit the next set of updated NDCs early next year, and before COP30, which will be conducted in Brazil.

UNEP’s Emissions Gap Reports – produced annually since 2011 – assess “the gap between countries’ pledges on greenhouse gas emissions reductions and the reductions required to deliver a global temperature increase of below 2°C by the end of this century”. The 2023 Emissions Gap report found that countries’ pledges as of November 2023 – just before the UN’s 28th Conference of Parties at Dubai, UAE – would put the world on track for a 2.5-2.9°C temperature rise above pre-industrial levels this century, far higher than the limit of restricting global warming to a 1.5 or 2°C temperature rise.

The 2024 report paints an even darker picture: the estimated temperature rise has now increased. Given existing pledges’, and countries’ failure to implement them immediately, the world will witness a temperature increase of 2.6-3.1°C over the course of this century.

The global temperature rise will be 2.6°C if nations are able to fully implement all current unconditional and conditional NDCs. Implementing just some of these NDCs could result in higher temperature rises. For instance, implementing only existing unconditional NDCs would lead to 2.8°C of warming; and current levels of (low) implementation could lead to a drastic 3.1°C of warming.

Also read: It Will Be Difficult to Feed India if Our Climate Goals Are Not Met

Per the report, global greenhouse gas emissions amounted to 57.1 gigatonnes worth of carbon dioxide equivalent (GtCO2e) in 2023, a 1.3% increase from 2022 levels. The power sector was the largest global contributor to emissions at 15.1 GtCO2e, followed by transport (8.4 GtCO2e), agriculture (6.5 GtCO2e) and industry (6.5 GtCO2e).

To limit warming to less than 2°C, global emissions have to fall by 28% by 2030 and 37% from 2019 levels by 2035.

“The emissions gap is not an abstract notion,” said António Guterres, UN Secretary-General, in a video message on the report, per a press release. “There is a direct link between increasing emissions and increasingly frequent and intense climate disasters. Around the world, people are paying a terrible price. Record emissions mean record sea temperatures supercharging monster hurricanes; record heat is turning forests into tinder boxes and cities into saunas; record rains are resulting in biblical floods.”

Representative image of buildings submerged due to floods in West Bengal. Photo: Joydeep Sarkar/The Wire

“Today’s Emissions Gap report is clear: we’re playing with fire; but there can be no more playing for time,” Guterres added. “We’re out of time. Closing the emissions gap means closing the ambition gap, the implementation gap, and the finance gap. Starting at COP29.”

Role of G20 countries in reducing global emissions

In 2023, emissions from G20 countries increased, and accounted for 77% of global emissions. The report, therefore, explicitly says that G20 countries – and India is one of them – play a huge role in closing the emissions gap.

Just deploying more solar photovoltaic and wind energy, two “proven and cost-competitive options” per the report, can reduce total emissions by 27% in 2030 and 38% in 2035. Similarly, reducing deforestation, increasing reforestation and implementing improved forest management are “readily available low-cost options with large emission reduction potentials” that can help reduce emissions by 19% and 20% in 2030 and 2035, respectively.

“Other important and readily available mitigation options include demand-side measures, efficiency measures, and electrification and fuel switching in the buildings, transport and industry sectors,” the UNEP report said.

India emitted 4,140 metric tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent (MtCO2e) in 2023, accounting for 8% of the world’s total emissions. Greenhouse gas emissions from China, on the other hand, accounted for 30% of the world’s emissions, at 16,000 MtCO2e. However, India’s change in total emissions from 2022 to 2023 was higher than China’s: an increase of 6.1% for India versus China’s increase of 5.2%.

According to the report, studies show that India is one of the very few countries that is likely to meet all its existing NDCs by 2030.

Put together, if countries do not collectively commit to cutting 42% of annual greenhouse gas emissions by 2030, and 57% by 2035 and tailor-make their NDCs to enable this, the Paris Agreement’s goal of limiting warming to 1.5°C will be entirely out of reach, the report warned.

“Limiting warming to 1.5°C is one of the greatest asks of the modern era,” Inger Andersen, UNEP executive director, said in a press release.

“We may not make it. But the only certain path to failure is not trying. And we must remember that 1.5°C is not an on-off switch that will plunge the world into an era of darkness and chaos. We are operating on a sliding scale of disruption. If 1.5 is missed, we aim for 1.6. If 1.6 is missed, we aim for 1.7. Every fraction of a degree counts in terms of lives saved, economies protected, damages avoided, biodiversity conserved and the ability to rapidly bring down any temperature overshoot.”

Andersen also called on nations to ‘use COP29’ to bring about immediate, actionable changes to reduce the predicted rise in global temperatures.

“So, I urge every nation, no more hot air, please,” Andersen said in a press release. “Use COP29 next month to increase action now, set the stage for dramatically stronger NDCs that target 1.5°C, and then go all-out to deliver the necessary emissions cuts by 2030, by 2035 and beyond until net-zero is achieved.”

The Forest and Its Links to Women’s Fight for Freedom and Identity in Hasdeo

Despite their awareness and strong voice within the forest rights movement in Chhattisgarh, the private dynamics of the household often push them to the background.

Hasdeo (Chhattisgarh): Walking through the dense forest of Hasdeo Aranya near Fatehpur village in Chhattisgarh’s Sarguja district, Sunita Porte could not help but smile at our fascination with the forest. For her and the tribal community, the forest wasn’t just a patch of greenery; it was the backbone of their existence. “Your fascination is fascinating to me,” she remarked. “But please record this. Show people outside how we sustain ourselves through this forest.”

As Sunita and her companions collected wood and foraged for wild food, a pressing question lingered in the air: “What is a forest truly worth?”

According to the Union government, a forest is defined as any land larger than one hectare with a tree canopy density exceeding 10 percent, regardless of ownership or legal status. This definition, however, falls short of capturing what the Hasdeo forests mean to people like Sunita. “This forest is our life,” she said. “Every tree, every leaf here serves a purpose. We build our homes from its dried wood and mud. We make products like mats from its shrubs. I may not know all technical names, but I know everything here. It’s our god.

Latest government data from 2021 suggests an increase in forest cover by 2,261 square kilometres since 2019. But according to Global Forest Watch, India has lost over 23,000 square kilometres of tree cover in the past two decades. The disparity in these numbers arise from a shift in how India classifies land designated as forest areas – where forests are seen more for their carbon potential and economic value than for their biodiversity or communal ecosystem

Similarly, for the women of Hasdeo Aranya, these forests are more than just an economic asset; they are a symbol of livelihood, culture, and resistance. Their fight to protect these lands forms the heart of the Hasdeo Bachao Andolan, a movement that has been ongoing since 2011. Women are the cornerstone of this resistance that has, against all odds, saved over 445,000 acres of forest from 21 proposed coal mines. Yet, beneath the green canopy still lies an estimated 5.6 billion tonnes of coal – a resource so coveted that, despite protests, coal blocks continue to be auctioned off, especially during the 2020 pandemic when the government announced 21 new coal auctions.

‘What is a forest truly worth?’ Photo: Shubhanghi Derhgawen.

In 2014, the Supreme Court had cancelled 204 coal blocks across the country, including 20 in Hasdeo. But this has not stopped efforts to exploit the area. As of today, one block is actively mined by Adani Enterprises Ltd, and efforts are underway to open two more. The struggle to save the 1,876-square-kilometre Hasdeo region is far from over.

Fearless women, relentless resistance

Until May 2024, the women from villages like Salhi, Ghatbarra, Hairharpur and Fatehpur, staged a protest for over 800 consecutive days. “We are not afraid of the police, the administration, or the company,” said Bijayanti Khusro, a Ghatbarra resident, recalling a recent clash with authorities. In late August, at 3 am, they were informed that movement leaders had been detained by the police, and tree felling was imminent. Without a structured communication system, news spread by word of mouth, and soon enough, women poured out of their homes to gather near the forest, trying to stop the destruction.

Rattu Porte recounted how the situation escalated. “We stayed there all night. As more women gathered, more police vans arrived. By morning, the police became aggressive. They tore our sarees, broke our bangles, and threw us into buses,” she said. Despite the physical altercations and being forcibly removed, Bijayanti remained defiant. “What’s the worst they could do? Take us to the police station? It’s built for us, right? We’ll go, and we’ll take our families with us!”

‘We are not afraid of the police, the administration, or the company.’ Photo: Shubhanghi Derhgawen.

Over 100 women from three villages – Salhi, Ghatbarra, and Fatehpur – were preventively detained without a cause mentioned. Held in a government school from 10 am to 5 pm, they were released only after the trees they had so fiercely protected were felled. Their anger was palpable. Sambai Khusro, a protester from Ghatbarra, recounted, “Only we know the pain we felt, and how much we cried when they pulled us away from the trees. For years, we have revered this land, and they destroyed it within hours.”

Awareness and voting: The disconnect

Rattu Porte, an active figure in the Hasdeo movement, emphasised how women have consistently been engaged in the Gram Sabhas and the public life, juggling domestic responsibilities with community involvement. “We witnessed first-hand how the state encroached on our rights, how they pressured Gram Sabha secretaries to falsely show the villagers’ assent for mining activities,” she explained.

While women understood the manipulations within the Gram Sabhas, there remained a deeper, more nuanced disconnect when it came to fully grasping their rights under key legislations like the Forest Rights Act (FRA) of 2006 and the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA) of 1996. These laws promise significant protection for forest dwellers – under the FRA, more than 40% of India’s forest land could be vested as community forest rights with Gram Sabhas. However, the implementation has been flawed, with delays, mass rejections of claims, and ongoing threats of eviction. For many women, while the lived experience of protecting their forest is deeply ingrained, the legal framework that safeguard these rights often feel distant, overshadowed by male counterparts who possess more formal knowledge.

‘It was instinct. The tree is like our child.’ Photo: Shubhanghi Derhgawen.

Even though women are the backbone of the movement, much of the strategies, legal knowledge, and organisational tactics have been passed down from their male peers. “The techniques we used to resist tree-felling were similar to the Chipko movement, but at the start, we didn’t even know about Chipko,” said Sambai Khusro. The Chipko movement, which saw women hugging trees in the 1970s to prevent deforestation, shares deep similarities with Hasdeo, but the connection came later for the women here.

“It was instinct. The tree is like our child. When the authorities approached with tools to cut it down, we hugged it, trying to shield it from pain,” Sambai recalled.

Over time, the women have learned about the historical parallels, giving their movement a stronger sense of legacy. Yet, at its core, their fight has always been rooted in their personal and intimate connection to the land.

Despite the women’s determination in the Hasdeo struggle, many women still feel disconnected from the political processes that shape their rights. Their interactions with the state are often limited to negative encounters, such as police crackdowns, while popular political slogans by the ruling Bhartiya Janta Party like “sabka vikas (development for all)” prompt them to ask, “Kiska vikas? (whose development?)”. The disillusionment with political promises has created a growing indifference to voting.

This indifference was evident in the 2024 general elections, when many women, including Sambai, did not want to vote. As a cook at the village government school, she was present on voting day but felt intimidated by the officials. “I don’t understand the symbols or the process. I’m not educated. They tell me to put my thumbprint here and there, and out of fear, I do it. But I don’t even know where my vote is going,” she shared, repeatedly expressing her lack of desire to participate. The act of voting, for many, has become hollow, a process stripped of meaning due to a lack of trust in the system or belief in its impact on their daily lives.

Also read: Why the BJP Could Face a Challenge to Repeat its 2019 Tally in Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh

The Erosion of Independence

One of the greatest fears expressed by the women of the Hasdeo region is the loss of their independence, not just over their land but in public life. Neeru Uirra, a resident of Ghatbarra, cradling her two-year-old daughter, articulated this fear: “If we lose the village, we lose the community. We won’t be able to finish our housework and gather at 10 am to discuss work opportunities or run our group finance units. We pool our savings to invest in small enterprises, like setting up a shop or selling the products we make here. Without the village meetings and sabhas, our physical movement will be restricted – we won’t even go to the forest as often to collect supplies or forage.”

‘We pool our savings to invest in small enterprises.’ Photo: Shubhanghi Derhgawen.

With helplessness on her face, Neeru exclaimed, “We will be stuck at home.”

This concern highlights the visible difference between women’s empowerment in the private versus public spheres. With the encroachment on land rights, the fabric of their communal life unravels.

As the process of land acquisition in villages like Ghatbarra have advanced, many households have begun accepting compensation from Adani Enterprises. Among the five such households visited, women of the family consistently expressed discontent over being excluded from such decisions. Despite some women holding land rights in their names, the men dominated all decisions regarding compensation. In many cases, wives were unaware of how much money was even given for the land.

The elders of the movement, like Hari Prasad, also pointed out the adverse social consequences of the company’s influence. Since Adani began convincing villagers to give their consent, alcoholism has surged manifolds among men further complicating circumstances for women. Parpatiya Porte, a resident of Ghatbarra who a part of the protests and movement was once, shared her own story of loss. Her husband, who never drank before the land disputes began, now regularly consumes alcohol. He has taken a menial job at the coal mine in exchange for their land and has received part of the compensation money. “What do I say? My husband didn’t think of children or me. Now he spends all the money on alcohol,” she said. Parpatiya has now stopped being a part of the movement or stepping out of her house and joining other women in their activities.

‘Do you think men listen to anything women have to say?’ Photo: Shubhanghi Derhgawen.

Even her everyday private protests and attempts to stop her husband’s drinking fall on deaf ears. “My daughter, who is in college, tried to convince him not to give away the land, but do you think men listen to anything women have to say?” she asked bitterly. When asked about the fate of the compensation money being squandered on alcohol, she stared off into the distance, dejected and resigned to a future where the hard-earned gains of the community, and her family’s security, seem to be slipping away.

This situation reflects the broader challenges women face in Hasdeo. On one hand, they risk losing their participation in public affairs, economic security, and community life. Yet, despite their awareness and strong voices within the movement, the private dynamics of the household often push women to the background. Information about the movement, or critical decisions, is filtered through the men. Compounding these struggles is the rising issue of alcoholism among men in the community, which has left many women to face abuse and neglect. This dual loss – of public space and private autonomy – marks the complex and deeply layered reality for women in Hasdeo.

Shubhangi Derhgawen is a freelance journalist and a lead researcher with the Visual Storyboard Team of the Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), O.P. Jindal Global University.

Deepanshu Mohan is a professor of economics, Dean, IDEAS, and Director, CNES. He is a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and an academic visiting fellow to AMES, University of Oxford.

This research forms part of a series of field-based essays produced by the Visual Storyboard team at the Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), OP Jindal Global University, dedicated to amplifying the voices of tribal communities in Chhattisgarh.

International Index Ranks India Among Top Five Worst Performers in Conservation Efforts

The Global Nature Conservation Index rated 180 countries based on 25 indicators including protected area cover, and India’s rank is 176.

New Delhi: India is among the five worst performers in conservation efforts as per the Global Nature Conservation Index 2024 released on October 24.

The 2024 Index covers 180 countries and ranks India at 176, with a score of 45.5. Faring worse than India are Micronesia (177), Iraq (178), Turkey (179) and Kiribati (180).

Index to measure conservation efforts

The Nature Conservation Index (NCI) assesses the effectiveness of countries’ conservation efforts by taking into account 25 indicators. These include land management, threats to biodiversity, capacity and governance and future trends based on already available environmental and conservation indices like Yale’s Environmental Performance Index.

Several indicators make up each theme: for instance, land management looks at coverage of protected areas (both terrestrial and marine), representativeness of protected areas, connectedness of landscapes or lack of it (which is an indicator of habitat fragmentation), the extent of converted land (urban, industrial, agricultural) and sustainable practices in nitrogen and pesticide use.

The Index is the first ever of its kind, and will be updated annually by The Goldman Sonnenfeldt School of Sustainability and Climate Change, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev and non-profit website BioDB.com which are collaborating to develop the Index. According to BioDB.com, the NCI “is a tool that shows how well countries are protecting their natural environments”.

“What if players played a game without knowing the rules or having any idea of the scores? Whether it’s a race, a game, or an exam, rules, scores, and grades are essential to help participants understand their performance, set goals, and measure their success or areas for improvement,” said Uri Roll, a professor at the Mitrani Department of Desert Ecology, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, who was also part of team that developed the Index

Similarly, the NCI was created to provide a standardised, global assessment of conservation efforts, provide actionable insights to improve global conservation strategies, and support informed decision-making to enhance global biodiversity protection and sustainable development,” added Roll.

India among worst five performers

As per the Index, India is faring very poorly. India has a score of 45.5 out of 100, and is therefore ranked 176 among 180 countries. Following India in overall rank as per the Index are Micronesia (177), Iraq (178), Turkey (179) and Kiribati (180). Led by Luxembourg, five European nations are among the top five in rank.

At rank 15, and with a score of 63.1, Bhutan is the only South Asian country among the top 50 ranks. Nepal is next, at rank 60. Sri Lanka and Pakistan are also ahead of India, at ranks 90 and 151 respectively.

Per the Index, India is faring badly when it comes to the ‘Land Management’ category. Under this section, India’s score for Protected Areas – Terrestrial and Marine – are very low, at 2 and 0 respectively. Under the ‘Threats to Biodiversity’ category, India’s score for species coverage through Marine Protected Areas is also 0.

However, under the same category of Land Management, India’s score for “Ecological Representativeness of Terrestrial Protected Areas” (which captures how well protected areas reflect the full range of ecosystems and habitats within a geographical region) is 100 (out of 100) – along with more than 50 other countries such as Bangladesh, Brazil and Indonesia.

According to the Index, India also scores highest (score of 100 out of 100, and a rank of 1) – along with several other countries – in ratifying the Convention on Biological Diversity, and CITES.

Conservation: Success, Failure, and the Joys of Science

‘Scaling Up’ – essential reading – revolves around the life and work of Romulus Whitaker, an American-born wildlife biologist, who adopted India and its reptilian fauna back in the 1960s. It is told by Zai, Whitaker’s partner of many years.

Success stories in wildlife conservation are few and far between. So one that comes out of India is all the more heart-warming, given the immense challenges of protecting nature in the country. Scaling Up is an insightful chronicle of a conservation programme that has survived both the test of time and the vagaries of government policy. This is a story that needed to be told.

Scaling Up revolves around the life and work of Romulus Whitaker, an American-born wildlife biologist, who adopted India and its reptilian fauna back in the 1960’s. It is a story not only of the passion of discovery but also of grit, tenacity and hardship. The tale is told by Zai, Whitaker’s partner of many years and a protagonist in the events.

‘Scaling Up’, Zai Whitaker, Juggernaut, 2024.

In addition to being extremely informative about herpetology, Scaling Up throws a spotlight on India’s conservation history. Many turning points in field biology are chronicled here, such as the discovery of sea turtle nesting sites, the first crocodile censuses across India and the rediscovery of the rare forest cane turtle. Along the way, Romulus Whitaker and his team discovered new field sites which were suited to the study of particular animal groups, such as the South Andamans and Agumbe (Karnataka). With the basic groundwork being done, and facilities developed, these remote locales became vibrant nodes for herpetological and other kinds of research.

The Whitakers were foresighted enough to realise that public outreach was as important as doing the science, when it comes to conservation. This was particularly true in the case of venomous snakes that cause thousands of deaths in India. The negative encounters with snakes seemed to be shaping public opinion about them, and other reptiles. They therefore saw their role in reducing snake-bite deaths as critical to conservation in that it would allow a degree of coexistence between people and snakes. The Irular tribe of coastal Tamil Nadu was given centre stage in this endeavour, in recognition of their incredible knowledge of snake ecology and behaviour. However, the author has not stopped short of elaborating on the complicated uphill battles ever since, which still have not let up. There is still limited uptake and use of anti-venom due to low production. Thousands of snake-bite victims do not yet have easy access to anti-venom serum as the government does not support such units in public hospitals despite the prevalence of snake-bite.

The spectacled cobra, one of the Big Four venomous snakes of India. This cobra is worshipped in different ways throughout the country. Illustration: Bruce Peck

It was interesting to read of the deep association between biologists and the Irular, with much mutual respect on both sides. Yet, the Irular example is also a grim reminder that participatory conservation with marginalised social groups, is just not as common as it could have been in a country like India. Most tribal communities have not been integrated into mainstream conservation, despite their tremendous knowledge and experience, such as the Van Gujjars of the Western Himalayas or the Gond tribes of Central India.

Scaling Up is also a commentary on the critical importance of facilitative policies for conservation particularly in developing countries where sustainable harvest of wildlife could be a useful strategy. In 1972, the captive-breeding programme for muggers was set up at Madras Crocodile Bank with the aim of raising revenues through sale of crocodile skins, then a valuable commodity in the international market. However, the abrupt U-turn in orders of the Tamil Nadu government led to dramatic over-population of muggers over the years, which then had to dealt with. Perhaps the Whitakers had misread the social acceptability of crocodile harvesting in India, something that had earlier worked in Australia.

A giant stick insect showers affection on Zai in Kalakkad during a strenuous trek. Illustration: Bruce Peck

The numerous examples in Scaling Up show the criticality of field-based research: that true ecological insights emerge during long and difficult hours in the field. As an example, the encyclopaedic Book of Indian Snakes is today taken for granted by naturalists who use it for species identification; it is easy to forget that it is based on thousands of hours of exploration, field observations and meticulous data compilation. In her own inimitable style, Zai Whitaker revisits the joys of scientific discovery and exploration that led to fundamental work on reptiles. Whitaker provides captivating accounts of animal behaviour and ecology. She writes of a nesting bout of the Olive Ridley sea turtle:

“We trotted up and flopped down by her side. I got a face full of sharp dry sand as she tossed it back with her hind flippers. Once she had shifted the upper layer, the systematic digging of the nest hole began and about thirty minutes after she had left the water, the half-metre-deep cavity was ready. This strenuous terrestrial activity made great demands on the stamina of the turtle and she breathed in deep gulps punctuated by short sharp whistles. The water from the lachrymal glands, which wash the eyeballs, streamed down, giving her a tearful look.”

Rules for hand feeding crocs (as demonstrated by Rom here) keep your fingernails short and your eyes on those jaws! Illustration: Bruce Peck

Yet, the success of long-term interventions such as those by the Romulus Whitaker and his team, can be measured not so much in numbers of species conserved or population increase of endangered species such as the gharial. What is more important is the legacy they have left behind in terms of the numbers of young people inspired, supported, trained and nurtured over the years, and the enhanced sensitivity to reptiles in the public at large. The institutions that they founded, such as Andaman and Nicobar Environment Team, Madras Crocodile Bank Trust and Madras Snake Park, have largely stayed true to their original mandate even after several decades. Yet, there is no getting away from the fact that genuine field conservation is extremely messy, complex, and often heart-breaking – when hard-won gains over years could be overturned in a day – and her candidly written account vouches for that.

Whitaker’s conversational style, tinged with wry humour and wit, also makes it an enjoyable read. I would rate Scaling Up as an important book for anyone concerned with wildlife biology and conservation whether in India or elsewhere. I recommend it highly for conservationists, biologists, policy-makers and forest managers.

Ghazala Shahabuddin is an ecologist working on anthropogenic impacts, land use change, forest ecology, ornithology and wildlife conservation policy. She is a Visiting Professor to the Environmental Studies, Ashoka University, and a Senior Adjunct Fellow with ATREE, Bengaluru.

Cyclone Dana Expected to Make Landfall by Early Friday, 3 lakh People Evacuated in Odisha

Flight operations at the Biju Patnaik International Airport in Bhubaneswar will remain suspended for 16 hours from Thursday (October 23) evening.

New Delhi: As cyclone Dana inches closer to Odisha and neighbouring West Bengal with landfall expected on early Friday (October 25), both the states have stepped up evacuation of people from the areas where the cyclone is expected to have maximum impact.

More than 1.14 lakh people in West Bengal have been evacuated, said government officials, Hindustan Times reported.

Odisha Chief Minister Mohan Charan Majhi has said that 3 lakh people out of the targeted 10 lakh people have been evacuated so far in the state till Wednesday (October 23) evening.

“The severe cyclonic storm “DANA” (pronounced as Dana) over central & adjoining northwest Bay of Bengal moved north-northwestwards with a speed of 12 kmph during past 6 hours, and lay centred at 0530 hrs IST of today, the 24th October, over northwest & adjoining central Bay of Bengal, near latitude 18.5° N and longitude 88.2°E, about 260 km southeast of Paradip (Odisha), 290 km south-southeast of Dhamara (Odisha) and 350 km south of Sagar Island (West Bengal),” The Indian Meteorological Department (IMD) posted on X on Thursday (October 24) morning.

“It is very likely to move northwestwards and cross north Odisha and West Bengal coasts between Puri and Sagar Island close to Bhitarkanika and Dhamara (Odisha) during mid-night of 24th to morning of 25th October, 2024 as a severe Cyclonic Storm with a wind speed of 100-110 kmph gusting 120 kmph,” the IMD added.

Bhubaneswar airport suspends flight operations for 16 hours

Flight operations at the Biju Patnaik International Airport in Bhubaneswar will remain suspended for 16 hours from Thursday (October 23) evening.

Meanwhile, several districts of West Bengal received moderate to heavy rain on Thursday (October 24) morning. The cyclone is expected to result in heavy rainfall in several districts of south Bengal including Kolkata.

Very heavy rainfall with extremely heavy downpour in south Bengal districts of North and South 24 Parganas, Purba and Paschim Medinipur, Jhargram, Kolkata, Howrah and Hooghly districts on October 24 and 24 is expected, said the Met Department, reported the Press Trust of India.

The eastern and south eastern railways have cancelled several trains in wake of the cyclone.

Odisha government forms teams to rescue crocodiles, snakes

The predicted landfall near Bhitarkanika in Odisha which is the second-largest mangrove ecosystem after the Sundarbans, forest officials suspect that crocodiles can move to human settlements with the increase in water level.

“If the water level increases, there are chances that the crocodiles may move to human settlements. We have formed two teams, each comprising seven persons, and provided them equipment to rescue crocodiles. Five other teams have also been formed for rescue of snakes from human habitations,” said Sudarshan Gopinath Jadhav, DFO, mangrove wildlife division, Rajnagar, reported The Indian Express.

The Jagatsinghpur, Kendrapara, Bhadrak and Balasore districts in Odisha are expected to face the maximum impact of the cyclone.

“The state has identified over 3,000 vulnerable locations (villages) across 14 districts, primarily along the coastal belt, and started evacuation procedures. As many as 10,60,336 people are likely to be evacuated before Cyclone Dana makes landfall,” Odisha Revenue and Disaster Management Minister Suresh Pujari said.