Rights

Toxic Threat: Northwest Delhi Residents Rise Up Against Proposed Waste Plant

Locals are particularly worried about the risk of chemical seepage affecting nearby agricultural land.

New Delhi: Northwest Delhi’s Sannoth village has become the epicenter of a growing protest against the proposed Waste-to-Energy (WtE) plant in Bawana. Since December 19 residents have raised alarms over the potential environmental and health hazards posed by the project.

The proposed project, spread over 15-acre land, is expected to process around 3,000 tonne of waste per day, significantly addressing the waste generated daily in Bawana industrial area. However, if this plant comes up, the area will have the country’s highest concentration of incinerators, burning 6,000 tonne of waste daily. Nearby residents, already enduring the harmful effects of toxic fumes and fly ash, are concerned about facing repercussions similar to those experienced by the residents of Haji Colony located opposite the Okhla WtE plant.

Like thousands of other families, several generations of 85-year-old Kanwar Singh’s family have lived in Sannoth, a small village near the proposed WtE project site in Bawana on the outskirts of Delhi.

“I once played joyfully in this very field, and today, I find myself protesting here,” Singh, the only literate elder in the locality, said. He is among thousands of protesters participating in an indefinite protest against the government’s “developmental” plans.

The protesters highlight issues with the existing plant, which emits unpleasant odour during the monsoon, and fear the new plant could worsen the situation as the area would process 3,000 tonne more waste daily. Locals are particularly worried about the risk of chemical seepage affecting nearby agricultural land.

Health concerns

Despite being just a tiny portion of Maharashtra’s size, Delhi (10,990 tonne per day) produces almost half the waste generated by the former (22,632.71 tonne per day) on a daily basis. To tackle this waste disposal issue, Delhi already has plants at Okhla, Tehkhand, Ghazipur and Bawana processing about 8,000 tonnes of waste daily out of the 11,000 tonnes generated each day.

Amid controversies, the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) approved another WtE plant in Bawana on December 19, elevating residents’ concerns. The authorities also plan to expand the processing capacity of the existing plants by 1,000 tonnes and the proposed plant’s capacity by 2,000 tonnes in the future.

However, the local residents are concerned about the possible health effects. Residents recall the experience of Haji Colony and Sukhdev Vihar in Okhla, where the Timarpur-Okhla Waste Management Co Pvt Ltd, operated by the Jindal Group, has been in operation since 2012. The plant was found to be emitting large volumes of respirable pollutants, with confirmed presence of cadmium in the dumped ash, resulting in a substantial fine and severe criticism from the Supreme Court.

Political promises fall short

Many like 18-year-old Naman Kumar have dubbed the issue as “Kachra Rajneeti” (garbage politics), highlighting the underlying politics. In 2012, affected villages like Sannoth, Ladpur (near Kanjhawala), and Khera (near Kazipur) boycotted the MCD polls, protesting the negligence of both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which led the MCD and Delhi government, respectively.

It appears that history is repeating itself. This area, which falls under Narela constituency, reinforced the Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP’s) foothold by supporting its candidate in the 2020 assembly elections and retaining the Bankner ward in the 2022 MCD elections. Locals have often praised the AAP’s efforts in improving water supply and reducing electricity bills.

However, in the recent 2024 general elections, the BJP dominated the Northwest Delhi constituency with the largest margin in the capital, exceeding two lakh votes. Despite this political back-and-forth, villagers remain deeply disappointed, holding both the AAP and the BJP accountable for neglecting the proximity of the proposed site to their villages.

“Our parents voted for a better future, for metro connectivity projects. But now, when the government introduces new plans, it’s just another mountain of garbage!” Naman said, expressing his frustration, as these college students have to travel 25 km by bus, back and forth, just to reach the nearest metro station for further travel. The locals are once again considering boycotting the upcoming assembly elections, viewing it as their last resort to register their protest.

Also read: The Human Cost of Delhi-NCR’s ‘Mountains of Waste’

As the local protest continues, Aruna Kumari, the nominated Congress candidate for Narela constituency in the upcoming elections, visited the local protest. When asked specifically about the project during her election rally, she acknowledged the issue but refrained from offering a clear commitment to resolve the villagers’ concerns.

While the BJP is yet to nominate a candidate for this constituency, Neeldaman Khatri, the former BJP MLA, attended the protest and assured the party’s support. However, this “support” has not alleviated the frustration and anger among villagers, as work on the electricity towers have already begun in the area. Both parties have promised action post-election but have not actively engaged in protesting alongside the village community.

AAP’s candidate, Dinesh Bhardwaj, is actively rallying in other regions of Narela but is yet to visit Sannoth village. When this author questioned the party members about this, they conveyed that they had written a letter to Lieutenant Governor V.K. Saxena requesting him to relocate the project site. However, when asked further about the involvement of the MCD, which is under the state government, they declined to comment further.

According to the villagers, a few gram sabhas have been conducted in recent days to inform the community and share their objections via email by December 26, 2024. However, the villagers complain that they are digitally illiterate, and the most active group – elderly residents – struggle to send emails as they lack access to mobile phones.

An additional public hearing was scheduled for December 27 to address the concerns of the villagers and mitigate their anger. But, according to the attendees, the actions taken did not align with the promises made. Villagers allege that an officer attempted to fraudulently obtain their signatures to falsely depict written consent for the project, taking advantage of the illiteracy among many locals.

Following this incident, tensions have heightened, with residents of nearby areas, including J.J. Colony and Sannoth, issuing stern warnings to the authorities. They have threatened to take drastic measures, such as contaminating a tributary of the Yamuna River, if any further progress is made on the project. This development could exacerbate the conflict between stakeholders and potentially impact a broader population in Delhi, given the Yamuna River’s critical role in supplying water to the city.

“At this age, migrating is not an option. We neither have the means to move nor the physical strength to do so,” says Singh, reflecting on the growing stench from the existing plant and the prospect of worsening conditions if the new plant is approved.

While some villagers considered migration due to the unbearable environment, most remained resolute in their protests, determined to protect their ancestral land and ensure a healthier future for the next generation. They have also appealed to the media and the people of Delhi for support in safeguarding their land and way of life.

Delhi’s escalating waste management crisis demands urgent and decisive action. The worst part is this waste, often unsegregated and low in calorific value, contains high moisture which requires more energy for incineration, making WtE plants more environmentally harmful. These landfills have transformed into towering mountains of untreated, foul-smelling waste, a clear reflection of the government’s failure to address the issue.

Some progress has been made, with waste now being repurposed for road construction under the Urban Extension Road Project-II. Yet, the gap between waste generation and disposal remains alarmingly wide and is unlikely to close anytime soon.

As a result, the towering “kude ka pahad” (mountains of garbage), initially intended as landfill sites, continue to grow unchecked. Without sustainable solutions that consider both public welfare and environmental impact, these waste heaps appear destined to rise indefinitely.

Salony is an independent journalist covering polity, governance and social issues.

Bengal Police Conduct Searches at Doctor’s House Days After He Speaks to Reporters on ‘Saline Scam’

A team of over 30 Bidhannagar police officers conducted a search of Asfakulla Naiya’s residence in the Kakdwip block of the South 24 Parganas district. Naiya told The Wire that the search took place in his absence.

Kolkata: Days after he publicly criticised an alleged medicine adulteration scam in West Bengal’s state-run hospitals, police raided the home of junior doctor Dr. Asfakulla Naiya. Naiya was a prominent figure in the protests which took place in the aftermath of the trainee doctor’s rape and murder at the R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital.

A team of over 30 Bidhannagar police officers conducted a search of Naiya’s residence in the Kakdwip block of the South 24 Parganas district. Naiya told The Wire that the search took place in his absence and that he was staying at his designated hostel at R.G. Kar Medical College in Kolkata at the time of the search.

Speaking to The Wire, Naiya said, “I don’t know why they searched my house or what the charges are. I woke up in the morning to this news. My family informed me that a large police force with cameras entered my house and conducted a search. My elderly mother and siblings at home were shocked. If I have done anything illegal, the police should call me.”

Prior to the search, Naiya had spoken to The Wire on January 13, alleging significant corruption within the healthcare system in Bengal.

On January 15, he was slapped with a show-cause notice following a complaint alleging that he practised as an “ENT specialist” at a private medical service provider’s clinic in the state despite lacking the necessary qualifications for that specialisation.

Naiya is convinced that the search is meant to coerce him into silence. “As the day of the trial for the murder of the doctor at R.G. Kar is approaching, we doctors are preparing for that legal battle and at the same time fulfilling our duty of providing medical services too. At this time, it is plain to see that the administration has taken such a step to deliberately flummox us,” he said.

“If the police secretly leave something in my house in my absence, who will be responsible for it? This is a deep conspiracy!”

The deputy commissioner of the Bidhan Nagar Police Station, Anis Sarkar, told The Wire that the search was conducted legally.

“After receiving a complaint, we obtained permission from the Bidhan Nagar court. With a search warrant from the court, we conducted a search at the junior doctor’s residence today,” said Sarkar.

The complaint against Naiya was first brought up publicly last month by a spokesperson of the ruling Trinamool Congress party, Kunal Ghosh and the Junior Doctors’ Association (JDA), a doctors’ body with close ties to TMC. During the several month-long agitation for justice and systemic changes after the R.G. Kar murder, several doctors had been vocal in alleging corruption and a threat culture perpetrated by some JDA office-bearers.

Naiya had been a prominent face of the Junior Doctors’ Forum which led the protests, which culminated after a meeting between the doctors and chief minister Mamata Banerjee.

The forum had notably opposed the reinstatement of doctors Avik De and Birupaksha Biswas to the West Bengal Medical Council. The duo had been removed in September last year for allegedly promoting a culture of intimidation and corruption in medical colleges. Both were affiliated to the TMC.

Several doctors’ bodies have spoken in support of Naiya.

In a strongly worded statement, the Joint Platform of Doctors’ Organisations had said, “The Medical Council can never send police to a doctor’s house. If a doctor does anything illegal, they can ask for an explanation by letter. Here, the police have been sent to the house of a protesting doctor as an act of political vendetta. If the government does not stop such actions, doctors and health workers will have to take to the streets again.”

The Association of Health Service Doctors has also strongly condemned the TMC government’s vindictive politics.

This is not the first time that the government has executed such action.

During the R.G. Kar movement, Alok Kumar Verma, a doctor from Uttar Pradesh working at North Bengal Medical College in Siliguri, participated in the protests and went on a hunger strike in solidarity with the junior doctors in Kolkata. Following instructions from the West Bengal Police, the Uttar Pradesh Police had visited his home in Lucknow and conducted a search. His family was reportedly pressured to convince him to withdraw from the movement.

Similar incidents occurred with other doctors, including a woman from Bankura, whose home was also searched by the police, allegedly to intimidate her family.

Also read: What the Deaths of Women Due to the Use of Expired Saline Says About Bengal’s Healthcare

Medinipur Medical College death controversy

Meanwhile, the Bengal government on January 16 suspended 12 doctors from Midnapore Medical College and Hospital following the death of a woman and the illness of four others after childbirth, allegedly due to the administration of expired intravenous fluid. Chief minister Banerjee condemned the incident and announced a compensation of Rs 5 lakh and a government job for the deceased woman’s family.

It was alleged that the maternal death and subsequent illnesses were linked to Ringer’s Lactate saline supplied by Paschim Banga Pharmaceuticals, a company previously blacklisted by the Karnataka government. Since then, the state government has issued a directive stopping use of medicines supplied by the company in state-run hospitals. However, the health secretary maintained that the saline batch sent to MMCH had undergone proper testing.

Translated from the Bengali original and with inputs from Aparna Bhattacharya.

Ethnic Tribes Caught in the Crossfire as Free Movement Regime With Myanmar Nears End

While aimed at curbing insurgency, smuggling and illegal immigration, the move to terminate the Free Movement Regime (FMR) has sparked concerns among tribal communities whose lives and economies are deeply tied to cross-border ties.

On January 2, 2024, Union home minister Amit Shah declared the central government’s commitment towards restricting free movement of people with Myanmar by erecting a fence along the 1,643-km border. The defined border passes through the states of Manipur (398 km), Mizoram (510 km), Nagaland (215km) and Arunachal Pradesh (520 km), with a maritime boundary located by the Bay of Bengal.

In September 2023, the Manipur government appealed to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) to nullify the Free Movement Regime (FMR) and fence the entire international border between the two countries. The appeal serendipitously aligns with the central government’s avowed concerns about the FMR being exploited by insurgents to escape to Myanmar after carrying out attacks on Indian soil. The FMR agreement, reached between the two countries in 2018, remains suspended since September 2022, amply expressing that anxiety.

Historical context and exploitation of the FMR

The 1948 Burma Passport Laws and the Passport (Entry into India) Rules of 1950, later amended by the MHA, allowed the “hill tribes, who is either a citizen of India or the Union of Burma and who is ordinarily a resident in any area within 40 km (25 miles) on either side of the India-Burma frontier” to enter India without a passport or visa. Yet, this did not thwart the governmental imperative to track and regulate such tribes with mutually common customs and ways of lives, and who frequently travel across the border.

The government hence drew up a list of 62 items permissible for border trade at a concessional duty rate of 5%, regular or normal trade being allowed via Land Customs Station in Moreh (Manipur) and Zokhawthar (Mizoram). Each individual was allowed to carry as much ware as could fit in a head load. While the Myanmar government permitted Indians to remain in Myanmar for a maximum of 24 hours, the Indian government stipulated that Myanmarese nationals may stay in India for 72 hours. However, not much else is known about the specifics of the actual terms and conditions of border control and cooperation between the two countries.

While it is true that the FMR helped the tribes maintain their age-old bonds across the national borders, unfortunately, the Indian government’s apprehensions are well-founded. The FMR arrangements have been repeatedly exploited by certain Indian groups to carry out anti-social actions in India. Cadres of various rebel groups would enter Myanmar to receive armed training and then return to India to carry out operations, escaping back to Myanmar afterwards. This was the pattern set by the Nagas in 1956, Meiteis in 1964 and the Mizos in 1966. The central government claims that the existence of FMR and a weakly monitored border allowed the rebels to intensify their operations, endangering national security. The cumulative heft of the insurgencies of the Naga, the Meitei and the Zo ethnic groups compelled the Indian government to review the FMR’s terms and restrict these tribes’ unfettered cross-border mobility.

Evolution of border policies

Consequently, in August 1968, the MHA instituted a “permission system” for crossing the Myanmar border, requiring individuals from both countries to carry permits from their respective nations in order to cross over. This stipulation remained in force for the next 40 years. Nevertheless, since the 1990s and the early 2000s, the security situation in the Northeast has significantly deteriorated due to a sharp rise in rebel activities across the international border, matched by similar increments in drug trafficking and gun smuggling.

India decides to further limit the FMR’s span to 16 km in 2004, and only allow ethnic tribes residing within this limit across the two borders, to cross the international boundary through the three officially recognised locations of Pangsau, Moreh and Zokhawthar in the corresponding states of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Mizoram. In the absence of a formal agreement on the free movement of hill tribes across their shared border with Myanmar at the time, the Indian government developed a Memorandum of Understanding to be discussed with the Myanmar government. The Agreement on Land Border Crossing was ratified on May 11, 2018, as part of the Narendra Modi government’s Act East policy, formalising the hitherto informal provisions of the FMR arrangements. However, in the face of a tenacious ethnic conflict in Manipur since May 2023, the central government announced on January 2, 2024, its decision to scrap the FMR. This was predictably received by most ethnic tribes across the borders as a grave intrusion in their customary ways of lives which pivot around free movement across the region.

Impact on tribes and local economies

The decision to scrap the FMR shows that the security imperative has spanned the entire policy spectrum on the matter, eschewing the historical and humanitarian aspects. For the tribes residing within the FMR limits on the Myanmar side, health and education are more easily accessible across the border in India. Further, the local economies and livelihoods on both sides are going to be impacted negatively, cross-border trade being the pivot of these low-income economies. The governments of Mizoram and Nagaland have expressed their opposition to the decision on these conspicuous grounds, contending that it will have utterly adverse effects over the social, cultural and economic landscape of the region at large. The Manipur government, however, no longer keen on sweating it out at the policy drawing boards trying to hammer out a mechanism that is permissive yet highly surveillant, has chosen instead to go with the easier blanket measure, favourably citing the influx of refugees after the coup of February, 2021.

The claims of manifold increase in smuggling from across the border into India are doubtlessly true. Manipur chief minister Biren Singh said that since the war on drugs campaign was launched in 2018, a total of around 19,135 acres of illegal poppy cultivation has been destroyed and around 297 drug smugglers have been convicted. The chief minister added that more than 50% of the poppy crop in the state has been eradicated thanks to the “war on drugs,” which is still going strong under Modi’s “Nasha Mukt Bharat” campaign. In 2021–22, illegal poppy cultivation was discovered on 28,598.91 acres in the state; however, in 2023–24, that number was reduced to 11,288.07 acres, according to Singh.

Also read: Chaos Over Border Passes at Mizoram-Myanmar Border, Free Movement Regime Rules Tightened

The situation is further compounded by a stretch of 500 km of highly susceptible border that runs along Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Mizoram, through forests and undulating terrain, much of it unfenced. In Manipur, only about 6 km have been fenced so far. The assumption that the negative impact that will inevitably follow the scrapping of the FMR will most likely give further impetus to cross-border smuggling is, therefore, not a stretch.

The need for a balanced approach

Since the coup in February, 2021, the junta has launched a sustained campaign against the Zo ethnic tribes (Zomi-Kuki-Mizo) people, pushing the multitude across the country’s western border into India, largely in Manipur and Mizoram. In Mizoram, cross-border solidarity has paved the way for setting up camps for 40,000 refugees, despite protests from the MHA.

Biometrics have made it considerably easier to identify illegal migrants. In 2023, 2,500 illegal immigrants were identified in Manipur. In September 2022, 5,500 illegal immigrants were apprehended at the Moreh border itself, 4,300 being returned to Myanmar. The Manipur government has repeatedly blamed local village chiefs of colluding with the immigrants in setting up settlements for the latter. An eviction drive against such settlements became the flashpoint between Zo ethnic tribes and government forces, leading to violence across the state. In its navigation of the border situation, New Delhi needs to reevaluate and reform the FMR rather than terminate it. Strategic policies ought not to include either sweeping measures or ones that place social, economic and cultural aspects outside the scope of governmental deliberations.

Langthianmung Vualzong is an alumnus of Special Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University.

The Draft Digital Personal Data Protection Rules: Surveillance For Surveillance’s Sake

Rule 22 of the Draft Digital Personal Data Protection Rules opens the door for unchecked government surveillance.

The Draft Digital Personal Data Protection Rules released on January 3 paint a worrying picture. Though aimed at establishing a comprehensive data protection framework, the Rules fall short in crucial areas like enforcement and transparency, with a particularly troubling provision under Rule 22.

The Digital Personal Data Protection Act, enacted in 2023, granted authority to the Union government under Section 36 to demand information from data fiduciaries or intermediaries. Rule 22 has taken this a step further, allowing the government broad discretion to demand sensitive personal data from companies without the consent of individuals, with the criteria under the Seventh Schedule of the Rules for such requests remaining vague and undefined.

What does it mean for personal data?

Under the Rules, one of the primary grounds to demand data is “in the interest of sovereignty and integrity of India or security of the State,” as outlined in the Seventh Schedule. This justification is alarmingly vague, allowing for potential overreach and arbitrary use without clear, enforceable limits.

Additional grounds for requesting data include “performing functions under existing laws, fulfilling obligations under any law in force, actions by persons authorised under applicable laws, and conducting assessments to designate certain entities as Significant Data Fiduciaries”. These broad and ambiguous criteria give government authorities almost unchecked power to access personal data whenever they see fit.

Notably, there is no requirement for a formal, written request by the authorities, who are themselves appointed by the government. This creates a system where government-appointed agents can demand sensitive information at will, bypassing the need for individual consent and raising significant concerns about privacy and misuse of power.

Second, Rule 22 permits the government to withhold information if its disclosure is deemed to jeopardise national security or sovereignty. The phrasing – “prejudicially affect the sovereignty and integrity of India or security of the State” – is alarmingly broad and could potentially be invoked broadly and without clear, enforceable limits.

Also read: Digital Personal Data Protection Law Raises Questions About Consistency With Right to Privacy Ruling

In the past, such vague language has been used to render the state’s actions hard to challenge, and this case may be no different.

Rule 22 also does not have any safeguards for when the government requests information, which grants it broad and unfettered power without clear limitations, exceptions or oversight. This provision bypasses the safeguards established by the Supreme Court in PUCL v. Union of India (1997), which held that intercepting communications violates the constitutional right to life and personal liberty unless done through a legally established procedure.

The judgment mandated specific safeguards, including oversight by a review committee and a requirement for requests to detail the intended use of the information. Rule 22 undermines these protections, allowing government authorities unchecked access to personal data.

The other, bigger problem with Rule 22 is that it does not have a requirement for an independent review mechanism to check the legitimacy or necessity of the government’s demands for data to ensure that they are reasonable, justified or proportionate.

This leaves room for arbitrary use. In fact, without proper oversight, the rule has the potential to enable covert surveillance programs that bypass checks and balances and can lead to excessive data collection and the monitoring of ordinary citizens by the government.

Finally, there is no mechanism to challenge such requests, and data fiduciaries and intermediaries may not have an effective way to challenge such data requests from the government, potentially resulting in a surveillance state without public awareness or recourse.

We have often seen how overbroad directions for censorship have been made and required to be kept confidential under Section 69 of the IT Act, 2000. Such an opaque framework has prevented social media users from challenging the takedown of their content before court and is at the heart of the judicial challenge in the Karnataka high court where X has challenged the Union government.

The lack of transparency and the over-collection of data allows for the broad, unchecked use of data and for its potential misuse by prosecuting agencies.

For example, in the case of FIRs where police often lack the information needed to identify suspects, the data collected by the government could be wrongfully used to implicate individuals. This eliminates the need for the police to seek out information, as they already have access to it through the government’s data collection, which could be used to target individuals unjustly.

What does this mean for our privacy?

The A.P. Shah Report stressed on the need for a transparent process that includes the disclosure of surveillance to those who have been placed under it. Access to information under Section 95 of the BNSS is subject to judicial oversight, as a court order must be issued before accessing information.

In a similar vein, the guidelines issued by the Supreme Court in PUCL v. Union of India included oversight by a review committee and required interception requests to specify the intended use of the information.

However, Rule 22 appears to sidestep these safeguards entirely and bypass established protections by granting the state unfettered power under the vague grounds of the sovereignty and integrity of the nation.

Also read: Why the Personal Data Protection Bill Won’t Stop Data Proliferation in Digital India

Complicating matters is the fact that the broad definition of a data fiduciary means it could apply to anyone, including journalists. For journalists acting as data fiduciaries, Rule 22 has profound implications, particularly in terms of their ability to safeguard sensitive information, such as the identities of sources.

This raises serious questions about the future of privacy in India. As it stands, Rule 22 opens the door for unchecked government surveillance, with minimal accountability or transparency.

A first step toward correcting this would be to introduce clear, transparent processes, including a requirement for companies to inform individuals when their data is being requested by the state.

Such requests must also conform with the standards laid down in the K.S. Puttaswamy judgment, which held that while the right to privacy is not absolute, any state intrusion must meet a three-fold requirement. This includes legality, which necessitates the existence of a law authorising the intrusion; a legitimate state aim to justify the need for such intrusion; and proportionality, ensuring a rational connection between the law’s objectives and the means adopted, thereby preventing disproportionate impacts on individual rights.

Additionally, the process should allow for a clear appeal mechanism and be subject to independent oversight.

At any rate, the provision as it stands now does not bode well for privacy in India.

Rubayya Tasneem and Injila Muslim Zaidi are fellows at the Internet Freedom Foundation.

A Permanent Struggle for the ‘Orphans’ of Bengal Partition

The permanent liability camps in Ashoknagar, West Bengal, set up for refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan is now overgrown with weeds and trees. However, it continues to house around 400 people who fled the horrors of partition.

Ashoknagar: Born in present-day Bangladesh, Usharani Das was separated from her parents and grandfather while fleeing from communal violence. Rescued by her uncle, she was brought to India and left in what is known as a permanent liability (PL) camp.

‘Permanent liability’ is how officials term the refugees living in these camps, but locally, they are called the ‘anatha’ or orphans. Seventy-seven years since the partition of India, seven of these rehabilitation camps set up for refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan continue to house around 400 people in West Bengal.

“I lost everything and ended up in this orphanage,” says Usharani, one of the residents in Ashoknagar Permanent Liability Camp in North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal. She is 104 years old now.

A sign board directing towards Ashoknagar PL camp. Photo: Joydeep Sarkar

Watching the news about the unrest in Bangladesh, she says “Please tell the leaders of both countries to stop fighting over religion. Many people will suffer like me if this continues. We had homes, families – everything. Why would anyone want to lose their country and everything they have? What is the point of this fighting?”

Spread over 17 acres of land, the Ashoknagar camp used to be a military barrack constructed for the soldiers of the Allied Forces (during the World War II) which was converted into camps for the refugees.

Also read: Building From Nothing: The Agony, Penury and Politics of Bengal’s Refugees

Over time, many refugees who were initially placed in these PL camps on losing their families became impoverished and rootless. So, women like Usharani were given the task of spinning cotton, a lifeline that still sustains her alongside the monthly allowance and ration doles received from the government. They used to supply their product to government hospitals and other departments.

However, these facilities have fallen into disrepair now.

The camp itself, once a refuge for thousands fleeing East Pakistan, is now overgrown with weeds and trees. A government office somehow operates within the colony.

“In the 1960s, women separated from their families used to receive a monthly allowance of Rs. 4.4, along with free ration of rice, dal and atta, and three sets of clothes annually. The allowance by the state government has now increased to Rs. 2,000. There are 13 people alive here,” says Kebal Mallick, the state government employee in charge of the camp.

Usharani, a 104-year-old resident of Ashoknagar, West Bengal

Usharani, a 104-year-old resident of Ashoknagar. Photo: Joydeep Sarkar

Despite decades of displacement and hardship, Usharani and many others still yearn for their homeland, a mere 100 kilometres away but one they will never see again. The haunting memories of her lost family and the trauma of displacement continue to linger.

However, the struggle to settle down following brutal displacement also made women like her more independent and self-reliant.

Prior to displacement, they were typically sheltered within the confines of their home, largely isolated from public life, but the partition thrust them into the public sphere, shattering their traditional seclusion.

Their lives were further destabilised by their separation from male family members who previously served as the primary protectors. With the loss of this male guardianship, the patriarchy that had traditionally governed their lives began to lose their significance.

“The dominance of patriarchy became futile – at least temporarily – under the forces unleashed by the Partition, a process shaped predominantly by male-driven politics, beyond the control of individual patriarchs. The necessity of survival – both for themselves and their families – drove them to exercise agency in ways previously unimaginable within their traditional societal framework,” observes Dr. Anasua Basu Ray Chaudhury, co-author of ‘Caste and Partition in Bengal’, who is also an expert on forced migration and women in conflict zones.

On citizenship

Since the partition of India, or even before that, many refugees from East Bengal (Bangladesh) settled in West Bengal, with many now residing permanently. They have blended into the mainstream of Indian citizenship.

However, of late, the BJP has stirred emotions by raking up refugee politics, bringing them into the electoral discourse, raising issues related to current events in Bangladesh.

The 1971 census recorded nearly 6 million displaced persons, from erstwhile East Pakistan – now Bangladesh – to West Bengal. This number further increased to 8 million by 1981, according to a report by the Rehabilitation and Resettlement Committee, under the refugee, relief and rehabilitation department.

The refugee, relief and rehabilitation department was formed right after the Partition to address challenges posed by the sudden influx – one at the state level and one at the centre.

Also read: After Initial Celebrations, Fear Over CAA Process in Bengal’s Matua Community

While the central refugee and rehabilitation department was merged with the home ministry in 1984 under prime minister Rajiv Gandhi, in 2016, the state level department was merged with the land and land reforms department, primarily to allocate land deeds to the refugees.

Initially, sheltered in temporary camps, the Left Front in West Bengal had led a movement demanding rights for these refugees. Due to the political pressure, the Union cabinet approved granting them legal rights to citizenship and land for settlement.

An elderly resident of Ashoknagar PL camp. Photo: Joydeep Sarkar

Since then, the West Bengal government has built 3,000 colonies over the years for these refugee settlers who have migrated before March 25, 1971. They were also given a freehold title deed.

“The central government insists on introducing the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) to grant citizenship to refugees, reflecting its religious agenda. Refugees in various temporary settlements are being labelled as infiltrators, and they are not willing to accept it. Modi has stalled the approval of 1,800 new colonies proposed during the Left Front era,” says Madhu Dutta, General Secretary, the United Central Refugee Council.

On the other hand, Dutta says, “The state government is offering only possession rights instead of land rights to long-term settlers, including those on railway land, to garner support ahead of elections. We are demanding legal rights for the refugees.”

Dipak Sengupta, a booth president of Trinamool Congress, who lives in Ashoknagar, says, “I live in a house allocated in my aunt-in-law’s name. Mamata Banerjee has given me papers stating that pattas (land deeds) will be given to 69 families here, and the paperwork is ready.”

“The pattas being distributed in all areas comply fully with the established rules. Chief minister Mamata Banerjee is personally overseeing this department. As a result, the existing problems will be resolved quickly,” says Chandrima Bhattacharya, the Minister of State for Land and Land Revenue, West Bengal.

Meanwhile, the BJP and TMC have been engaged in a war of words over refugee rehabilitation. Political disputes are a daily affair in West Bengal but for these displaced women, the struggle for permanent land rights amid political tensions and fear of CAA implementation, creates anxiety as they continue their lives in the refugee camps.

The sun beats down on the camp as a small group of elderly residents return, carrying blankets distributed by the government every other winter. Their apprehension grew when they noticed unfamiliar faces.

“Are you here to check for the CAA? We have resided here since the partition,” one of them asks anxiously.

The elderly women were hesitant to reveal their names, their fear palpable.

“At this age, where will they take me next? How many times must I bear this trauma of displacement?” one of them asks.

Translated from Bangla by Aparna Bhattacharya.

Punjab: 111 Farmers Join Jagjit Singh Dallewal in Indefinite Hunger Strike For MSP Guarantee

The 111 farmers belong to Dallewal’s SKM (non-political) forum, which has been leading the current farmers’ protests for close to a year now.

Chandigarh: Intensifying protests to press for a legal guarantee for minimum support price or MSP for crops, 111 farmers today (January 15) began a hunger strike for an indefinite period to support farmers’ leader Jagjit Singh Dallewal, whose hunger strike has entered the 51st day.

Their protest began at Punjab-Haryana border in Khanauri, not far from where Haryana state’s border begins.

Haryana’s security forces were on high alert as the protesting farmers came close to the border. However, no confrontation took place and farmers have sat at the protest site peacefully.

Talking to the media, farmers made it clear that they would not march ahead and planned to execute their hunger strike at the site indefinitely until the Union government pays heed to their demand.

They added that they were ready to sacrifice their lives for the cause of farmers’ welfare, like Dallewal, who has so far refused any medical aid despite his health worsening amidst the fast.

Farmers on an indefinite hunger strike on the Khanauri border. Photo: By arrangement.

The 111 farmers, who wore black today, have also announced that they will not to take any medical help during the course of their hunger strike.

The 111 farmers belong to Dallewal’s SKM (non-political) forum, which has been leading the current farmers’ protests for close to a year now. The Sarwan Pandher-led Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM) has also been in the forefront of these protests.

SKM (non-political) leader Lakhwinder Aulakh told The Wire that among protesters are farmers from 25 to 85 years of age. “Our leader Dallewal’s health continues to deteriorate, yet the centre is silent and not ready to engage in talks. Now more farmers have decided to put their lives at risk just like Dallewal,” he said.

Another forum leader Kaka Singh told reporters at the protest site that Haryana police officials told them that Section 163 of the BNSS (formerly 144 of the CrPC) had been imposed. “But we told them the farmers were not heading to Delhi and they would only be sitting on hunger strike,” Singh said.

“The administration is free to use force. They can lob tear-gas shells or lathicharge protesting farmers. But they will hold their protest peacefully in support of Dallewal,” he added.

Farmers on an indefinite hunger strike on the Khanauri border. Photo: By arrangement.

Early in the day, farmers cleaned the area and sat in ardas (prayer) before starting their protest. Aulakh said that all those participating today were also given a last minute opportunity to opt out before the start of the fast, but all chose to stay.

All eyes on January 18 joint forum meeting

Meanwhile, all eyes are on round two of the key meeting between various factions of the SKM on January 18 over the launch of a joint fight for farmers’ demands.

The first round of meetings on January 13 remained inconclusive but all forums were keen on forming a joint body to take on the Union government, on lines similar to the historic farmers’ protest in 2020-21.

SKM leaders, who successfully led the 2020 agitation against the now-repealed three farm laws, are not part of the current stir that has been going on at the Khanauri and Shambhu borders since February 13 last year.

Friction between various farm groups had led to a split in 2022. Dallewal formed his own front, the non-political SKM, and launched the current stir. But Dallewal’s protest had failed to move Punjab the way the 2020-2021 stir did.

Now, his deteriorating health and the Union government’s indifference has turned into a trigger for various forums to come together and plan a united fight.

PM Modi’s Degree | ‘RTI Can’t Be to Satisfy Third Party’s Curiosity,’ Delhi University Tells HC

The high court was hearing Delhi University’s 2017 plea against the Central Information Commission’s order asking it to allow inspection of records of the students who had graduated from its Bachelor of Arts programme in 1978.

New Delhi: The Delhi University has told the Delhi high court that the purpose of a Right to Information request cannot be to satisfy a third party’s curiosity – in a case relating to prime minister Narendra Modi’s college degree.

Representing the university was Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, who said that students’ information was held by a university in a “fiduciary capacity”. It could not be revealed “to a stranger”, he argued.

“Section 6 provides a mandate that information will have to be given, that is the purpose. But the RTI Act is not for the purpose of satisfying someone’s curiosity,” Mehta said to a bench of Justice Sachin Datta, according to a report by The Hindu.

‘Misuse’

LiveLaw reported that Mehta submitted that the RTI law cannot be “misused” by ordering disclosure of information which is “unrelated” to the transparency and accountability in functioning of public authorities.

While there is speculation and controversy over Modi’s degrees Mehta seemed to suggest that this will open itself up to more such requests.

“He wants everybody’s information in the year 1978. Somebody can come and say 1979. Someone 1964. This university was established in 1922,” he said.

A decade’s efforts

The CIC had passed its order almost a decade ago, in 2016, in response to RTI activist Neeraj Kumar’s application for details of 1978 DU graduates. The CIC had observed that every University is a public body and that all degree related information is available in the varsity’s private register, which is a public document, LiveLaw noted in its report.

In October last year, the Supreme Court refused to quash summons issued by a trial court to Aam Aadmi Party chief Arvind Kejriwal in a defamation case filed by Gujarat University over comments he made about Modi’s education. The Bharatiya Janata Party – Modi’s party – has alleged that he got his Masters degree from GU after the BA from DU.

In March 2023, the Gujarat high court had quashed another 2016 directive of the CIC asking it to provide details of Modi’s educational qualifications to Kejriwal.

Kerala Man Fighting in Russian Army Dies on Frontline, ‘Had Been Trying to Return’: Report

The Indian Express report mentions that for the last few months, “Binil and Jain T K had been desperately trying to get home” and that Binil spoke to the paper in a series of voice messages just last month.

New Delhi: An Indian man from Kerala who had made several pleas to return in the past few months has died in the Russia and Ukraine war frontlines, Indian Express has reported.

The report identified the deceased as 32-year-old Binil T.B., a resident of Wadakkanchery in Kerala’s Thrissur district. Binil’s relative, 27-year-old Jain T.K. was injured in the same attack.

The report said that a few days ago, Binil’s family received a message that the two men were injured in an attack from a drone. The family could not establish contact with either Binil or Jain.

A relative told the paper that Binil’s wife Joicy learnt of the situation after getting in touch with the Indian Embassy in Moscow.

The report mentions that for the last few months, “Binil and Jain T K had been desperately trying to get home” and that Binil spoke to The Indian Express in a series of voice messages just last month.

“Binil had stated they had been unsuccessfully knocking on the doors of the Indian embassy in Moscow since September in an attempt to get back home,” the report said.

“Mentally and physically, we are exhausted,” the report quoted Binil as having said.

The report noted that in his last message, Binil said they are forced to move to the frontlines of the war.

“We are now in difficult terrain in the Russia-occupied territory of Ukraine. Our commander says that the contract was for a year. We have been pleading with local commanders for our release. The Indian Embassy is of the view that unless the Russian army relieves us, they cannot help. The Embassy says we should be taken back to Russian territory,’’ he was quoted as having said in the report.

The Ministry of External Affairs is yet to respond to the incident.

In a parliament reply on December 6, 2024, the MEA said that so far 10 people have died in Russia. Among them, two each are from Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat; one each from Haryana, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Telangana, Kerala and Odisha.

This is likely to be the 11th such death.

In July last year, after prime minister Narendra Modi claimed to have raised the situation of Indians fighting in the Russian army with president Vladimir Putin, Russia promised an early release of all such Indians fighting in its army, the MEA had said.

In August, external affairs minister S. Jaishankar said in parliament that the government does not endorse Russia’s claim that Indians knowingly entered into contracts with the Russian army. In response, Russia’s embassy said that Moscow has not been involved in any recruitment efforts, especially in “fraudulent schemes”, to enlist Indian citizens for military service.

It also claimed that the Russian ministry of defence had since April 2024 “stopped admission of citizens of a number of foreign countries, including India, to military service in the Russian Armed Forces”.

The Problem With L&T Chairman S.N. Subrahmanyan’s 90-Hour Workweek Advice

Data proves that countries with higher average working hours are not necessarily economically advanced.

Infosys chairman Narayana Murthy recently suggested working 70 hours a week to take the country to the top. Now, L&T chairman S.N. Subrahmanyan has taken it a step further, recommending 90 hours of work per week with the same promise of national progress. This video discusses the subject, highlighting that there is no direct correlation between excessively long working hours and a country’s economic growth. Data proves that countries with higher average working hours are not necessarily economically advanced.

Villagers Burn Assam Rifles Camp in Manipur, Demand Withdrawal: Report

Residents accused paramilitary personnel of disrupting public life through “continuous frisking” operations and alleged harassment, according to a report in the Times of India.

New Delhi: Tensions flared in Manipur’s Kamjong district on Saturday, January 11, when angry residents attacked and set ablaze a temporary Assam Rifles camp in Hongbei village. The incident was sparked by growing discontent over alleged harassment during security checks conducted by the Assam Rifles along the Imphal-Myanmar road via the Kasom Khullen Block.

Residents accused paramilitary personnel of disrupting public life through “continuous frisking” operations and alleged harassment, according to a report in the Times of India. The situation deteriorated further when Assam Rifles personnel reportedly stopped the transport of timber intended for house construction in a nearby village, a decision that angered locals.

Local MLA’s intervention rejected

Local MLA Leishiyo Keishing, who was in the area attending a wedding, attempted to mediate the situation. He requested the Assam Rifles to allow the transport of timber, emphasising that timber regulation falls under the jurisdiction of Manipur’s forest department, not the Assam Rifles.

In a viral video, Keishing was seen confronting an Assam Rifles officer on the matter. Despite his intervention, the paramilitary forces allegedly refused to cooperate, escalating tensions further.

Protest turns violent

Following the refusal, residents gathered at the temporary camp, demanding an end to the frisking operations and the withdrawal of Assam Rifles personnel from the area. The confrontation turned violent when Assam Rifles personnel reportedly used live ammunition and tear gas to disperse the crowd.

In retaliation, protesters destroyed the temporary camp, insisting that the Assam Rifles vacate the area entirely. The unrest spread to neighbouring villages, where residents blocked roads to prevent reinforcements from reaching the scene.

Kamjong superintendent of police Ningsem Vashum confirmed the heightened tensions, describing the situation as “tense but under control.” “We are trying to address the situation by engaging both parties concerned for discussions,” Vashum told the Times of India.

This incident follows ongoing local opposition to the establishment of Assam Rifles outposts in the region, which residents claim contradicts community interests.