Rights

‘Some of Them Were Unable to Walk’: Civilians Allegedly Tortured in Army Custody in Kishtwar

Some photos in the possession of The Wire indicate that the victims have been badly assaulted.

Srinagar: Four civilians who were detained on Wednesday (November 20) for questioning in connection with a recent militant attack have been allegedly tortured in custody by the army in Kishtwar of Jammu division where militancy has been on the upswing in recent months.

The allegations of torture have surfaced two days after the army’s northern commander lieutenant general M.V. Suchindra Kumar reviewed the security situation in Kishtwar of Chenab Valley and less than a year after the army was accused of killing three civilians in custodial interrogation in Poonch district of Pir Panjal.

The Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal region in Jammu division have been hit by a deadly wave of militant attacks in which dozens of army and police officials as well as civilians have been killed, prompting massive searches and intelligence-based operations during which hundreds of civilians have been questioned.

Locals and officials told The Wire that the victims identified as Sajad Ahmad, Abdul Kabir, Mushtaq Ahmad and Mehraj-ud-Din, all residents of Kuath village, received phone calls from the army on Wednesday morning, asking them to report at the camp in Chas camp of Mughal Maidan tehsil in Kishtwar district.

The camp serves as the base of 11 Rashtriya Rifles. All the four victims are poor and married who made a living by working as daily-wage labourers, their families said.

“They went to the camp without taking anyone along while informing their families that they would return home soon. However, when they didn’t come back and repeated phone calls went unanswered, the families decided to check at the camp,” a local of Kuath village who spoke on the condition of anonymity said.

The victims were, however, released before the families reached the army camp but they were badly injured. “Some of them had to be lifted on the shoulders because they were unable to walk. It was decided by their families to shift them to Kishtwar district hospital for treatment,” the local added.

All the four victims are poor and married who made a living by working as daily-wage labourers, their families said. Photo: Special Arrangement

Some photos in the possession of The Wire indicate that the victims have been badly assaulted. At least two of them have bluish-red marks on their legs and buttocks, purportedly caused due to repeated flogging with a hard object.

The third victim has suffered a laceration in the temple area while the fourth victim has an injury in the left eye which has been nearly shut due to heavy swelling, purportedly caused due to a heavy blow. “All of them have marks of assault on their bodies,” the local said.

As the families were on the way to Kishtwar in a cavalcade of private cars along with the four victims, they were stopped by the army in Bhanderkoot village on Wednesday evening. The families alleged that the army didn’t allow them to move ahead.

“The army took the victims inside their camp and promised to punish the culprits involved in the torture. They wanted to cover up the matter,” the local said, adding that senior army officers also arrived at the camp and assured the families that the guilty would be punished.

A grainy video filmed on Wednesday evening outside the Bhanderkoot camp, which has been verified by The Wire, showed dozens of army soldiers preventing the families from proceeding towards Kishtwar. A family member of one of the victims can be heard shouting that they would call the ambulance if their vehicles were not allowed to cross the camp.

In the meantime, as the news of the incident spread in the area, the civil and police administration also swung into action with senior officials including Kishtwar’s deputy commissioner and senior superintendent of police (SSP) arriving at the spot who tried to calm the agitated family members.

SSP Kishtwar, Javed Iqbal, could not be reached for comment. A senior police officer said that they are verifying the allegations, “We have taken cognisance of the incident. The medical examination of the four men has been conducted and they have been provided treatment. The law will take its own course,” he said.

Also read: Days After Flagging Environmental Issue, J&K Police Arrest Civic Activist Under PSA

The allegations of torture against the army have surfaced in the backdrop of the killing of a special forces’ junior commissioned officer in a militant attack in Chas area of Kishtwar on November 10.

Three more army soldiers were also injured in the attack which took place three day after two civilians, who were working as village defence guards, were abducted and later gunned down in a militant attack in the upper reaches of Kishtwar on November 7.

In December last year, three civilians were killed during custodial interrogation by the army in Poonch district of Jammu. An army probe had later blamed the “lapses” in the conduct of about a dozen army personnel, including officers, for the gruesome killings.

A unit of the army’s Rashtriya Rifles, which was involved in the killings, was shifted out of Poonch district while a probe was launched to investigate the role of a commanding officer and a major who were allegedly involved in the killings.

Adani Indictment: Rahul Gandhi Says Adani, With PM Modi’s Help, Has ‘Hijacked Hindustan’

‘If Gautam Adani is arrested, the PM knows that he will also be implicated (for being complicit in his crimes),’ the LoP said.

New Delhi: Hours after news broke that the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Attorney’s Office of the United States have charged billionaire Gautam Adani over his alleged role in a “massive bribery scheme,” the Congress has noted that the move vindicates the party’s longstanding demand for a probe into the industrialist’s scams.

Adani Group has called the charges “baseless” and denied them.

‘PM knows he will be implicated’

Leader of the opposition in the parliament, Rahul Gandhi renewed his attack on the Adani group in a press conference on the morning of November 21. He challenged PM Narendra Modi to arrest him but added that he was confident that Gautam Adani, who should be in prison, will not be arrested as the industrialist has the complete support of the prime minister.

“If Gautam Adani is arrested, the PM knows that he will also be implicated (for being complicit in his crimes),” he said.

Gandhi said that he has been raising concerns about the way the Adani-Modi duo has “hijacked Hindustan” that has led to loss of jobs, power price spike and inflation in the country.

He said that his primary message for people of this country is that Adani, with the help of Modi, has hijacked the institutions of this country, as the Congress had shown recently in the way SEBI chief Madhabi Buch was allegedly protected. He said Buch was responsible for protecting Adani stocks but she did not fulfil her primary role to protect retail share market investors. He added that the Congress will eventually expose the “political-bureaucratic” network of Adani which is being sheltered by none other than PM Modi.

“We will dismantle the nexus,” he said.

He also said that although he has no hope of a government probe being initiated by Modi, he demands a JPC probe and a thorough investigation into all of Adani’s projects. “If investigations reveal any wrongdoing by even opposition-ruled states, they should also be made subjects of probe, he said.”

As a LoP, Gandhi said, it was his responsibility to protect Indian citizens and he will keep raising the concern in the parliament in the upcoming parliament session and demand a JPC probe, too.

He said that the Adani group is being given institutional protection that has helped the industrial conglomerate to raise its valuation, and that in turn has allowed it to raise huge funds from banks and investors.

“[The] political finance, stock market, Adani ji nexus is dangerous for the country. Retail investors will be the most harmed but this is also dangerous for the country’s security. So much concentration of wealth in one group’s hand is dangerous for the future of this country. We demand Gautam Adani’s arrest and a thorough probe against his alleged wrongdoings,” Gandhi said.

Jairam Ramesh

Congress veteran Jairam Ramesh has posted on X that since January 2023, the Congress has been calling for a Joint Parliamentary Committee investigation into the various “Modani scams.”

Modani is a portmanteau of the last name of prime minister Narendra Modi and Adani.

“The Congress had asked a hundred questions in its Hum Adani ke Hain (HAHK) series bringing out the various dimensions of these scams and of the intimate nexus that has existed between the PM and his favourite businessman. These questions have remained unanswered.”

The indictment says that more than $250 million was promised in bribes to Indian government officials by the Adani group to secure solar energy contracts.

Congress has also highlighted SEBI’s lack of action in probing the purported nexus between Adani and various governments – now thrown in contrast:

“The SEC’s actions also cast poor light on the manner in which its Indian counterpart, namely SEBI, has gone about investigating violations of securities and other laws by the Adani Group and its abject failure to hold the Group to account for the source of its investments, shell companies, etc.,” he said.

The party has reiterated its demand for a JPC into the transactions of the Adani Group, “which is leading to growing monopolisation in key sectors of the Indian economy, fuelling inflation, and posing huge foreign policy challenges as well, especially in our neighbourhood.”

The indictment mentions that Gautam Adani personally met with an Indian government official to advance a bribery scheme.

It is noteworthy that in 2021, the Communist Party of India (CPI) had demanded the Andhra Pradesh government disclose the details of a secret meeting between then chief minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy and Adani, following which the Andhra Pradesh state cabinet adopted resolutions to allow Adani group to set up 9,000 megawatt solar power plants in the state.

The party had asked why the contract was given to Adani alone when several contractors, and some closer home, could be divided the project.

Does Inequality Have a Role in the Maharashtra and Jharkhand Assembly Polls?

An analysis of the two states’ performance across key sectors highlights both areas of progress and ongoing challenges.

The 2019 Maharashtra assembly election marked a significant shift in the state’s political dynamics, with consequences still felt today. Although the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) emerged as the largest party, winning over 105 seats with a 36.5% vote share, it fell short of an outright majority.

Its reliance on its coalition partner, Shiv Sena, highlighted a vulnerability that soon unraveled. Shiv Sena, with 56 seats and 19.4% of the vote share, eventually broke ties with the BJP, forming an unlikely alliance with Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). This coalition not only shifted the balance of power but also showcased a growing discontent with BJP’s central leadership and the rise of regionalism in Maharashtra.

Over the past five years, the splits haven’t just been limited to political parties alone but even families; those within the NCP will tell how personal relationships were tested in the most brutal manner possible, revealing political opportunism within the strongest bonds.

The recent split in the NCP, particularly the rift within the Pawar family, and the breaking apart of key allies like Shiv Sena, reflect a broader trend of political opportunism where leaders prioritise personal gain over voter mandate. Such moves are often seen as betraying public trust, which can lead to disillusionment among the electorate.

The consequences of this fragmentation are likely to resonate in these elections, as voters demand accountability and stability in governance where key projects are developed and delivered.

Jharkhand: Local Issues

Jharkhand’s 2019 assembly election results painted a similar picture of diminishing BJP dominance marking a clear shift towards regional leadership. After governing the state for five years, the BJP’s performance fell short of expectations, with the party winning only 25 seats with a 30.9% vote share. This loss was significant compared to its earlier dominance and reflected growing discontent with the party’s handling of local issues.

In contrast, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), under the leadership of Hemant Soren, achieved a decisive victory, securing 30 seats with a 37% vote share. The JMM’s success was rooted in its ability to address the concerns of the state’s significant tribal population, particularly around land rights, natural resources, and local governance.

The party’s alliance with Congress, which won 16 seats, further strengthened its position, enabling them to form a stable government. This victory underscored the importance of regional politics in Jharkhand, where local issues often take precedence over national agendas or perhaps sometimes blatant propaganda.

The arrest of Hemant Soren, followed by Champai Soren’s change in allegiance after he joined the BJP, raises very serious questions about how the new political landscape of Jharkhand was shaped for the 2024 assembly elections. Soren’s arrest had shaken the ruling JMM government, leaving an air of uncertainty around its future for leadership.

The shift of Champai Soren to BJP strengthens the opposition and signals a growing BJP resurgence in the state. With the tribal vote likely to be split, especially after the BJP’s renewed focus on local issues, this election may be highly competitive. The Congress-JMM alliance, which won convincingly in 2019, will have needed to refine its strategy.

Maharashtra’s political realignment: General election analysis

The graph below shows a significant shift in Maharashtra’s political landscape between the 2019 and 2024 elections. Congress, now part of the INDIA alliance, has made notable gains in seat count by more than doubling its seat share to 9 reflecting a drastic improvement in its performance compared to 2019 where it ended up getting only four seats.

This resurgence could be attributed to the coalition’s strengthened voter outreach, targeted policies focusing on social welfare, and anti-incumbency sentiment.

In contrast, the BJP-led NDA alliance has seen a decline of three seats in its vote share, despite retaining a significant number of seats. The split within Shiv Sena (UBT) and NCP, with factions aligning with BJP, initially helped consolidate power in the short run, but overall voter sentiment appears to have shifted.

Despite appeasing efforts like the toll waiver and other schemes without any regard to consequences the BJP alliance’s decreased vote share suggests some dissatisfaction or loss of trust among its core voter segments to challenge the BJP-led NDA in the assembly elections. But the BJP only needs about 10% more vote share to secure victory and extend its winning streak following the unexpected turnover in Haryana.

The People’s Mandate

In Jharkhand, a key factor has been understanding and engaging with critical focus groups, especially those that may be leaning away from the BJP.

In 2024, the BJP has seen a decline in seats compared to its 2019 performance, a reflection of growing voter dissatisfaction. This shift opened an opportunity for opposition parties like the JMM and Congress to consolidate support among these disillusioned voters.

One prominent focus group includes Jharkhand’s tribal communities, who have historically supported regional parties like the JMM. Their issues around land rights, mining laws, and autonomy have not been fully addressed by the BJP government, creating an opening for more localised and empathetic leadership. Many in these communities may perceive the BJP as out of touch with their needs, especially when faced with policies that promote industrialisation at the expense of tribal land protection.

Similarly, young voters facing unemployment and disillusionment with the BJP’s economic policies present another crucial group. Jharkhand’s unemployment rates remain high, and despite promises of economic revival, job creation has not matched expectations. These voters are likely to be swayed by parties that offer tangible solutions for local industries and job creation.

As the BJP grapples with a visible decline in voter support in Jharkhand, these elections present a crucial moment for the opposition, particularly the JMM and Congress. By focusing on the grievances of tribal communities, these parties had the potential to gain significant ground. However, the BJP’s well-established organisational strength and ability to rally its core voter base may yet offer a path to regain lost momentum.

Challenges on the Access Divide

Drawing upon the insights shared from the Access (In)Equality Index, this analysis focuses its critical reflection narrowly on the states of Maharashtra and Jharkhand, while analysing their AEI performance levels across the different pillars, and the nature of progress made in five key areas.

Maharashtra’s Socio-Economic Landscape

The political landscape in Maharashtra has been constantly evolving, shaped by shifting alliances, emerging leadership, and changing voter priorities. Political instability has ruined the states’ economic performance for years now.

Also, over the years, the state has witnessed structural political shifts that reflect a broader set of socio-economic challenges on identity based markers and changing aspirations of its youth. This evolving environment continues to influence policy decisions, electoral outcomes, and governance, making Maharashtra a key state to watch in the upcoming elections (later) in November.

Drawing from the Access (In)Equality Report 2024, Maharashtra emerged as a strong performer, ranking 8th overall with a composite score of 0.52, marking a significant leap from its 13th position in 2021.

When it comes to access to basic amenities, Maharashtra again secured 8th place, with 70.1% of households having piped water connections within their homes or yards, and 76.8% residing in pucca houses. However, the state’s performance in healthcare lagged behind, ranking 20th, with a child mortality rate of 28% and only 22.4% of households having at least one member covered by any health insurance or financing scheme. Figure 1 helps understand where does Maharashtra stand as compared to the other states.

Figure 1 : Health Index Score for States
Source : Access (In)Equality Report 2024

In areas of measuring access to education, while Maharashtra boasts a high net enrolment ratio of 63.1%, only 47.9% of schools are equipped with functional internet. On the socio-economic front, public assistance to the disabled population is notably low, with just 12% receiving aid. Nonetheless, the state performs well in financial inclusion, with 93.7% of individuals owning bank accounts.

In terms of legal recourse, Maharashtra demonstrates strong performance with 1,168 police stations and 87.6% of services provided through the state’s citizen portal. However, prison overcrowding remains a concern, with an occupancy rate of 148.8%. Figure 2 sheds light on the state of legal recourse across states of India.

Figure 2 : Legal Recourse Index Score for States
Source : Access (In)Equality Report 2024

Maharashtra’s overall progress highlights its strengths in basic amenities, education, and legal recourse, though significant challenges remain in healthcare and social support. Continued efforts are needed to address these disparities and ensure more inclusive development.

Jharkhand’s ‘Access Equality’ Landscape

Jharkhand’s inequality landscape remains a critical issue. Ranked 18th overall with a composite score of 0.37, the state has made significant strides, climbing from 28th in 2021, yet it continues to be categorised as an aspirant state.

In terms of access to basic amenities, Jharkhand is the worst performer, with only 15% of households having access to clean cooking fuel and just 9.2% benefiting from piped water supply. Figure 3 showcases how Jharkhand fares as compared to other states in terms of basic amenities.

Figure 3 : Basic Amenities Index Score for States
Source : Access (In)Equality Report 2024

The healthcare scenario is equally concerning, ranking 24th, with only 38.6% of mothers receiving four antenatal care visits and 75.8% of births occurring in institutions, well below the national average.

However, Jharkhand shines in education, with an annual dropout rate of 9.3%, and it shows promise in the socio-economic sphere, where 90.4% of individuals own bank accounts and the worker population ratio stands at 60.9%.

Despite these improvements, the state struggles with legal recourse, ranking 24th. There are 443 inmates per police officer, and prison overcrowding remains a challenge with an occupancy rate of 121.5%. Although progress has been made, substantial work is needed to close the gap in essential services.

An analysis of the two states’ performance across key sectors highlights both areas of progress and ongoing challenges. Maharashtra has shown significant improvement overall, particularly in education, financial inclusion, and legal recourse, but struggles with healthcare accessibility and social support.

Jharkhand, despite making notable advancements from previous rankings, continues to lag in basic amenities and healthcare, while excelling in education and workforce participation. Both states must focus on addressing these disparities through targeted policy reforms to foster inclusive growth.

Deepanshu Mohan is a Professor of Economics, Dean, IDEAS, and Director, Centre for New Economics Studies. He is a Visiting Professor at London School of Economics and an Academic Visiting Fellow to AMES, University of Oxford.

Ankur Singh is a Research Assistant with Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES) and a team member of its InfoSphere initiative.

Eviction and Displacement: Fisherwomen of Chennai’s Nochikuppam Face Livelihood Crisis

The proximity of the new market to the previous location masks the violent uprooting, barricading and undermining of the community’s connection to the seashore and to other social groups.

Chennai, like many other Indian metros, has witnessed urban renewal, with the displacement of local inhabitants and their resettlement to distant places such as Kannagi Nagar between 2000 and 2010. In November 2013, street vendors of Chennai’s famous Thyagaraya Nagar were moved to Pondy Bazaar, a commercial complex. This was dysfunctional to their livelihoods but benefited large branded shops in the area. Observing such instances of relocation, including a similar eviction of the Koli community’s fish market in Mumbai, one can see how such attempts disproportionately affect women traders, who are the foundation of entire family systems. Chennai’s “Modern Fish Market,” inaugurated on August 12, follows this trend. Established with the stated purpose of clearing traffic congestion, it greatly impacts fishing women, their ability to anchor their livelihood and their agency to organise.

New market’s promise for “betterment”: from shoreline to surveillance

The Greater Chennai Corporation (GCC) released an order on October 18 to evict the Nochikuppam fish market located on Loop Road, a southward extension of Marina Beach Road, which urged the vendors to sell fish only inside the premises of the newly built market. Following this, the entire stretch of Nochikuppam seashore, once a famous fish vending zone, was completely razed with a bulldozer, leaving no evidence of its existence.

During an interview about the eviction, Anandhi*, a single mother who was just starting her first day at the new market, shared her feelings of uncertainty. “Last Sunday, as we were setting up our stalls along the seashore, officers arrived with police and informed us we couldn’t continue there,” she recounted. “They claimed we had agreed to this when we signed the document and received the token for the stall in the new market. We believed it was just to secure the new stall, not realising that it also prohibited us from using our regular spot.”

She further claimed, “When they threatened to throw away the fish if we didn’t comply, some women became agitated. However, when they warned they’d file cases against us if we didn’t leave, we had no choice but to clear out.” The narratives justifying the process of eviction and displacement are centred on claims of a better infrastructure while diluting and diverting from the most prominent question – the loss of the community’s claims over the land, thus altering the socio-spatial relations among them.

Nochikuppam fish market before and after eviction (pictures taken in June and October respectively). Photos: Lalitha M

The entire zone of Loop Road from the entry point to the market complex has been heavily patrolled by the police, displaying control over potential tensions. Compared to the number of stalls that used to be on the seashore, the new market has been mostly unoccupied, except the front line and those in a few back rows who had hoped to get allotments in the better locations. Only a few vendors in the back rows had just begun their business and were highly disappointed and worried about the eviction and fall in their everyday business. Between the police patrol and ongoing welding works to add an extended bench and taps in each stall, some were yet to set up their stalls, some were agitated by the unfair stall allotments, and some were figuring out ways to get a better stall location. All these show an underpinning tension prevailing among the vendors in the new market area. Most vendors who disagreed with this move didn’t turn up to put up their stalls even on expectedly busy Sundays.

While the project promotes the “market” as a “facility” which would “rectify” previous problems and benefit the fishers and their wider families and businesses, the irony is that the market is now under strict control of the GCC, with newly installed CCTV cameras, regular police patrols, additional security and specific operating hours. There is also talk of implementing a monthly rental fee as a maintenance charge, though details remain unclear for many vendors. According to some, the rent may be around Rs 3,000 per month, a figure they heard from a YouTube influencer, though officials have yet to confirm this. One vendor noted that rent was waived for the first two months but anticipates that the rent would be collected eventually. “We won’t agree to pay this fee,” she stated firmly, adding that some vendors are willing to pay up only to Rs 500 if required. When asked about the rent a few months ago, another vendor assertively claimed, “They won’t charge; this sea and business belongs to us, and we belong here.”

Unoccupied stalls by the fish vendors in the back rows of the Modern Fish Market on a usually expected busy Sunday. Photo: Lalitha M

Loop Road’s construction: bifurcation between fisherwomen and the sea

The Nochikuppam timeline reveals a deeper context regarding its housing settlement, the fishing community and the later development of Loop Road. The Nochikupam fishing hamlet was resettled by the Tamil Nadu Slum Clearance Board (TNSCB) in the 1970s and it was severely affected by the 2004 tsunami. In response, TNSCB, with World Bank funding, constructed new houses in 2014 to replace the dilapidated houses around Marina.

The government had approached the Nochikuppam residents to construct a concrete loop road connecting Marina Lighthouse and Foreshore Estate, which was built between 2013 and 2015, after assuring that it wouldn’t affect the local fishers and would be helpful for their own commute. Initially, vehicles were diverted to the Loop Road only during peak evening hours to regulate the traffic flow on Santhome Road.

The entire route was shifted to the Loop Road in March, where new bus stops have now been installed. Commenting on the road extension, Suganthi*, a vendor, said that they were assured that the Loop Road would be operational only for three months until the completion of the metro works, citing an earlier assurance made that the road would be open to the public only during the morning and evening peak hours. Although theoretically a shortcut, the road doesn’t really serve as a connection between places; it serves instead to segregate fisherwomen from the sea. Construction of the road eventually led to the displacement of the fisherwomen from their land, with the common elitist labels of “hawkers” and “illegal encroachers” applied to them by the court and the GCC.

In February 2023, among the several attempts to evict the Nochikuppam fishing stalls even before the construction of the new market, the vendors had vehemently refused the forceful move and protested on the roads. On April 10, the then-acting chief justice T. Raja of the Madras high court took up a suo moto Public Interest Litigation (PIL) case to regulate the fish market along Loop Road. The special bench ordered the GCC to regulate the traffic congestion on Loop Road by evicting the fish vendors, labelling them as “encroachers” who were primarily causing traffic. A day after the order, the GCC tried to forcibly remove the stalls. After the vendors protested for days, the evictions were halted, and an agreement was reached that they would be designated a temporary place to sell fish and that they would file an appeal petition in the next hearing.

However, the construction of a new fish market commenced on the open land in Nochikuppam, which was originally designated for recreational activities. Even before the suo motu case, on January 10, 2022, the government had issued a sanction order of Rs 9.97 crores to build a “Modern Fish Market” on Loop Road. This indicates that the suo motu case only served to expedite the eviction and relocation process.

GCC warning boards: “As per the high court order, fish stalls are prohibited on the Loop roadside. Public who are coming to buy fish and seafood are requested to go to the new fish market.” Photo: Lalitha M

Modern Fish Market disconnecting fisherwomen from their livelihoods and agency

While this move of constructing the “modern” fish market was appreciated and projected as an “ideal” method of upgrading and beautifying a city’s space, in line with a “smart” city norm, the market – a sleek white-domed pavilion-like structure – shifts attention away from the real ground issues: how it has disconnected the wider fishing community, especially the women, from their livelihoods, by removing direct access to the sea. Such relocation under urban renewal spurs a politics that pitches women against women (those who got the stalls in the front rows versus those in the rear), further splitting their united voices that have till now been essential to their livelihoods and conducive to their holding a pivotal role in the community. In this situation, social welfare schemes, however well-intentioned, will remain symbolic, leading to further cynicism and future political backlash.

Even preliminary conversations reveal that the construction of a new fish market, along with the processes of allotment, eviction and displacement, all seriously threaten the livelihoods of fisherwomen in the area. There is no evidence of communication by the policymakers and their ground staff to seriously anchor any discussion with the fisherwomen. There is no fundamental evaluation of the decision of the new market complex and the possible alternative of in situ upgrading of facilities to be more viable and less damaging. Instead, it looks like the decision to build a complex had already been made, and consultations carried out after that. Such authoritarian bureaucratic actions are then whitewashed by sporadic visits to count the number of existing “legit” stalls, distribute tokens for new stalls, collect signatures and threaten those protesting against demolition attempts by the corporation with police action.

In this new building model, there is no recognition of the community’s customary ownership of the land and space that was built and occupied in a women-centric way over decades. The proximity of the new market to the previous location masks the violent uprooting, barricading and undermining of the community’s connection to the seashore and to other social groups. The agency of fisherwomen, which is deeply rooted in this location-specific economy, is now at stake under bureaucratic control, making them dependent beneficiaries or ‘illegal encroachers’ in the view of policymakers. Instead of this, it would have been better to upgrade their facilities on an “as is where is” basis, provide clean water and drains to help them maintain a sanitary environment and assign locations that provide all of them equal opportunity for sales, while providing the general public access to the fresh fish that contributes to coastal Chennai’s famous culinary and gastronomic culture.

The Portrayal of Place Through Art: Depictions and Their Disconnect

Flowing pipe leakage in between the Nochikuppam housing board blocks. Photo: Lalitha M

Ironically, around the same time as the suo moto case, as part of the GCC wall art (Chithiram Pesum) projects like in Kannagi Nagar, the lives and livelihoods of fishermen and women were portrayed on the Nochikuppam housing board walls just opposite to the then-fish market by St+Art Foundation in collaboration with Asian Paints in 2023. While the fishing community and their livelihoods are lauded by the citizens when aesthetically portrayed on walls; in real life, this same community is labelled as “illegal encroachers” and their livelihoods dismissed as “filthy practices” carried out on the seashore. Those praising the art fail to notice the leaking pipes and flowing sewage between the buildings, which the murals mask by shifting the focus away from them. While I was taking pictures of the situation, the busy fish vendors asked me to get a better picture of the leaking pipes. They shared that the pipes had been leaking for the past six months, despite their having raised several complaints about them. This attempt to beautify the city through mural paintings on the housing board walls does not benefit the local communities; instead, it renders them a threat, adding to the complications of their everyday lives.

The construction of the Loop Road, suo moto case to regulate traffic congestion, beautification of the Nochikuppam walls, eviction of the fish market and construction of the modern market are not merely a timeline; they elucidate the gradual accumulation of events in the area that have altered spatial dynamics and ultimately led to the community’s eviction. It is crucial to scrutinise this approach, under which a vision of a “modern” fish market and its developmental and beautification thrust is being imposed on local communities without engaging with them, disregarding their voices, needs and interests, and often tactically maintaining ambiguity until the very end.

*Name changed

Lalitha M is a PhD scholar in Urban Studies at IIT Madras and a Commonwealth Fellow at King’s College London.

The Right to Entertainment: It’s Time to Notify Accessibility Standards for Television Content

By not notifying accessibility standards, its implementation is at risk of succumbing to network whims.

The Supreme Court last week ruled that accessibility is a fundamental right. Therefore, any rules and standards framed by ministries cannot merely be recommendations but need to have a mandatory character with a minimum level of compliance. This includes the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (MIB)’s Accessibility Standards for TV, 2019.

The Rights of Persons with Disabilities (RPwD) Act, 2016 states, in no uncertain terms, their right to “have access to television programmes” and to “to participate in recreational activities equally with others”. In theory, every lawmaker, bureaucrat, or corporate media head supports this, yet in practice, compliance is weak.

Flowing from the RPwD Act, 2016, MIB framed the accessibility standards for television in 2019. They recommend that 50% of the general entertainment content (GEC) on every channel – films, serials and cartoons – be made accessible by 2024-25. The industry was given five years for an annual ramp up of 10 %. However, it has resulted in less than 5% accessible GEC on TV.

The critical factor missing in this scenario is that the accessibility standards have not been notified. They remain, therefore, an appeal or a suggestion of good practice but are not mandatory. As a result, some major networks are yet to begin implementation, citing technical and operational difficulties. However, networks like Star and, to some extent, Zee, Sony, and Enterr10 (Dangal) have demonstrated that TV in India, just like in many other countries, can be made accessible.

No country’s networks have made television content accessible merely based on a policy recommendation. In countries that have mandated media accessibility, like the US, UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, around 90% GEC is accessible. Our accessibility standards in comparison are low and should have a mandatory floor instead of a ceiling for compliance.

By not notifying accessibility standards, its implementation is at risk of succumbing to network whims at the expense of India’s 80 million hearing impaired and 70 million visually impaired citizens who have a fundamental right to entertainment.

India’s more than one billion ‘others’ too will gain enormously with the universalisation of accessibility features like same language captions/subtitles (SLC/S) and audio-description (AD) on GEC content. There is ample evidence that viewers will automatically gain from lifelong reading practice, improved fluency and language skills. For an estimated 600 million weak readers (60% are female), for half the school children in rural India who cannot read a Class 2 level text when in Class 5 (ASER), the educational gains cannot be overstated.

A core idea in media access is to make all content accessible at root by including in its licensing and distribution package, separate files for every accessibility feature. The TV networks’ stated technical and operational complexity in implementing SLC/S on all GEC content simply boils down to ensuring a ‘locked’ script – a text file that perfectly matches the audio – for any content that is produced in the future. With this, AI-based software tools can already generate time-coded SLC/S files and will be able to create audio descriptions in the near future.

The government must notify the accessibility standards for TV, given the poor compliance rate in its absence. However, the onus of reasonable accommodation is on each one of us. The hearing and sighted citizens need to take a 360-degree view of media accessibility benefits considering the fact that disabilities exist in degrees in many around us. Implementation of accessibility on TV could well mean that over a billion Indians – even those with undiagnosed disabilities – will get a chance to strengthen their reading and language skills. Media access is a fundamental right.

Brij Kothari is an adjunct professor at IIT-Delhi’s School of Public Policy and leads the Billion Readers (BIRD) initiative.

No Aadhaar or Voter ID: Here’s Where Chief Election Commissioner’s Claim on Inclusion of Vulnerable Tribes Doesn’t Check Out

The Wire visited several villages in Maharashtra where members of the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups do not even have basic documentation to prove their citizenship or existence, let alone voter identity cards.

Mulshi: On October 15, Chief Election Commissioner Rajiv Kumar, during a press conference in New Delhi, outlined several “initiatives” his office had undertaken to make the upcoming assembly elections in Maharashtra and Jharkhand “more inclusive.”

Kumar said, “A lot of emphasis has been laid on enrolling the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTG) in Maharashtra and Jharkhand.”

In his PowerPoint presentation, the names of the three PVTG communities in Maharashtra – Katkari, Kolam, and Maria Gond – along with the eight in Jharkhand – Asur, Birhor, Malphadiya, Pahadiya, Saurya Pahadiya, Birajiya, Korwa, and Savar – were highlighted.

Kumar stated that his office had managed to enrol all adult members of these communities – 2.77 lakh people in Maharashtra and 1.78 lakhs in Jharkhand – on the voter list for the upcoming elections.

However, the claims made by the Chief Election Commissioner do not align with the reality on the ground.

The Wire visited several villages in Mulshi in Maharashtra where members of the Katkari community have been struggling for survival for decades. Many families here do not even have basic documentation to prove their citizenship or existence, let alone voter identity cards.

Maharashtra has over 47 tribal groups spread across 15 districts, constituting close to 10% of the total state population. Among them are the four PVTG groups. The condition of the tribal communities across the state has been dire, and among them, the PVTGs are the most neglected.

No electricity or borewells

One such village is Pomgaon, located in Mulshi Taluka of Pune, 63 kilometres from Pune city. The road leading to Pomgaon is picturesque, with winding roads flanked by resorts, but the village itself is in distinct contrast from the modern amenities of nearby areas. The houses in Pomgaon are thatched-roof huts, unlike the pucca houses in non-Katkari villages nearby. These huts are mud-daubed and made of palm leaves, grass and the sticks from local karvi plants.

‘The landless villagers here, along with residents of 51 other similar hamlets in Mulshi, follow a migratory pattern.’ Photo: Sukanya Shantha

Despite a population of over 150 – all from the Katkari community – the hamlet is in complete darkness. There is no electricity or borewell or hand pumps. Some Katkari families manage to borrow electricity from neighbouring farmers’ homes, but the price is steep. In exchange, they have to till their land for free for as many days as demanded of them.

The landless villagers here, along with residents of 51 other similar hamlets in Mulshi, follow a migratory pattern. They travel to nearby cities and states in search of work, often as brick kiln labourers, farm workers for ‘upper’ caste landowners, or in coal mines in neighbouring states. These villages mostly remain deserted throughout the year.

The Wire visited Pomgaon shortly after Diwali, when the community returns home for the festival or family events like weddings. For some, it is also a time to visit local government offices, hoping to get their documents processed.

‘For everything, one has to have at least one valid document’

Forty-five-year-old Kalebai Walekar shared that she had lost count of how many times she had traveled to local offices in search of documents. “Just last week, I went to Mulshi (the Taluka headquarters), 22 kilometres from here, twice,” she said. With no public transport or personal vehicles, Walekar said that they must hire vehicles to reach Mulshi. “I ended up spending over Rs 700 on travel last week,” she said.

Walekar has two married daughters; both have children. She added that no one in their family possesses any documentation. “We don’t know where to begin. For everything, one has to have at least one valid document. We’ve tried appealing to the local gram panchayat, the collector, and even the government,” she said.

‘Just before the elections, the Mahayuti government announced the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana, which would provide Rs 1,500 to women.’ Photo: Sukanya Shantha

The villages here don’t have Primary Health Centres (PHCs), Anganwadis, or even ASHA workers visiting them. One of the villagers says that every time someone falls ill, they have to be carried all the way to the city.

Just before the elections, the Mahayuti government announced the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana, which would provide Rs 1,500 to women. However, without any documents, the villagers have been unable to avail themselves of the support.

Along with state apathy, the communities here have ended up in such a terrible state due to the historic land struggles across Mulshi. In one of the articles for The Wire, Nandini Oza, an oral historian and former activist with the Narmada Bachao Andolan, writes about the land struggle in the region, most popularly known as the Mulshi Satyagraha. Oza says that the Mulshi Satyagraha of 1921 was the first anti-dam struggle in India – and possibly even the world – against the Mulshi Dam, built at the confluence of the Mula and Nila rivers near Pune in western Maharashtra.

This people’s resistance was against the Tatas, which wanted to build the Mulshi Dam to provide electricity to Mumbai. As many as 52 villages were ruthlessly submerged as the dam was built. Since no land was provided for rehabilitation, both by the then-colonial British government and the Tatas, the villagers began to live on the periphery of the dam.

‘In Valanewadi, many women shared stories of having lost their husbands in their 30s. It is a common sight in the community to see single mothers struggling to raise their children.’ The children’s faces have been blurred because they are minors. Photo: Sukanya Shantha.

‘No new structure’ threat from Tata

A few kilometres from Pomgaon is Valanewadi. Here, 17 houses with thatched roofs have stood since the early 1950s. The families, all belonging to the Katkari community, say they migrated from the other side of the Tamini Ghat in search of a livelihood. “Our villages in the Raigad district faced severe drought that year. So, we moved out (sometime in the 70s) and have since lived here,” Kamal Jadhav, a 35-year-old unlettered woman, said.

Although the village has only 17 small huts, every house accommodates at least four to five families. The villagers are barred from expanding their huts or building new ones. “This land is owned by the Tatas. Every few days, the company sends goons across different villages to see if any new structure has been built. If they see any change in the existing structure, they immediately destroy it,” Jadhav says.

Most villages that The Wire visited shared stories of violence, destruction, and constant intimidation allegedly by the men employed by the Tata Group.

Unemployment, acute poverty, and terrible living conditions have pushed the community, especially the men, into alcoholism, villagers said. Liquor is brewed within villages and consumed locally by men and women across age groups. Incidents of spurious liquor causing deaths are common in this region. In Valanewadi, many women shared stories of having lost their husbands in their 30s. It is a common sight in the community to see single mothers struggling to raise their children.

Fighting all odds, 45-year-old Kalsubai Jadhav somehow managed to get her children educated – perhaps the first family in the village to achieve this. The Jadhavs are also the first to show government documents to assert their existence. One of Kalsubai Jadhav’s children, Shrikant, studied till Class 10. He is the first in the village to do so, she said. But the education has not meant much. In the absence of a local job, Shrikant had had to migrate to Yadgir district in Karnataka to work as a labourer at a coal mine.

‘Across party lines, the perception around this community is the same.’ Naresh Gaikwad (standing). Photo: Sukanya Shantha

Activist Nagesh Gaikwad, who has been working with the community for over six years, says that while the challenges are many, if the government wants, it can have these concerns addressed overnight. “But no one looks at the community as their constituency. This is a very small and vulnerable tribal group. Across party lines, the perception around this community is the same,” Gaikwad said.

His organization, Satyashodhak Bahujan Aghadi, has slowly attempted to bring some progress in the region. Through activists (mostly from the community) associated with his organisation, a few families in every village have managed to get ration cards in the past few years. A few also have Aadhaar cards now. “But these are the bare minimum. The ration card would make sense only if the local Public Distribution System (PDS) functioned properly here. Their Aadhaar card holds some value only if their bank accounts, PDS cards, or their job cards are linked to it. None of this has happened so far,” Gaikwad said.

Mulshi Taluka falls under the Bhor constituency in western Maharashtra. In 2019, Sangram Anantrao Thopte of the Congress won the seat by defeating Kuldip Sudam Konde of the Shiv Sena (undivided then) with a small margin of 9,206 votes. The Bhor assembly constituency falls under the Baramati Lok Sabha constituency. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Nationalist Congress Party – Sharadchandra Pawar’s candidate Supriya Sule won from Baramati Lok Sabha (MP) seat.

Thopte is back in the fray and is contesting against NCP (Ajit Pawar faction) candidate Shankar Hiraman Mandekar. Across the many villages that The Wire visited, no one could tell who their elected candidate is or who is contesting in the election this time. “How should it matter to us when we don’t matter to them at all?” said 59-year-old Sharad Walnekar of Tamini village.

Unshackling the Flesh and Blood Ambedkar From the Image

Anand Teltumbde’s compelling biography offers a multi-dimensional portrayal of Babasaheb Ambedkar. It is an invitation to reassess his complex and evolving strategies for social change.

We live in a time when the deification of Babasaheb Ambedkar has brought forth devotees who would rather worship him than engage with the sheer force of his ideas and his human aspect. In this scenario, Anand Teltumbde’s reflective biography of Babasaheb breaks new ground, opening up a much-needed space for introspection.

Iconoclast: A Reflective Biography of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, Anand Teltumbde, India Viking, 2024.

The way Iconoclast: A Reflective Biography of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar peels back the layers of hyperbole that vested interests have imposed on Ambedkar, offers readers a chance to discover Babasaheb Ambedkar’s true legacy.

The circumstances under which Teltumbde doggedly worked on the biography – incarceration under the draconian UAPA, compounded by the COVID-19 crisis and a general state of public despondency – speak of the urgency the author accorded to the work.

The biography not only presents an insightful account of Babasaheb; it also serves as an example for biographers on how to depict their heroes with depth and honesty through case studies that future generations could objectively learn from.

In the preface Teltumbde declares disarmingly that he has used the same methodology that Ambedkar followed in presenting his own ‘lord’, the Buddha, in his The Buddha and His Dhamma – namely, the obligation of a disciple to his preceptor.

The book, spanning over 600 pages, is a comprehensive work. It includes a 45-page preface, 60 pages of notes and references, a 35-page long index, and select photographs that enhance the biography.

The narrative, structured as per the historical chronology, divides Ambedkar’s life into seven phases. To this is added an eighth phase: his enduring, posthumous impact – how, as also stated by other scholars, Ambedkar became more powerful after his death than during his lifetime. Initially neglected by the mainstream, he came to be venerated as one of the central figures of the Indian political and social landscape.

The author examines the land struggles sparked by some aspect of Ambedkar’s legacy where his followers were eventually undermined by the ruling class’s co-option strategies. He also looks at instances where Ambedkar’s followers have compromised his legacy for personal gains, leading to the fragmentation of the institutions he painstakingly established. There is a subtle suggestion that this outcome was, to some extent, foreshadowed in Ambedkar’s own life.

Assessing the tangible changes in the lives of Dalits is a significant part of the author’s analysis. He notes that despite Ambedkar’s immense contributions, their condition remains the same vis-à-vis the non-Dalits – a tiny Dalit middle class, like the tip of the iceberg, obscuring an entire structure of hopelessness beneath. Such a candid, introspective and in-depth account of the Dalit movement is rare.

The author also scrutinises the posthumous deification of Ambedkar’s image. He emphasises that while Dalits should revere Ambedkar, they should recognise him as the embodiment of a collective history of their movement – a history that remains unstudied for its ramifications despite a plethora of literature – to which many have contributed and which remains a work in progress.

The first phase explores Ambedkar’s initial life journey. While the harsh reality of ‘untouchability’ was a fact of daily life for impoverished Dalits, some Dalits gained access to free English education by joining the British army during the colonial period.

Bhimrao benefited from his father’s position as Subedar Major in the army, the highest position an Indian could reach in those days. With it came a stable financial background, English education and a new cultural environment. His father’s decision to settle in Bombay enabled Ambedkar to graduate from Bombay University. Thanks to the urban environment, association with social reformers and a scholarship provided by the princely state of Baroda, a path was created for an ‘Untouchable’ youth to achieve the highest academic qualifications from prestigious universities in the United States of America and England. It transformed an ordinary Mahar lad “Bhiwa” into the formidable Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar.

While charting these fortuitous circumstances, the author also highlights the focused, hard work put in by Ambedkar, which made him a bibliophile for life, moulded his character, thought process and ideological personality, influenced by teachers like John Dewey, James Shotwell, Edwin Seligman, and James Harvey Robinson. The narrative hints that these formative experiences informed many of Ambedkar’s later pivotal decisions and policies.

The second phase charts Ambedkar’s evolution from a highly educated young man to the revered “Babasaheb” (1919-1927). Through meticulous research and newly discovered evidence, Teltumbde provides fresh insights into the establishment of the Excommunicated Benevolent Society, Ambedkar’s testimony before the Southborough Committee, the founding of the Marathi fortnightly newspaper, Muknayak, and his efforts to launch various educational initiatives. This phase highlights the emergence of Ambedkar’s distinct personality, with the author challenging inaccuracies in previous biographies, and offering a nuanced portrayal of Ambedkar’s early public and intellectual life.

For instance, while analysing the Chavdar Tank Satyagraha at Mahad he highlights the ‘upper’ caste community’s fierce opposition and the British administration’s biased stance. However, the author acknowledges the courageous support of a few Brahmin and ‘upper’ caste allies even when the focus is on describing the unwavering determination of the ‘Untouchable’ people willing to make any sacrifice for the cause. By revisiting Ambedkar’s strategic decisions,

Mahad: The Making of the First Dalit Revolt, Anand Teltumbde, Aakar Books, 2016.

Teltumbde offers a fresh perspective on how the satyagraha shaped not only Ambedkar’s leadership but also the foundational ethos of the broader Dalit movement, an aspect outlined in the author’s earlier book, Mahad: The Making of the First Dalit Revolt.

Disillusioned by the entrenched attitudes of caste Hindus in Mahad, Ambedkar began to consider religious conversion as a means of liberation for the ‘Untouchables’ while simultaneously engaging more deeply in the political arena where new opportunities for representation for Dalits were emerging. The author contextualises his pivotal decisions, critically reflecting on Ambedkar’s strategies and actions.

Whether one agrees with Teltumbde’s critique or not, this analysis is an astute examination of the significant dimensions of Dalit emancipation. It is a timely reminder to the activist community that well-defined strategic anchors are a must in the pursuit for social change.

Ambedkar’s plunge into politics comprises the third phase of his journey in the biography. His legislative struggles in Bombay apart, this phase is dominated by his fierce disagreement with Gandhi at the Round Table Conference, following which Ambedkar emerged as a pan-India leader of Dalits, eclipsing many a provincial leader.

Interestingly, the author makes the point that Ambedkar’s entire battle over the question of representation would have been unnecessary had he not been so fixated on the prevailing first-past-the-post system of election and had instead considered the proportional representation system that guarantees, at least in theory, representation to each person.

The biography also highlights how Ambedkar was taken in by the enhanced quantum of representation of Dalits offered in the Poona Pact, which he later regretted. Ironically, he had to defend the joint electorate system for Dalits during the drafting of the Indian Constitution.

The fourth phase dwells on Ambedkar’s two contradictory approaches: a tryst with class politics through the Independent Labour Party (ILP) that he founded in the wake of the Government of India Act, 1935, to participate in the provincial elections of 1936-37; and the trajectory of a religious conversion movement. Teltumbde comments on the ILP’s electoral success in the 1936 elections, and looks at the favourable public response to Ambedkar’s historic march against the feudal Khoti system in the Konkan region and during the workers’ strike against the Industrial Dispute Act in 1938.

It seems to the author that Ambedkar’s experiment with the caste-class struggle was short-lived. Even though he had serendipitously arrived at the correct answer to the issue of the caste-class struggle in India and, unbeknownst to him, even practised it successfully through the anti-Khoti struggle and workers’ strike, the moment was wasted. Ambedkar soon turned his focus on caste, dissolving the ILP and forming the All India Scheduled Castes Federation (AISCF). He also took the first step towards statecraft, as a member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council.

The rest of the phases dwell on the 1940s and 1950s. In the political eddies that accompanied the transfer of power, Ambedkar again suffered neglect, mainly due to the AISCF’s poor performance in the council elections of February 1946. He managed to get elected to the constituent assembly from Bengal, thanks to Jogendra Nath Mandal, in the face of stiff Congress opposition. But when his seat went to Pakistan under the Mountbatten plan of partition, he was elected to the constituent assembly from Bombay by the Congress and even made the chairman of the important Constitution Drafting Committee. The book dwells on the clandestine manoeuvres behind these crucial developments.

As is well-known, Babasaheb resigned from the Nehru cabinet in 1951 and even burst out against the attribution of having written the Constitution itself. The discussion on the Constitution and Babasaheb is informative.

This biography fills a significant gap in Ambedkar studies, building upon past efforts to contribute fresh insights and contextual depth. Earlier biographies by Dhananjay Keer, Changdev Khairmode, and B.C. Kamble, although extensive, had limitations that have been acknowledged by serious scholars. Khairmode and Kamble’s work extended to many volumes but often lacked the critical depth necessary for a comprehensive understanding. Recent scholarship by Ashok Gopal, Akash Singh Rathore, Scott Stroud, and Christophe Jaffrelot, which has delved deeply into Ambedkar’s socio-political and ideological dimensions, has been acknowledged in this biography.

Teltumbde’s work, with its multi-faceted portrayal of Babasaheb and bold reflections, is a seminal contribution to Ambedkar studies. Unlike many a previous authors who either glorified Ambedkar or rigidly analysed him within academic constraints, Teltumbde transcends these boundaries. He repositions Ambedkar’s life and legacy within the framework of contemporary social struggles, particularly in the context of neoliberal capitalism and class struggles that necessitate the eradication of caste.

Iconoclast: A Reflective Biography of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar is more than a mere recounting of historical facts; it is an invitation to reassess Ambedkar’s complex and evolving strategies for social change. The author presents Ambedkar as a figure who, despite being a product of his time, offered solutions that transcended temporal and spatial limitations.

Teltumbde achieves his purpose by presenting Ambedkar as a human being, complete with contradictions and ideological struggles — not only as a towering leader but as someone who adapted his roles to match the changing realities of his time, even when those adaptations seemed contradictory.

The author argues that the Dalit movement, after Ambedkar’s death, lost its direction as various leaders pursued divergent interpretations of Ambedkar’s ideology for their own gain. He discusses how Ambedkar’s ideological conflicts, particularly with communists, were weaponised to divert Dalits from livelihood-centric struggles. Teltumbde also recounts the two major post-Ambedkar land struggles in the Khandesh and Marathwada regions as rare, bright moments demonstrating the revolutionary potential of Dalits before being co-opted by the ruling class – a strategy that marked the decline of the unified Dalit movement.

Teltumbde’s narrative suggests that Ambedkar’s deification by the establishment in the 1970s was a tactical move to neutralise his radical thoughts. Prising this constructed image apart, Teltumbde reveals a more authentic Ambedkar – relentless in his mission for caste eradication and deeply attuned to the socio-political complexities of his time.

The author reframes the challenge of carrying Ambedkar’s legacy forward in a compelling manner, emphasising that Ambedkar’s vision can be a source of inspiration at all times, but the responsibility of addressing new challenges by adapting their insights to contemporary realities lies with each successive generation.

Iconoclast: A Reflective Biography of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar should have been written at least 30 years ago, when Ambedkar’s writings started becoming publicly accessible. But, instead of making strategic sense of these writings, many an intellectual fell prey to the ruling class’s enticements to produce hagiographies in which every thought and action was lauded, divorced from its context as well as goal. It only deepened the confusion in the Dalit movements about how to face the harsh reality around them.

What was needed was to present Babasaheb Ambedkar in flesh and blood, as a person struggling with his own strengths and weaknesses to create space for Dalits, as a dreamer who longed to see his ideal society based on liberty, equality and fraternity. Dalit youths would have learnt a lot from that. Although a bit ‘late’ in that sense, this biography restores a more real Ambedkar to us.

In sum, this book is a must read not only for Dalits but for all those who are desirous of understanding the making of the Indian republic and its future.

Rahul Kosambi is a sociologist, an Ambedkar scholar and Yuva Sahitya Akademi Awardee, 2017 for his book Ubha Aadav.

Gone Are the Days of Rule of Law, We Now Have Gunda Raj in India

This criminalisation of the Indian public officialdom is the most concerning development of the last 10 years.

Rule of law in India seems to be getting replaced with gunda raj (rule of might). Two recent incidents illustrate this trend. First, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) disrupted an annual film festival in Udaipur that has been held there for nine years. Second, the demolition of a mazar in the prestigious Doon School in Dehradun by right-wing goons.

On Saturday (November 16), RSS members disrupted Shabnam Virmani’s film Had-Anhad on the second day of the Udaipur Film Festival. Later, the Rabindranath Tagore Medical College administration succumbed to their pressure and withdrew permission for the festival. The RSS members were reportedly upset that the festival had been dedicated to the children of Palestine and the late professor G.N. Saibaba.

The film festival’s organisers and the RSS workers were summoned to the principal’s office for a discussion. While the college administration had given permission for the festival – charging a fee for the use of the college hall – the principal was unable to say anything to the RSS workers in support of his permission. He merely asked the organisers to resolve the dispute by agreeing with the RSS’s demand.

According to the RSS, G.N. Sai Baba was a terrorist. Palestine is also a terrorist entity. Therefore, paying tribute to them is tantamount to supporting terrorism. They ordered the organisers to accept in writing that they had made a mistake by organising a program in memory of the children killed in Palestine. RSS members also allegedly told the organisers that they would have to pay tribute to Kanhaiyalal Teli, a tailor who was hacked to death in 2022, and Devraj Mochi, a boy from the Dalit community who was stabbed by his classmate earlier this year. The RSS workers had brought a draft with them, which they wanted the organisers to release without any changes.

The organisers said that they were against all kinds of violence and murder, but the RSS members were adamant that they release a video based on their draft.

The police too were present in the principal’s office. However, they did not tell the RSS workers that they neither had the right to intimidate any citizen, nor stop a programme from happening.

There were some doctors also present in the office who seemed to agree with the RSS disrupters.

The principal then asked the organisers to seek permission from the district administration. While this was not a prerequisite for organising the event, the principal created this new condition without which the festival could not be allowed to continue.

When the organisers requested that the ongoing film be allowed to finish, the principal forcibly halted the screening.

The organisers spoke to the district magistrate (DM) and claimed that his attitude was no different from that of the RSS. He allegedly refused to give permission for the event saying that the matter was between the college and festival’s organisers.

However, practical wisdom indicates that if a public programme is disrupted and attendees attacked, then it should be treated as a crime. It is also the district administration’s job to prevent this and restrain the disrupters.

The organisers requested security for the festival venue from the administration but the DM allegedly refused.

This is the same DM under whose supervision the administration bulldozed the house of an accused some time ago. In a fight between children in a school in Udaipur, one child stabbed another. The child accused of the stabbing happened to belong to the Muslim community. The administration responded by bulldozing his house. It is a separate matter that the child’s family was renting that house and that some other families also lived there. But did the administration have the right to demolish it? Is this not gunda raj in itself?

Also read: ‘Nothing but Anarchy, Collective Punishment’: Supreme Court’s Searing Remarks on ‘Bulldozer Justice’

The Supreme Court in its recent judgement declared this use of bulldozers illegal and has said that the administrative officials would be held responsible for it. The court said that they will have to bear the consequences of violating the law. The implication of the court’s order is that the Udaipur administration had committed a crime by bulldozing the house where the child lived.

It is therefore not surprising that such an officer is standing with the RSS.

The second incident occurred at the Doon School in Dehradun.

Some miscreants trespassed onto the school premises by jumping over the wall and demolished Mazar located on campus. The Mazar had been there for a long time and the school had no objection to its presence. However, some outsiders who took issue with it destroyed the structure.

The school administration has not filed a report regarding this act of trespassing and vandalism. It has claimed in a letter to the students’ parents that no structure within the premises was demolished. What was removed was a structure which a contractor had built on his own. But the right-wing goons have live streamed their feat and claimed that they had the administration’s permission. Yet, the DM in question denied any knowledge of the incident.

“We did not issue any orders for its demolition. However, we did send a team including the SDM to the place to verify the facts related to the mazar and ensure that law and order are maintained,” the DM said.

That law and order has already been broken did not occur to him.Two crimes have been committed: one of trespassing, the other of demolishing a structure. But the district administration seems to be at peace with these.

These two recent incidents should scare us as citizens.

It seems that India’s administrative officers are asserting that ensuring public safety is not their responsibility. Moreover, they appear to align themselves with the hooliganism of the RSS and other Hindutva groups. The responsibility for upholding the rule of law in India rests with the administration and the police. If they refuse to fulfil this duty and instead join hand with RSS goons, can the rule of law survive in this country?

If police officers start washing the feet of kanwariyas and showering flowers on them, then they will also shut down the businesses of Muslims. It was the Muzaffarnagar and Saharanpur police which issued orders requiring shopkeepers to prominently display their names and those of their employees. And it is these officers that silently watch Hindutva goons force Muslims to close their meat shops whenever they want.

We have not given enough thought to the implications of the administration turning into a coercive arm of Hindutva politics. While we often defend them by saying that they are merely following orders from above. The administration can also refuse to obey these orders. If they do not do so, then it is nothing less of a crime.

This is what the Supreme Court meant when it held the executive authorities responsible for the demolition of houses and properties of those accused of crime. It said, “We are of the view that in such matters the public officials, who take the law in their hands, should be made accountable for such high-handed actions.. For the executive to act in a transparent manner so as to avoid the vice of arbitrariness, we are of the view that certain binding directives need to be formulated. This will ensure that public officials do not act in a high-handed, arbitrary, and discriminatory manner. Further, if they indulge in such acts, accountability must be fastened upon them.”

The Udaipur and Dehradun incidents show us that through inaction and non-interference, public officials are aiding and abetting criminal acts, especially those involving Hindutva goons. This criminalisation of the Indian public officialdom is the most concerning development of the last 10 years.

Bengal: Internet Restricted Amid Communal Tension in Parts of Murshidabad

Police are investigating how an offensive message ended up on an illuminated display at a festival.

Kolkata: Internet access was restricted in parts of Murshidabad district of Bengal following a surge in communal tensions sparked by an message displayed at a local religious event. The message led to vandalism, arson, and injuries to several individuals from both communities.

The incident took place at Beldanga, where an illuminated display showed a phrase that was deemed insulting to Muslims. The Wire has seen videos that were shared of the purported message on social media but has not been able to independently verify them. Clashes took place in the area in response, locals and police said.

Authorities have arrested 17 people and claim to have brought the situation under control. However, tensions remain high.

“Tensions escalated due to a local issue. We are identifying the guilty individuals and taking appropriate action. I request everyone to cooperate with the police in maintaining law and order. I appeal to both parties not to take the law into their own hands,” said superintendent of police, Murshidabad, Surya Pratap Yadav.

Police are investigating how the offensive message ended up on the illuminated display. Heightened security measures were implemented in Beldanga on November 17 as well, as 163 puja committees organised a joint procession for the immersion of Jagaddhatri idols. The district police chief and local MP visited the area to oversee security operations.

“Such incidents have never happened here before. The police are investigating how a derogatory remark about a religious leader was written on a display at a festive arch. This remark provoked people from one community, leading to clashes with the police and injuries to several people. However, the situation is now relatively under control. I don’t think Kartik Maharaj has anything to do with this incident,” said Abu Taher Khan, MP, Murshidabad.

In the lead-up to the Lok Sabha elections, the area witnessed similar communal tensions. At the time, chief minister Mamata Banerjee accused the spiritual leader Kartik Maharaj, who is linked to a local religious institution, of instigating unrest.

Murshidabad’s Beldanga is historically linked to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh through a local ashram which was once patronised by M.S. Golwalkar. The area has been a hotbed of communal tension for decades despite its agricultural prosperity.

“Murshidabad is a district of harmony, but planned communal forces want to incite riots. These disturbances are a step towards creating a division that can pave the way for the implementation of the National Register of Citizens. The BJP is starting a game of division in Beldanga by putting forward social faces like Kartik Maharaj,” observed local writer and social activist Manik Fakir, who has been tracking RSS politics in the region.

Former MP and state Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury said that he too is loathe to place the blame on a particular person. “However, for the past few years, there have been planned attempts to spread religious hatred and create unrest. We trust that local well-wishers can thwart this conspiracy. A few evil forces are doing this in a planned manner, we have demanded that they be investigated and punished accordingly,” Chowdhury said.

CPI(M) leader Mohammad Salim condemned the incident and called for “strict action against all those responsible.”

Soon after the clashes, BJP leaders took to social media to put the blame on the Muslim community. A post by BJP leader Amit Malviya making such a claim is no longer on X, presumably as a result of a notice by the Bengal police.

West Bengal Police wrote on X: “Malicious efforts are being made from certain quarters to spread misinformation and rumours about last night’s incident at Beldanga in Murshidabad where clashes took place between two groups over some condemnable mischief.”

Translated from the Bengali original by Aparna Bhattacharya.

Despite Stern Rebuke by Supreme Court, Adityanath Issues Bulldozer Threat in Jharkhand

‘These bulldozers are parked here to retrieve the money looted in dacoities, to get back the money taken in these dacoities,’ the UP chief minister said in Jamtara.

New Delhi: The Supreme Court may have deemed bulldozer justice “totally unconstitutional” and equated it a “lawless state of affairs” but that has not deterred Uttar Pradesh chief minister Adityanath from warning of their use in future.

Wrapping up his election campaign in Jharkhand on November 18, Adityanath hinted at the use of bulldozers against political opponents if the Bharatiya Janata Party was voted to power in the state. In fact, just five days after the apex court stated that the government would not be allowed to demolish the property of an accused person without following due process of law, bulldozers were parked at the venue of at least two public meetings addressed by Adityanath in Jharkhand on November 18.

Adityanath’s defiant reference to the bulldozer comes in the wake of two adverse decisions in the Supreme Court against the government on the trend of illegal demolition of property. A three-judge bench including the then Chief Justice of India, D.Y. Chandrachud, on November 6, directed Adityanath’s government to pay a senior journalist Manoj Tibrewal a compensation of Rs 25 lakh after his ancestral house and shop were unlawfully demolished by officials for widening a road in Maharajganj. In its judgment, the court said that “Bulldozer justice is simply unacceptable under the rule of law” and that, “Justice through bulldozers is unknown to any civilised system of jurisprudence.”

Then, on November 13, the Supreme Court while indicting the government for starting a trend of illegally demolishing homes and properties of persons accused of crime, said such arbitrary actions by officials would be dealt with a heavy hand of the law.

These words seem to have had no impact on Adityanath, who has often glorified the use of bulldozers, earning the moniker ‘bulldozer baba‘ – ‘father who uses bulldozers’. While accusing the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha-led government in Jharkhand of looting the resources of the state, Adityanath said bulldozers were ready to retrieve the money.

“Isi dacoity se paisa nikalne ke liye bulldozer khada hain. Isi dacoity ke paise ko vapas lene ke liye (these bulldozers are parked here to retrieve the money looted in dacoities, to get back the money taken in these dacoities),” Adityanath said in Jamtara district. The statement was met with loud cheers.

Also read: In Jharkhand and Maharashtra, Yogi Unleashes Rhetoric of Hatred to Mobilise Hindus Behind BJP

His allegations that the JMM and its partner Congress had looted the resources of the state along with the funds sent by the central government of Narendra Modi were based on the recovery of alleged unaccounted cash from two opposition leaders during raids by central agencies. In May, the Enforcement Directorate said that it recovered around Rs 20 crore in “unaccounted cash” from the premises of the domestic help of the personal secretary to Jharkhand minister Alamgir Khan. In a previous rally in Koderma, Adityanath had compared Alamgir Khan to Mughal emperor Aurangzeb.

In December 2023, the Income Tax department said it had recovered Rs 350 crore in cash from entities linked to the companies of Congress Rajya Sabha MP Dhiraj Sahu.

Referring to both these raids, Adityanath said the “mountain of notes” recovered from Sahu and Khan were examples of how the JMM-Congress government had looted the state. “This money does not belong to the JMM or the Congress but to the people of Jharkhand,” said Adityanath as he warned that the bulldozers (parked at his rally venue) would retrieve the money.

The bulldozers also featured in his rally in Rajmahal. But he did not refer to them in the rally. However, in a post made later on social media site X (formerly Twitter), Adityanath shared a picture of the rally in Rajmahal showing his supporters perched on three bulldozers. Two of the bulldozers had supporters holding large saffron flags (shaped as stacked triangles).

Adityanath referred to the use of bulldozers in a recent rally in Koderma, where he gloated about the impact demolitions through bulldozers had in his state UP ever since he assumed power. “Prior to 2017, the mafia would walk around UP with the chests pumped. But after 2017, when bulldozers started being used, even the most dreaded mafia left the lands of UP. Today, some are in jail while others have embarked on a ‘ram naam satya hain’ yatra,” said Adityanath.