Tag: nepal foreign policy

All You Need to Know as Nepal Goes to the Polls

This is the first time in Nepal’s parliamentary history that elections will be held after the completion of an entire term of the parliament. Yet there is large-scale disillusionment and people have felt that these polls, too, will bring in the same old political leaders.

New Delhi: Nepalis will vote today, November 20, to elect their representatives for the parliamentary and provincial assemblies amidst rising disenchantment over the fact that it is the same old faces who are standing for elections this time around.

Here is a quick primer on the numbers – and the issues at hand – of the elections.

In numbers 

More than 17,988,570 voters can vote to directly select candidates for 165 seats in the House of Representatives and 330 seats in the seven provincial assemblies. Those who will occupy the remaining 110 and 220 seats in the HoR and PC, respectively, will be selected from a list of Proportional Representation candidates submitted to the Election Commission by political parties ahead of the polls.

Around 50.8% of the electorate are men, while women account for 49.2% or 8.8 million. There are also 185 members of the LGBTQI community registered as voters.

For the 165 seats to the House of Representatives, there are 2,412 candidates, including 225 women in the fray. For the provincial assembly, 3,224 candidates are standing for election in the ‘First Past The Post’ seats.

At the polling booth, Nepali voters will be handed four ballot papers. The first one is for the direct election of a candidate to HoR, followed by one to select the political party for PR seats. The exact same process applies in the case of the elections to the provincial assembly as well.

Officials from the election commission work to set up polling station a day ahead of the general elections, in Bhaktapur, Nepal November 19, 2022. Photo: Reuters/Navesh Chitrakar

Are people enthusiastic about the elections?

This is the first time in the country’s parliamentary history that elections will be held after the completion of an entire term of the parliament. It is also only the second parliamentary election under the 2015 constitution.

There is large-scale disillusionment and people have felt that the elections would bring in the same old political leaders. This led to a new crop of younger, independent candidates entering the electoral battlefield, attempting to fire up voters.

Nepal’s voter turnout is usually high. But in the local elections held in May this year, the turnout was 64%, which was the lowest since the 2008 constituent assembly elections, which saw 61.8%.

The turnout at the 2017 parliamentary and provincial elections was 68.63%.

Also read: Favourites, Alliances, Numbers: All the Questions Ahead of Nepal’s November Polls Answered

When will the results be declared?

Not for some time.

Counting is a complicated process, with four ballot papers of each voter for two types of seats and bodies requiring counting.

Stating that he was very concerned about the “sluggish vote count”, Chief Election Commissioner Dinesh Kumar Thapaliya told The Kathmandu Post last week that all the results would be out by December 8. However, the results of the election to the direct ‘First Past The Post’ seats will be out first, “within three days of counting beginning,” he added. All the rest of the counting for the proportional seats will also finish by the end of November.

After that, the Election Commission will have to divide the PR seats among parties based on their vote percentage and publish the names from their previously submitted lists.

The “sluggish” counting has indeed been criticised, with a former CEC putting the blame on the complexity of the ballot papers and frequent challenges raised by political parties due to narrow margins of victory.

Who are the key players in the elections?

As explained by Kamal Dev Bhattarai for The Wire, the fight to form the next government would be between two alliances, one led by the Nepali Congress and another by the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist).

The members of the NC-led electoral alliance are the CPN (Maoist Center), CPN (Unified Socialist), Socialist Party Nepal and other fringe parties, sometimes called the ‘democratic-left’ alliance. CPN-UML leads the second alliance, and its members are the Upendra Yadav-led Janata Samajbadi, the royalist Rashtriya Prajatantra Party and other smaller parties.  

Besides, a slew of smaller parties and independent candidates have jumped into the fray, hoping to cash in on voters’ rising antipathy for mainstream political leaders.

Also read: Interview | ‘Monarchy in Nepal Will Mean More Respectful Ties With India, China’: RPP Leader

What are the critical issues for voters this time?

According to Reuters, voters have rising energy and food prices on their minds as the economy slows down. This year, the economy is slated to grow at 4.7%, compared to 5.8% last year, as per the Asian Development Bank.

There are also concerns about the lack of jobs, with a majority of Nepali workers making a beeline for overseas employment. Both the main parties have made promises to create hundreds of thousands of jobs yearly.

Besides, political stability is also a concern. The political volatility over the last five years occurred despite the pre-election Left alliance winning the majority in the 2017 elections. While the parliament has completed its full term, CPN-UML’s K.P. Oli Sharma did try to get it dissolved twice when he was prime minister, before the Supreme Court restored the house.

Who will likely form the next government?

In Nepal, all opinion and exit polls are banned under the election code of conduct.

However, as per internal assessments by parties and security agencies, reported by The Kathmandu Post, Nepali Congress is likely to emerge as the single largest party. It also won the most vote in this year’s local elections. According to some calculations, it could win around 100 to 110 parliamentary seats, compared to 63 in 2017. The CPN-UML’s tally is projected to come down from 121 in 2017 to double figures, dropping to around 75 to 80 seats.

Interview: ‘Monarchy in Nepal Will Mean More Respectful Ties With India, China’: RPP Leader

A key face in the Nepal general polls, senior vice-president of Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Rabindra Mishra, tells ‘The Wire’ why geopolitical concerns are central to his pro-monarchy stance.

New Delhi: Asserting that a return to monarchy would help Nepal to build a strong bulwark against foreign interference, a senior official of Nepal’s pro-royal party also noted that the border controversy – or the new political map depicting disputed territories under India’s control – is not an issue that will find resonance with the electorate in the current general elections.

On November 20, Nepal will go to the polls to elect their representatives for the Parliament and Provincial Assemblies. It will only be the second election held under the 2015 constitution. 

Among those in the fray is senior vice-president of Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Rabindra Mishra, a recent entrant to the party and an unusual face in Nepali politics.

A journalist with BBC Nepali service for nearly two decades, he resigned from his job before the 2017 elections and jumped into electoral politics with a newly-created party Bibeksheel Sajha Party aimed at providing an alternative to Nepal’s grand old parties. He lost by 819 votes against the three-time Nepali Congress incumbent from the Kathmandu-1 constituency.

This time, he is once again contesting from the same constituency but as a candidate for the RPP, a pro-monarchy Hindu nationalist party. The RPP’s manifesto had called for the reinstatement of the monarchy, a directly-elected prime ministerial system, and pledged to scrap provinces.

When he was still in his earlier party last year, Mishra had released a thesis on Nepal’s future, which attracted some criticism, both internally and outside the party, for his declaration of support to the monarchy and opposition to federalism and secularism. In the aftermath, it became apparent that he would be changing ship – which he did in September this year.

With Nepali citizens disenchanted with traditional politics, RPP hopes to capture some of the frustration this time with more votes. In previous 2017 elections, the party, which had been in a government with Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist), won a single seat in parliament.

In an interview with The Wire, Mishra, who was inducted as senior vice-chairman of RPP, spoke about the reasons for his ideological change and why the monarchy is necessary to have strong “balanced” ties with India and China.

Below is a condensed version of the conversation. It has been edited for clarity and style.

There seems to be a lot of frustration over political parties fielding the same old faces. It had seemed for some time that Nepalis were ready for an alternative political voice. But you have gone the opposite direction, from a new party to an established legacy party. Why is that?

We started the Sajha party in 2017 and did pretty well in that year’s election. We became the fifth-largest party, and I lost by just a whisker against a very prominent leader in a very prominent constituency in Kathmandu. And the party, in a way, was doing okay, yes, there were various problems, but it was okay. 

As I started to move on, at some point, I slowly began to realise that the agenda with which we were building the party, the acceptance of the republic, federalism and secularism, won’t help in the long term. Once I realised this, I changed my course and came up with a political document titled “nation above notion”. After that, there was a bit of a problem in the party, and later on, in the local elections, our results were pretty bad, and I resigned from the leadership of the party on moral grounds. As I resigned, I also realised that the constitutional monarchy is crucial for the country’s long-term interests, stability and sovereignty.

Rabindra Mishra during a campaign effort. Photo: Twitter/@RabindraMishra

Yes, the monarchy had made mistakes in the past – kings had made mistakes in the past. But, despite their mistakes, this institution is extremely important given the changing geopolitics of the world, which is shifting towards South Asia. Being surrounded by two big countries, which will be number one and number two economies by 2030, the western world would obviously show a keen interest in Nepal.

Geopolitics is getting sensitive around Nepal, but internally, the institutions are so weak, so weak. All the major institutions are badly politicised. There is political intervention in every institution of the country, apart from the Nepal army which is relatively free from interference.

The bureaucracy, anti-corruption body, the president’s office, the judiciary and universities, all are compromised. Even the doctors and engineers are so badly politicised. We are also one of the most corrupt countries, as per Transparency International.

When institutions are so weak, when the geo-political situation is getting more critical, ethnic and religious sensitivities are rising – the only institution that can bind this country is the monarchy. I thought this issue had to be raised. I raised the issue, and my agenda was close to the RPP, so I joined them.

Also read: As Nepal Heads to Polls, Here’s What Major Parties Are Saying About Foreign Policy

You use a geo-political argument to claim that monarchy is good for Nepal. Do you mean to imply that the monarchy had stood up against India in the past or that there was not much Indian interference at that time?

In a way, yes. Nepal’s international prestige and the way the institution of monarchy dealt with India and China was much more balanced and respectful earlier. After the country turned into a republic, our international prestige has gone down. 

For example, to be very honest, the new Indian ambassador comes down to Nepal, lands at the Kathmandu international airport and from there, he directly goes to meet the foreign minister and the very next day, he meets the prime minister. And he can meet whomever he wants.

In the case of the Nepali ambassador in India, even after being appointed and joining the office in Delhi, one doesn’t even get an appointment or meeting with the Indian foreign minister or foreign secretary for months and months. That’s the kind of situation that we are dealing with. It is happening with other countries as well. You are interviewing me from Delhi, so I am mentioning India. It is a similar case with China and other countries. These things do matter in international diplomacy.

When there was a monarchy, King Birendra proposed the idea of a Zone of Peace. More than 125 countries had agreed to it. Of course, India did not agree, but that’s a different issue.

That proposal was important in the changing geopolitics of the world. That was very important for a landlocked, underdeveloped, militarily and economically weak country.

An impression held among a section of Indian people is that if there is a Hindu party in Nepal or if Nepal is a Hindu kingdom, it will be friendlier to India. How do you view this perception?

If a Hindu party or Hindu state was going to be more friendly to India, I am sure that PM Modi would have encouraged that in Nepal. I am not sure Prime Minister [Narendra] Modi is doing that. (laughs)

The fact is that Nepal has more than 80% Hindu population, and there is a 10% Buddhist population. As a Hindu state, Nepal was doing perfectly fine. It was not a fundamentalist state. It was not a religious state like many Arab countries. It was just a Hindu state by name, but there was freedom for other religions, and they used to exercise their religion peacefully.

After Nepal became a secular state, a big section of the Hindu population was very disappointed. The Christian conversion rate is one of the highest in the world. The religious demography is changing in Nepal, and if not now, this can create a problem in the future. That is why Nepal should return to being a Hindu state.

You mention that you joined RPP for ideological reasons. But is ideology playing any role at all in these elections? There are parties with diametrically opposed ideologies joining together in pre-election coalitions. The RPP is also allied with CPN-UML, a communist party. So what does ideology mean in Nepali politics?

The ruling party has an alliance with five more parties. But in the case of RPP and UML, the case is different. There are only three places where RPP supports the UML and vice versa. It is not an alliance as such. Just electorally, the parties are helping each other in three constituencies. That’s all.

As far as if this is the end of ideology in Nepali politics, I don’t think so. Ideologically, Nepali society is getting more and more polarised. One major reason is that in the last 15 years after Nepal turned into a republic and became secular and federal – if the system had worked well, if corruption had gone down, if governance had improved, if there was proper service delivery, I don’t think that this system would have been attacked by those who are supporting the monarchy and who are against federalism and secularism. But, the system is not working at all, and corruption is high. 

They got rid of one king, but there are certain families of political leaders where all the family members behave like kings.

The political intervention in all major institutions is so high. And the deterioration of political institutions in Nepal is so bad that people are unhappy about it.

The major political parties in Nepal have a long history, and they have politicised every aspect of society. That’s why society is getting polarised among those supporting the changes that happened in the last 15 years and who don’t support those changes.

Unless these current politicians start behaving correctly, I don’t think things will change. 

Nepali Maoist leader Pushp Kumar Dahal ‘Prachanda’ and former Prime Minister K.P. Oli. Credit: Reuters

If all the parties are in alliances and the same old parties are in the fray, can the electorate expect any change from this election?

From this election, RPP will have a strong presence in parliament. When we have a strong presence, I think that it will act as a big slap to big political parties on the one hand, and on the other hand, that will be the first major step in bringing Nepal back on track.

Can I pin you down on how many seats RPP will likely get?

I haven’t been giving figures and numbers, as things are unpredictable. But, the wave of  RPP throughout the country is very high, and we expect to do very well.

You expect to do well in your constituency that you lost narrowly.

I lost by 819 votes. But that basically means that if I had got 410 of those votes, I would have won at that time. We are pretty confident that we will win in this constituency.

Also read: Favourites, Alliances, Numbers: All the Questions Ahead of Nepal’s November Polls Answered

You said there was a yearning for change, but change is a very abstract term. What do voters mean by that? What do the voters want this time?

My agenda is divided into three sections. One is the long-term peace and stability, and sovereignty of this country. I have described that as my political and social agenda, where I have talked about constitutional monarchy and directly elected prime ministership.

I have also talked about restructuring local bodies and abrogating federalism. At the same time, I have spoken about the Hindu-Buddhist state. RPP only talks about the Hindu state, but in my book, I have spoken of a Hindu-Buddhist state for various reasons that, if I start to explain, will take a long time.

The second deals with political economy, extreme intervention in all institutions, controlling corruption and good governance. At the same time, I have talked about economic stimulation and creating employment. 

One thing that inspired me to get into politics after two decades of journalism was because I thought that public education and public health in Nepal are in disastrous situation. I argue that free public education and public health should be fundamental human rights, and all the citizens in the country should have equal access to it.

Are foreign relations with India, especially the border dispute, an electoral issue in these elections?

The Millennium Challenge Corporation funds received some time ago were a major controversy in Nepal. Similarly, the border issue with India has been raised from time to time. But, unfortunately for Nepal, all these agendas get sidelined during the time of elections, and people tend to vote according to their political alignment.

I asked that question as, during the last elections, UML’s good showing was attributed to the Indian ‘blockade’ of 2015.

Absolutely. When it comes to the issue of patriotism, Nepalis become very passionate and emotional about it. So in the 2015 blockade, all Nepalis thought India unnecessarily imposed the blockade on us, which was a huge pain for the Nepali population. Oli, at that time, took a strong stance and finally, the blockade was over. That definitely had an impact on the election. 

Also, what he did before the 2017 elections was that the UML and Maoist Centre joined hands, and they said that they would merge after the elections. 

So big communist parties coming to power would create a stable government, which would be good for the country. They did unite, but it didn’t happen. So in 2017, the blockade issue did have an impact.

Empty cylinders line a street in Nepal during the 2015 blockade that caused a fuel crisis. Photo: Wikipedia/Nirmal Dulal (CC BY-SA 3.0).

Will the new map and the border issue have any impact at all this time?

I don’t think that the resonance is the same. Hardly people are talking about it. So, I don’t think that has created any kind of impact in these elections.

Do you feel that RPP has a different position on relations with India compared to other political parties?

Nepal’s democratic political parties are self-centric as they don’t consider the country’s long-term interests. There is also no continuity in lots of foreign policy issues. 

With the RPP, we have been saying that we want to have an equidistant relationship with India and China. We will not accept intervention, but we will stay friendly. It is all about how we implement that. We are pretty sure that we will do much better than earlier guys.

Lastly, circling back to my first question – do you think there is any space left for independents or new parties in Nepali polity?

Given my five-year experience in building an alternative political party,  I think in the current situation, you can create a party that can have an existence but can’t get to the top and rule the country. It is so very difficult for various reasons.

The second thing is that the idea of alternative politics has not been explained correctly in Nepal. Alternative politics means good governance, service delivery, controlling corruption, stimulating the economy, and creating jobs.

Suppose the people choose their leadership with a high level of integrity and competence; who know what this country needs for the changing geopolitics, which can drive this country towards development and prosperity; in that case, people will stop talking about alternate politics.

As Nepal Heads to Polls, Here’s What Major Parties Are Saying About Foreign Policy

While foreign affairs may not be the top priority in elections, Nepal’s location, sandwiched between two Asian giants, means that it remains a significant undercurrent in domestic politics.

Kathmandu/New Delhi: In two weeks, over 17 million Nepali voters choose their representatives in the federal and provincial assemblies. It marks a momentous milestone in Nepal’s parliamentary democracy, as these will be the first polls to be held after the entire five-year tenure.

While foreign affairs may not be the top priority in elections, Nepal’s location, sandwiched between two Asian giants, means that it remains a significant undercurrent in domestic politics.

In the last elections in 2017, the Left alliance of Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) (CPN-UML) and the Maoist Centre brought K.P. Oli back as prime minister with a big majority. According to analysts, Oli’s victory was based on a hardline nationalist platform during the 2017 election campaign that came against the backdrop of the five-month-long ‘blockade’ at the Indian border in 2015. 

Five years on, the 2022 general elections are being held amidst a new landscape in Nepal’s foreign policy terrain.

After his 2017 victory, Oli began his term with an outreach from New Delhi. But by 2020, relations dipped to a nadir after the Oli government issued a new political map, which included territories – Lipulekh, Limpiyadhura, and Kalapani – controlled by India. This map was subsequently enshrined in the constitution. Later that year, a patch-up between Oli and India began with a much-commented visit of the Indian spy chief to the Nepali capital.

After Oli was voted out by parliament and the Nepali Congress-led coalition came to power, relations smoothened between the two neighbours. In the run-up to his ouster, Oli softened towards New Delhi and made an effort to woo the Hindu vote.

The India-Nepal border. Photo: PTI/Files

A key characteristic of Nepal’s diplomatic terrain has been the deliberate low profile maintained by the India mission in Kathmandu over the last few years. Instead, the Chinese embassy became the most visibly active diplomatic mission, with the Chinese ambassador flitting from meetings with one senior politician to another.

Not surprisingly, the political controversies in the diplomatic universe have shifted from being India-centric to Nepal’s relations with the US, a reflection perhaps of Chinese sensitivities over a larger American footprint in Kathmandu.

A hard-won success of the Deuba government was the ratification of a $500 million infrastructure grant by the US as part of the Millennium Challenge Corporation Nepal Compact. Just as the ruling coalition obtained parliamentary approval in February 2022, police used teargas and water cannon to disperse protestors, who claimed it would undermine Nepali sovereignty.

But, Deuba was forced to withdraw from the US’s Strategic Partnership Program (SPP) under pressure from alliance partners, who claimed it would lure Nepal into a military alliance. China publicly commended the Nepal government for the decision.

The manifestoes of political parties, released last week, do not have any big surprises, cleaving to their traditional outlook on Nepal’s relations with the wider world. 

Nearly all of them refer to the 2015 Nepali constitution’s enshrined principles on conducting international relations for an elected government.

  1. Pursuing an independent foreign policy considering national interest to be of utmost importance, on the basis of the UN Charter, non-alignment, principle of Panchasheel, international law and universal norms, and by remaining active to defend the sovereignty, indivisibility, national independence and national interest. 
  2. Entering into treaties and agreements on the basis of equality and mutual interest, by reviewing past treaties.

Further, under directive principles, the Nepali state has to maintain relations with the outside world “based on sovereign equality, protecting sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national interest of the country, and promoting national prestige in the international community”.

India’s former ambassador to Nepal, Ranjit Rae, indicated that coalition dynamics usually moderate the ideological positions on foreign policy articulated in manifestoes.   

“There is a distinction between what one says in the manifesto and what they do once they are in a coalition government. Because there have to follow the manifesto of the coalition, rather than that of individual parties. Individual parties may have a wish list, but they will have to compromise in a coalition,” Rae told The Wire.

Here is what four major Nepal’s major national political parties presented as their key foreign policy stances in their Nepali-language manifestos.

Nepali Congress (NC)

Nepal’s largest political party, as per membership, leads a five-party coalition to the elections. It had only won 23 direct election seats in the 2017 elections but added 40 more seats under the proportional representation system. Perceived to be close to India, the centrist party’s chances have been buoyed by its performance in the local elections in May, where it received the largest amount of votes. NC is contesting 91 FPTP [first past the post] seats. 

On foreign policy direction

In its election manifesto, the ruling NC has pledged to adopt an independent and balanced foreign policy in line with the United Nations charter, the country’s long-standing non-alignment policy and the principles of Panchsheel. Similarly, the party has opposed joining any military alliances and blocs. Nepali soil will not be allowed to be used against any neighbouring country, the party added.

The document also talks about bolstering regional organisations such as the South Asian Association for Regional Organisation (SAARC) and The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC).  

On India

Regarding the border dispute with India, the party specifically highlighted that Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba had taken up the issue with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his visit to New Delhi in April this year.

The party manifesto further added that it would take a decisive step to resolve the existing border disputes with both India and China. There is, however, no separate mention of the new political map that triggered a row with India.

Nepal PM Sher Bahadur Deuba with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Credit: Reuters

Nepal Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Photo: Reuters

On China 

The NC manifesto mentions that there is a border dispute with China in the Humla district and that it will seek a resolution through diplomatic means.

On the Belt and Road Initiative, NC says it is committed to its implementation based on national necessity and priority, as it was signed with China in 2017 under the NC-led government. 

The NC manifesto states that priority will be given to economic diplomacy with a preference for grants rather than commercial loans. 

What it means: With a public perception of being friendlier to India, NC has tried to straddle the middle path in the manifesto. While the document doesn’t mention the political map, NC voted in favour of the constitutional amendment in 2020, just like all other political parties in Nepal.

The NC has reminded that it led the coalition when Nepal signed the BRI agreement in May 2017. At the same time, it is the only party that has referred to a border dispute with China and reiterated the preference for grants rather than loans. During the Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi’s visit to Kathmandu in March, no new project on BRI was inked.

Nepal’s former ambassador to the US, Suresh Chalise, criticised the NC manifesto for “perplexingly overlooking” the importance of “tourism diplomacy” to stem the loss of revenue while pledging to lessen dependence on remittances. “It places Nepal’s relations with immediate neighbours China and India in the same basket but enigmatically ignores Nepal’s relationship with the United States,” he told The Wire.

Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML)

Nepal’s principal communist opposition party has entered the hustings with a loose alliance with Madheshi and royalist parties. A two-time prime minister, Oli will likely get the top post if the coalition wins.

On foreign policy direction

The main opposition CPN-UML’s election manifesto states party would have an independent and balanced foreign policy with a priority on neighbouring countries. The party has further noted that it would adopt an approach of ‘amity with all, enmity with none, to foster a relationship based on sovereign equality. It also reiterates the constitutional principles for conducting foreign policy.

On China

UML refers to the Transit and Transport Agreement with China and the party’s initiatives to open up more border points with China. 

UML refers to the Indian and Chinese railway projects in the manifesto. The document also promises that the construction of the Birgunj-Kathmandu and Rasuwagadi-Kathmandu railway lines will be initiated. 

On India

It noted that “Nepali territory” at Lipulekh, Limpiyadhura and Kalapani will be protected and added that border disputes will be resolved.

The UML manifesto also stated that all treaties would be reviewed and amended to protect Nepal’s welfare, and new treaties would be signed based on necessity.

What it Means: While the initial years of Oli’s term had a more pronounced “pro-north” lean, IDSA research fellow Nihar Nayak pointed out that there had been an ‘U-turn’ from 2021. “Equidistant policy is the standard declared practice, but operationally, they have engaged with south,” he said.

UML has cited the trade and transit agreement and railway projects with China, but none have been operationalised. The Chinese border points with Nepal, closed for nearly two years due to the earthquake and covid-19 pandemic, have re-opened but keep on closing at frequent intervals for various reasons.

There is also no likelihood of a resolution of the border dispute with India, with New Delhi not showing giving any signal of engagement on the matter besides routine border meeting.

At a rally on November 5, Oli was clearly ready to cash in on the nationalist card, raising the issue of Kalapani and the new political map. “We issued the national map [incorporating the Kalapani area]. The Parliament endorsed it, unanimously. I am here to guarantee that [the area returns to Nepal],” he said.

Nepal’s Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli. Photo: Reuters/Navesh Chitrakar

Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist Centre (CPN-MC)

Maoist Centre, led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’, had earlier contested the 2017 elections as a pre-poll alliance with UML, with a near two-thirds majority. But after the Supreme Court dissolved MC’s merger with UML, Dahal joined forces with Nepali Congress and other partners to oust Oli. It will be contesting 48 seats.

On foreign policy direction

The CPN (Maoist Center) has explained in detail in the foreign policy section that looking at the current geopolitical situation, friendly and proximate relationships will be maintained with both neighbours.

Providing a more conceptual view, the Maoist party observed in the manifesto that a “new cold war” was already being felt, and it is a big challenge for Nepal. The country will be freed from all sorts of foreign military activities and will be declared a zone of peace, the manifesto stated. Nepal will not become a part of any bilateral or multilateral military alliances.

On India

The Maoist party has said that open borders with India shall be controlled and regulated. The party has clearly stated that the Peace and Friendship Treaty of 1950, the Tripartite Agreement of 1947, and other treaties related to trade and treaties with India should be reviewed and if necessary cancelled.

The party has also pledged to address the problem of Gorkha soldiers, whose recruitment to the Indian Army was suspended at Kathmandu’s request after the introduction of the Agnipath tour-of-duty scheme. 

What it means: Regulation of open borders and review of the 1950 treaty with India is a long-standing position of the Maoist Centre, which Prachanda had reiterated during his visit to New Delhi earlier this year. The ruling Indian political party, BJP had invited him to India, which was perceived as an outreach from the Indian establishment to keep its options open.

As an ideologically driven party, MC has faced internal dissent in recent months over stances taken by the leadership over foreign policy. The decision to support the parliamentary ratification of the MCC compact in parliament, albeit with an interpretative declaration, led to visible frustration, as the party had earlier threatened to quit the Deuba government over the matter. 

The support of Prachanda had been crucial to the Deuba government’s foreign policy agenda. Therefore, with the MC not in a mood to give support to another controversial US initiative, Nepal had to formally withdraw from the Department of Defense-run Strategic Partnership Program.

Commenting on the importance of the manifesto, former Indian envoy Ranjit Rae pointed out that for communist parties, documents are very important, “as this is the line they disseminate internally and is absorbed by cadres”.

Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Socialist (CPN-US)

Formed in 2021 after a split from CPN-UML, the CPN-US became the fourth-largest political party with 25 seats in the House of Representatives. The party founder, former prime minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, joined hands with the NC-led ruling coalition and is also jumping into the election as part of the pre-poll alliance. It is contesting 20 seats.

Madhav Kumar Nepal. Photo: Wikimedia Commons/De Utudanuki – Trabajo propio CC BY SA 3.0

On foreign policy direction

In its election manifesto, CPN (Unified Socialist), a member of a five-party coalition, says that it wants to establish a cordial relationship with neighbouring countries based on international law, the UN Charter, Panchsheel, and policy of non-interference. Unlike other parties, the party has only a brief section on foreign policy 

What it means: In line with other Left parties, Madhav Kumar Nepal had been the focus of the Chinese ambassador’s meeting to have a unified communist front in Nepal. But, it obviously didn’t work.

Former prime minister Madhav Kumar Nepal had been at the forefront of the faction that had wanted to oust Oli from the party leadership, which led eventually the latter to propose the dissolution of the parliament in December 2020. However, the Kathmandu Post reported that one year later, Madhav Kumar Nepal’s coalition experience has not been smooth.

As a splinter party from CPN-UML, it is expected that Madhav Kumar Nepal’s party largely has a similar ideological position on foreign policy, especially on sovereignty and military alliance. Just like MCC, CPN-US had earlier opposed the MCC compact but changed its mind later. However, it remained opposed to the SPP. 

Incidentally, Nepal had been Oli’s choice for a special envoy to India to discuss the border issue, but it never took off, as per media reports.