Month: May 2022

India, China Hold Border Talks Amidst Bickering Over Trade Figures, Crackdown on Chinese Firms

The press readouts which followed the meeting highlighted the difference in the two countries’ viewpoints, with India insisting on the implementation of current border pacts while China highlights the need for mutual and equal security.

New Delhi: Even as the Indian government ramps up scrutiny of Chinese companies for alleged financial improprieties and both countries differ over trade figures, the two Asian giants held the latest round of foreign office-led border talks to discuss the continuing border stand-off in Eastern Ladakh.

The two sides have dual channels at the foreign office and military level to discuss the border situation, which has remained tense since May, 2020, when the stand-off began. The last round of diplomatic talks under the rubric of the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs (WMCC) was held in November, 2021. The discussions between the senior military commanders were last held two-and-a-half months ago.

In March, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi visited India, becoming the highest-ranking government visitor from Beijing since the stand-off.

At the 24th round of WMCC held virtually on Tuesday, May 31, the Indian side was led by the Ministry of External Affairs’ Additional Secretary (East Asia), Naveen Srivastava. The Chinese side was led by the foreign ministry’s director-general of the Boundary and Oceanic department, Hong Liang.

The Indian press release about the meeting said that the two sides “exchanged views on the current situation along the LAC in the Western Sector in Eastern Ladakh”.

“They agreed that as instructed by the two Foreign Ministers, both sides should continue the discussions through diplomatic and military channels to resolve the remaining issues along the LAC at the earliest so as to create conditions for restoration of normalcy in bilateral relations,” said the MEA’s public note.

It added that the two countries also agreed to hold the next round of talks between senior commanders at an early date. The forthcoming round would aim to achieve the “objective of complete disengagement from all friction points along the LAC in the Western Sector in accordance with the existing bilateral agreements and protocols,” said the handout.

Also read: India, China Return to Familiar Pattern in Foreign Office-led Border Talks

The Chinese foreign ministry said that the two delegations had a “frank and in-depth exchange of views” on the current situation. As per a machine translation, the Chinese readout also stated that military talks would be held “as soon as possible” to resolve the “remaining issues in western section of the border in accordance with the principle of mutual equal security”.

The language used in the readouts demonstrated the continued differences in approach between the two countries in finding a final resolution to the stand-off, with India insisting on the implementation of current border pacts while China highlights the need for mutual and equal security.

Meanwhile, China also urged India to “provide a fair, just and non-discriminatory business environment for Chinese companies” after media reported that Chinese tech firms ZTE and Vivo had come under the scrutiny of Indian authorities.

A day earlier, Bloomberg had reported that India’s Ministry of Corporate Affairs had received information from unnamed sources that indicated potential violations, including fraud by the two firms.

India has come down heavily on China-based firms since 2020 after the stand-off began. More than 200 mobile applications, including TikTok and Alibaba, have been banned. 

In December 2021, the Income Tax department conducted searches in over two-dozen premises of Chinese mobile companies, including Oppo, Xiaomi and OnePlus.

Also read: Xiaomi India Accuses ED of Making ‘Threats of Physical Violence’ During Investigation

Last month, the Enforcement Directorate (ED) seized more than Rs 5,500 crore from Xiaomi’s bank accounts in India for allegedly breaching foreign exchange laws. It was put on hold following a court order.

Huawei Telecommunications’ India chief Xiongwei Li, a Chinese national, was stopped from boarding a flight to Bangkok from Delhi on May 1 on the basis of a look-out circular against him. He has approached the Delhi high court to quash it on the grounds that the lookout circular by Indian authorities violated Indian laws.

During the daily briefing on Tuesday, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian said that China was “closely following the situation”.

“The Chinese government always asks Chinese companies to abide by laws and regulations when doing business overseas. In the meantime, we firmly support Chinese companies in safeguarding their legal rights and interests. The Indian side should act in accordance with laws and regulations and provide a fair, just and non-discriminatory business environment for Chinese companies operating in India,” he said.

Zhao also disputed the Indian commerce ministry’s statistics that the United States has surpassed China to become India’s top trading partner in 2021-22.

According to the data of the commerce ministry, in 2021-22, the bilateral trade between the US and India stood at $119.42 billion as against $80.51 billion in 2020-21.

During 2021-22, India’s two-way commerce with China aggregated at $115.42 billion as compared to $86.4 billion in 2020-21, the data showed.

However, foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao claimed that Chinese official statistics show that China’s trade stood at $125.66 billion in 2021-22 and topped $100 billion in annual trade volume for the first time, which meant that China remains India’s largest trading partner.

He noted that the disparity in trade figures published by China and India results from different statistical measurement scales.

“China doesn’t dissent over India’s developing normal trade relations with other countries and doesn’t have much interest in trade ranking changes,” Zhao asserted.

However, he added, “What we care about is whether the Indian side has the will and takes real actions to create a fair, transparent, sustainable and sound environment for bilateral trade and investment, further expand mutually-beneficial cooperation between the two sides and deliver tangible benefits to the two countries and two peoples”.

The Chinese foreign ministry official also reiterated that the boundary question should not overshadow the whole relationship and should be “put it in an appropriate position in bilateral relations and under effective control and management”.

 

Tamil Nadu Journalists Stage Protest Against State BJP Chief Annamalai’s Remarks on Media

When a reported asked Annamalai a question which he refused to answer, the state BJP president insinuated, yet again, that the Tamil media is under the control of the ruling DMK.

Chennai: The uneasy relationship between the media in Tamil Nadu and the state’s unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) took another ugly turn on May 27 after state BJP president K. Annamalai told a reporter of a Tamil news channel that he would recommend ‘a hike from his paymasters, Anna Arivalayam (the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam’s headquarters)’ for his questions at a press meet.

The reporter had asked Annamalai about the erection of banners for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit the previous day, citing a violation of an order of the Madras high court. Annamalai responded by saying that they were following police instructions and there was no violation.

When the reporter asked more questions, Annamalai responded by remarking that the reporter “will get his Rs 200.”

“I will ask them to give you more,” he said, going on to say that he would tell the state government to increase the “money to Rs 3000.”

On May 30, several media organisations, including Madras Union of Journalists, Chennai Press Club and the Centre of Media Persons for Change (CMPC) came together to protest against Annamalai’s remarks and demanded an apology.

Journalists gathered in protest against Annamalai’s remarks. Photo: Special arrangement.

On May 31, Annamalai escalated the issue further by commenting, at a BJP protest, that he was only against “DMK members masquerading as journalists”, demanding that they do a “self-introspection”.

Journalists have argued that the state BJP has a habit of making derogatory remarks against the journalists. “BJP’s national executive member H. Raja always made such remarks at his press conferences. Now Annamalai is following in his footsteps,” said M. Haseef, joint coordinator of the CMPC.

Also read: ‘Within Six Months, We Can Bring Media under Control, Take Them Over’: New BJP TN Chief

Haseef said that BJP leaders follow a “cheap tactic of branding journalists as pro-DMK when they are unable to respond to questions raised”.

“What happened on May 27 was in that line,” he said.

The BJP has always sought to play down their attacks on media by claiming that the journalists have remained silent in the face of such attacks from other political parties, especially the DMK.

“It is true that the other leaders, too, have badmouthed the media; and we have reacted. Those leaders have expressed regret, but the BJP leaders have called journalists ‘anti-Indian’, ‘on DMK’s payrolls’ and the like. Never once have they expressed regret for such remarks,” Haseef said.

R. Mani, an independent journalist with over 30 years of experience in Tamil media, agreed with Haseef. “Of course leaders like Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa have badmouthed the media, but they always left room for course-correction. They will take steps to restore normalcy with the media. That has never happened with the BJP,” Mani said.

Rangaraj Pandey, a pro-right-wing journalist who runs a YouTube channel by the name ‘Chanakyaa’, says that the media is “discriminatory towards the BJP”.

“The journalists should distinguish between press meets, debates and interviews. They cannot repeatedly ask questions and monopolise the space in a press meet,” he said. “The regrets expressed by the DMK leaders are not heart-felt. But when BJP leader and actor S. Ve. Shekar expressed a sincere apology for merely sharing a derogatory Facebook post, the media still went after him.”

But Haseef says that Shekar wouldn’t have tendered an apology if there had not been a case against him. “He wouldn’t have apologised if there was no opposition from the media; if there was no demand to arrest him for his remarks,” Haseef said.

Pandey, however, sought to downplay what is now infamously referred to as the ‘auctioneering of journalists’ by saying that Annamalai “did it in lighter vein to diffuse the rising tensions.”

“You might have noticed how those seated next to Annamalai rose when the arguments continued. Annamalai had to ask them to sit. Similarly, when Annamalai said that he will not tolerate any criticism against the party, the partymen clapped. Annamalai asked them not to. So, he sensed the tension and passed the comment in a lighter vein,” Pandey contended.

However, Mani says that no other leader has made such a remark against any journalist at any point of time in the state.

“Also, to see this as Annamalai versus the Tamil media is almost like trivialising the issue,” Mani said. “The problem is structural. We need to see how the BJP has been dealing with the media at national level. The Prime Minister has not met the media in the last eight years; there is no word from him about Danish Siddiqi for posthumously winning the Pulitzer. Media houses which have refused to toe the line have been rewarded with raids and cases.”

“This issue in Tamil Nadu has to be viewed in that sense. The battle lines are drawn,” he continued. “Annamalai is a political novice; it’s been only two years since he joined the party. But the BJP high command encourages him because he creates this image of keeping the party alive in the state where it has no support at all. Ultimately, he wants to prove that the the BJP is the alternative to the DMK and not the AIADMK. The journalists are made scapegoats in the process.”

Kerala HC Reunites Lesbian Couple Separated by Their Parents

The court allowed the women to live together after one of them moved a habeas corpus petition seeking directions to the police to produce her partner who had been allegedly taken away by force by her parents from the petitioner’s home.

Kochi: The Kerala High Court on Tuesday, May 31 reunited a lesbian-couple which had been separated by their parents who did not approve of the relationship.

The court allowed the women to live together after one of them moved a habeas corpus petition seeking directions to the police to produce her partner – a Kozhikode native – who had been allegedly taken away by force by her parents from the petitioner’s home.

The court initially asked the police to produce the Kozhikode native before it and when she appeared before the bench, she said she wanted to live with the petitioner.

As both women were adults and wanted to live together, the court allowed their plea.

The petitioner – a native of Ernakulam – had initially taken to social media to draw attention to her same-sex relationship with a schoolmate, their families’ opposition to the same and the subsequent taking away of her partner, allegedly by force, by the latter’s parents.

She had alleged, in her video posts on social media, that not only has her friend’s family taken her away by force, but the police also have not done anything to bring her back.

However, the police had claimed that it had intervened in the matter right from the start and that the other woman, the Kozhikode native, had given in writing that she was leaving with her parents willingly.

It had also claimed that it was ready to take whatever steps necessary to protect the rights of the Ernakulam resident who is presently staying away from her parents in a short-stay home.

The woman had, on Monday, filed a complaint with the Aluva police claiming that her partner had been taken away by force by the latter’s parents, police had said.

In her posts, the woman had claimed that she had first approached the Thamarassery police station with a complaint, but they allegedly took no action.

Also read: Discrimination Against LGBTQI+ Persons Has Economic Cost, Says ILO Report

She had also claimed that her friend was missing for several days and the latter’s family members, too, are nowhere to be found

According to her video posts, the two women met each other in Saudi Arabia when they were studying in class XI in a school there.

By class XII, they realised they were both lesbians and that they were in love, said her posts.

When their respective parents found out about their relationship, they lied that they would discontinue it, she said and added that after they returned to India and joined college, they continued with their relationship.

They also researched about the LGBTQIA+ community and collected the contact details of various groups, organisations and people supporting them, the social media posts said.

Subsequently, the Ernakulam resident went to Kozhikode to meet her friend and they both then took shelter in a home run by Vanaja Collective, which claims to work for the welfare of the LGBTQIA+ community.

Thereafter, their parents met them at the home and on the assurances of protection given by the family of the Ernakulam residents, both women went with them.

At her home, her family allegedly blackmailed and emotionally tortured both women and then one day, the mother, sister and some others known to the Kozhikode native came with a petition claiming she had been abducted and was being held against her will, alleged the Ernakulam resident.

They asked the father of the Ernakulam resident to hold her back and forcibly dragged her partner away, said the posts.

She had alleged that she was also able to get in touch with her friend just once a few days later, when the latter was reportedly in a clinic in Malappuram and thereafter, there had been no contact from her end.

Even the family of the Kozhikode native is not reachable over phone as their numbers are switched off, she had claimed in her post.

She claimed that her friend’s mother had assured her that she would be produced before a court in a few days time, but nothing of that sort has been done.

Today, she moved the court with a plea claiming her partner was being illegally confined by her parents.

Sidhu Moose Wala’s Death Evokes Memories of the Tragic End of Amar Singh Chamkila

As Moose Wala was cremated amidst hundreds of his fans in his hometown of Moosa, up came the memories of Chamkila, another famous Punjabi singer who was gone too soon.

Jalandhar: Sidhu Moose Wala aka Shubhdeep Singh Sidhu (28) was cremated amidst a sea of his fans on Tuesday, May 31 at his native Moosa village in Punjab’s Mansa district.

Before his funeral, Moose Wala’s body was taken to his agricultural land on his favourite tractor 5911, which he used to plough fondly. He proudly equated his image with that of the 5911 Tractor and even went by the name ‘5911’.

The singer’s fans, which included youth, children and even the elderly, came to Moosa village not just from Punjab, but from Haryana, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh too. Moose Wala’s parents were left inconsolable by the death of their only child.

Moose Wala’s father, Balkaur Singh, removed his turban in a symbolic gesture, asking for the life of his son back. Photo: Special arrangement.

Right from the word go, Moose Wala was a crossover star. He caught everybody’s attention with his unique mix of Punjabi pop and rap.

It was this unique style which put him on the radar of stars from across the globe. Canadian rapper Drake was one of the many people who paid homage to Moose Wala after his demise, uploading a picture of him on his Instagram story. Similarly, Canadian YouTuber Lilly Singh urged her audiences to play Moose Wala’s songs as a tribute to him.

Even Bollywood stars like Anil Kapoor, Sanjay Dutt, Ranveer Singh, Ajay Devgn, Vicky Kaushal and many others expressed shock and grief over his tragic killing.

Unlike other singers, Moose Wala branded himself a rebel; a robust village boy who would proudly wear Kurta-Pajama, don a turban and spend time farming when he wasn’t singing. Moose Wala had gone to Canada for further studies but after making it big in the music world within a few years, came back to his village.

Back in Toronto, where Moose Wala went for studies, his friends were in disbelief at his passing. “While we got jobs and settled in Canada after completing our studies, Sidhu Moose Wala went back to his village to pursue singing. He became a huge success and we used to love his songs. Moose Wala was not how he presented himself in his videos, rather, he was a simple boy with ambitions to rise in life. We wish he, too, had settled in Canada…”, said Jaskirat Singh and Mandeep Singh, two of his friends from Toronto.

Though some found Moose Wala’s references to guns and violence in his songs objectionable, among others, they made his songs all the more popular.

His ‘macho image’, his style of speaking truth to power, his blending of English and Punjabi to write catchy lyrics which, at the same time, commented on society are all things which made him an icon among his fanbase, which runs into the millions across the globe. His far-reaching network of fans gives truth to his lyric, “Thode sheharan wale a fan mere…” (The youth of your city are fans of mine).

Moose Wala and Chamkila both gone too soon

The singer-rapper’s killing brought back the memories of yet another legendary Punjabi singer, Amar Singh Chamkila, known for his foot-tapping, catchy, rustic and mischievous songs.

Both Moose Wala and Chamkila – which in Punjabi and Hindi means ‘glistening’ – had numerous similarities in terms of their music careers. Moose Wala and Chamkila both became iconic stars of Punjabi music, but both their journeys were short-lived.

Both Moose Wala and Chamkila died at the age of 28; both were at the peaks of their careers, when they were shot dead, which they both were.

Moose Wala was killed by unidentified assailants on May 29 at Jawaharke village in Mansa as was Chamkila, who was gunned down by unidentified motorbike-riding assailants at the Mehsampur village in Jalandhar on March 8, 1988.

Also read: Punjabi Singer Sidhu Moose Wala Shot Dead, Canada-Based Gangster Claims Responsibility

Chamkila was, however, killed when militancy was at its peak in Punjab. The case of his death remains unsolved till date.

Sandeep Singh (50), a businessman from the Birring village in Jalandhar, said that not many people know the exact circumstances under which Chamkila was killed. Sandeep said that Chamkila had come to Mehsampur village to perform at a pre-wedding function of a man who had returned from Canada.

“We were eagerly waiting for Chamkila to come to our village, Birring, to perform at our family wedding on March 9,” Sandeep said. “But he was killed in Mehsampur on March 8. Chamkila was coming out of his car when he was shot dead along with Amarjot and two other members of his troupe.”

The similarities don’t end there. Both Moose Wala and Chamkila managed to rile up the conservative classes of society with their content while still maintaining their own distinct styles of singing. While Moose Wala was blamed for promoting gun culture, Chamkila was targeted for singing songs filled with double-entendres; primarily those based on extra-marital relationships.

While Chamkila’s songs reflected rural life in Punjab, he went on to woo audiences across the globe too.

Chamkila’s experiment of singing duets with his female counterpart, Amarjot Kaur, on stage was another big reason behind the success of his live shows in Punjab. The duo of Chamkila and Amarjot never disappointed.

Perhaps it is for this reason that even 34 years after his death, Chamkila’s songs can still be heard at any celebration, party, wedding, or road trip. Chamkila’s hit songs, ‘Pehle Lalkare Nal’, ‘Kan Kar Gal Sun Makhna’, ‘Yari Tut Gayi’, Takuye te Taukya’, ‘Gora Gora Rang’, ‘Gaddi te likha lai mera naam’  and more have been remixed many times.

But Chamkila didn’t only make music designed for parties, he also sang religious songs, after he received threats during the militancy period in Punjab, warning him to stop singing songs with ‘lewd’ or ‘indecent’ content.

These included songs like ‘Dhai din di prauni ethey tu, aiwi na jinde maan kari’ (You are here in this world for a short period, don’t be proud); ‘Naam japp lai nimani jinde meriye, aukhi vele kam ayuga’ (Pray before the almighty, it will help you in your tough time) and ‘Baba tera Nankana’ on Nankana Sahib in Pakistan.

Talking to The Wire, Usha Kiran, a Ludhiana-based Punjabi singer who sang with Chamkila, said, “We are in utter shock after the killing of Sidhu Moose Wala. His gruesome killing is a grim reminder of Chamkila’s tragic end. Moose Wala’s killing is a huge setback to the music industry and his fans across the world. He was a self-made singer and a global star.”

About Chamkila’s musical journey, she said, “He was one such singer whose songs were listened to by one and all. The only difference is that men would listen to him openly in ‘akharas’ in the 1980s, and women secretly.”

“Things might have changed now but people simply loved his songs. People largely blame him for singing ‘double-meaning’ songs, but then there are many other Punjabi singers who have sung such songs too,” Kiran said. “Chamkila was targeted because he became a star overnight. He was a rage and literally overpowered the Punjabi music industry, leaving no scope for any other singer to perform or rise.”

Recalling her duet-singing days with Chamkila, Kiran said, “One can gauge his fan following from the fact that whether it was sweltering heat, bone-chilling cold, rain or shine, his fans never left his akhara mid-way. Such was his charm that whenever he would come on the stage with Amarjot, people would jostle to have their glimpse.”

“There were instances when people standing atop mud houses to listen to Chamkila’s live performances would either fall down from the terrace or the old structure would come crumbling down,” Kiran recalled. “Many people also planned their weddings as per the availability of Chamkila’s dates.”

Kiran’s husband, Ramjit Mauji, who spent a long time with Chamkila, also lamented Moose Wala’s killing. “Everybody is in shock after. We faced a similar setback when Chamkila was killed,” Mauji said. “Even Chamkila was getting threats for his songs through anonymous letters, when finally he was gunned down.”

US-based writer Ashok Bhaura, who has penned over a dozen books on the history of Punjabi music and had spent a considerable time with Chamkila, said, “Sidhu Moose Wala’s broad daylight killing is a blot on the Punjabi Music Industry. Earlier, Amar Singh Chamkila and another Punjabi singer, Dilshad Akhtar, were also shot dead for one reason or the other. The kind of popularity Michael Jackson enjoyed in his album ‘Off the Wall’ was what Sidhu Moose Wala enjoyed in his first song. Moose Wala was a youth icon and he struck a chord with people across the globe, be it in the US, UK, Canada, Middle East, Europe or Pakistan.”

Bhaura said that it is highly unfortunate that Sidhu Moose Wala became a victim of an alleged gang war; Chamkila, that of militancy; and Dilshad Akhtar, gunned down by a cop during his concert just because he refused to sing one of his favourite songs.

The writer mentioned that in the case of Chamkila’s success, Amarjot also had a big role to play. “The duo just complemented each other. Amarjot was a wonderful singer and very beautiful too. Both Chamkila and Amarjot’s pronunciation and style of Punjabi words, diction and delivery was such that people would end up asking for more. It would become difficult for them to wind up their shows. In Sidhu Moose Wala and Chamkila, Punjab has lost rare gems,” Bhaura said.

‘Flagrant Violation of Rules’: Shashi Tharoor on CBI Raids Against Karti Chidambaram

Shashi Tharoor, who heads a parliamentary standing committee, has sought the intervention of the Lok Sabha speaker in connection with the probe against Karti Chidambaram in the visa bribery case.

New Delhi: Congress leader Shashi Tharoor has called upon Lok Sabha speaker Om Birla to take cognisance of the “flagrant violation of rules” by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) after it allegedly seized “highly confidential” personal notes and papers pertaining to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Information and Technology from MP Karti Chidambaram.

While Tharoor heads the said committee as chairman, Chidambaram is one of its members. Tharoor has submitted a privilege notice to the speaker.

Chidambaram himself had earlier sought the intervention of the Lok Sabha speaker, accusing the CBI of violating his parliamentary privileges in connection with the investigation into the alleged cash-for-visa scam in which he is named as an accused. He had also specifically impressed upon the speaker that during a raid, CBI officers had seized “highly confidential” documents pertaining to the parliamentary committee, of which he was a member.

Tharoor, in his letter dated May 29, said that “all deliberations and proceedings of the committee are, as per the rules of the procedure, to be treated as confidential till such time as it is presented before the House.” He said such rules were “blatantly disregarded” during the raid at Chidambaram’s house.

The committee chairman also said that “several key papers relating to the committee’s deliberations were seized, including highly confidential notes maintained by the member for the purposes of questioning witnesses, examination of evidence and so on…”

He also said the raids in themselves raised “serious questions concerning the brazen appropriation of investigative agencies by the executive and their subsequent misuse to target political opponents of the current ruling dispensation.”

Tharoor’s letter comes a day after fellow Congress leader and the leader of opposition in the Lok Sabha, Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, had lodged a complaint with the speaker against what he called the “targeted harassment” of Chidambaram through government agencies and sought the protection of his parliamentary privileges.

“In this regard, I may like to cite the case of Karti P. Chidambaram (MP). He and his family are being selectively targeted in the name of ‘so called’ raid and investigation. The CBI is intimidating him and worse, they have seized confidential and sensitive parliamentary papers,” Chowdhury had said.

“This is nothing but intimidation and an attempt by the government to stifle the voice of the opposition in Parliament. Such targeted intimidation of a Member of Parliament amounts to breach of privilege,” Chowdhury had added.

Also read: CBI Files Fresh Case Against Karti Chidambaram, Alleges He Facilitated Visas of Chinese Nationals

The CBI registered a first information report (FIR) on May 14 against Chidambaram and others on allegations of a bribe of Rs 50 lakh paid to him and his close associate, S. Bhaskararaman, in 2011 by a top executive of Vedanta group company Talwandi Sabo Power Ltd (TSPL), which was setting a power plant in Punjab for the re-issuance of project visas for 263 Chinese workers employed there.

Project visas are a special type of visa introduced in 2010 for the power and steel sector for which detailed guidelines were issued during his father, P. Chidambaram’s tenure as Union home minister. According to the CBI, there is no provision for the re-issuance of project visas.

After the FIR was registered, CBI teams conducted coordinated search operations at 10 locations in various cities in the country, including residences of the Chidambarams in Chennai and Delhi. It arrested Chidambaram’s associate Bhaskararaman in connection with the case.

Chidambaram has secured interim protection from arrest from a special court at Rouse Avenue in Delhi. His anticipatory bail plea will be heard on Friday, June 3.

(With PTI inputs)

India’s GDP Growth Slows to 4.1% in March Quarter; Economy Grew at 8.7% in FY22

In its second advance estimate, the National Statistical Office had projected GDP growth during 2021-22 at 8.9%.

New Delhi: India’s economic growth slowed to 4.1% year-on-year in the January-March quarter – the slowest pace in a year – amid rising risks from higher prices of crude oil and commodities after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, official data showed on Tuesday, May 31.

In the third quarter of FY22, GDP growth slowed to 5.4% from 8.5% in the second quarter and 20.3% in the first quarter.

As per the data, the Indian economy expanded by 8.7% in 2021-22 against a 6.6% contraction in 2020-21.

The growth in the financial year 2021-22 stood at 8.7%.

In its second advance estimate, the National Statistical Office (NSO) had projected GDP growth during 2021-22 at 8.9%.

The 8.7% growth also falls way short of the Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) estimation of 9.5% of GDP growth for 2021-22.

Also read: How the Rise of Global Inflation Will Play Out in Indian Politics

Experts’ views

Radhika Rao, senior economist, DBS Bank, Singapore told Reuters, “Fourth quarter of FY22 GDP growth eased to 4.1% y/y, with the sequential pace restrained by temporary mobility restrictions imposed back then, impact of inclement weather and, separately, high commodity prices on account of geopolitical risks, besides a high base.”

“We don’t expect this outcome to materially disrupt the central bank’s policy normalisation plans. This subdued reading is likely to be followed by a strong double-digit growth in June’22 quarter on base effects.”

“GDP growth for Q4 FY22 at 4.1% reflects the impact of the Omicron wave, higher input costs and a high base in certain sectors from last year. Manufacturing activity contracted while agriculture was the biggest support. The worrying part remains the private consumption which saw a decline in share in GDP in the fourth quarter,” Sakshi Gupta, principal economist, HDFC Bank, Gurugram.

“With rising inflationary pressures, consumption recovery remains under a cloud of uncertainty for FY23. We expect growth to print at 7.2% in the current fiscal. This GDP print does little to change our view that the RBI is likely to raise rates by 25 bps at the upcoming policy.”

(With agency inputs)

As Nadda Outlines ‘Official Position’ on Gyanvapi, BJP Hides More Than it Shows

The significance of the BJP chief’s statement can be deduced from what was left unsaid – that the Modi government is not taking a step back from pursuing its aggressive Hindutva.

New Delhi: In what may appear as a stark contrast between its political campaign and the party’s “official” stance, the Bharatiya Janata Party president J.P. Nadda on Monday, May 30, said that the party will take a position on the Gyanvapi mosque controversy in accordance to the constitution and the decisions given by the courts.

“We have always been talking about cultural development. But these issues are dealt with in accordance with the constitution and the ruling of courts. So, the court and constitution will decide on it and the BJP will follow it in letter and spirit,” Nadda said, while addressing the press on the eve of the Narendra Modi government’s eighth anniversary. 

His statement has come at a time when BJP leaders and workers have left no stone unturned to assert that the controversial structure inside the mosque is a ‘shivling’ – a remnant of the erstwhile Hindu temple that the Mughal ruler Aurangzeb had destroyed. The claim has been repeated day-in and day-out in media debates and public discussions by BJP leaders and workers, even as the mosque authorities have insisted in the courts that it was a defunct fountain in the mosque’s wazukhana. The saffron party’s “unofficial” campaign on controversial structures was timed with the leak of a video taken during the survey ordered by a local court, and fanned the belief among Hindus that the structure was indeed a revered ‘shivling’, leading to polarised debates around the issue. 

Only a few months ago, in the run-up to the Uttar Pradesh assembly polls, the then deputy chief minister Keshav Prasad Maurya had tweeted that the construction of grand temples was already going on in Ayodhya and Kashi (Varanasi), and that the party was getting ready to build a similar grand temple in Mathura.

Such a position taken by one of the top officials of a BJP government was in line with the age-old Sangh Parivar campaign to reclaim the land in Varanasi and Mathura where mosques are believed to have been built on temple land in the 17th century by Mughal ruler Aurangzeb. 

The BJP’s political campaign to correct the past sins of “Muslim” rulers has only hardened after the Supreme Court allowed the construction of a Ram temple at the site where the Babri Masjid, now demolished, stood. Slogans like “Ayodhya toh bas jhaanki hai, Kashi-Mathura baaqi hai” or “Jo Ram ko laaye hai, hum unko layenge” were used with vigour by the BJP rank and file to campaign for chief minister Adityanath in the recent Uttar Pradesh assembly elections.

BJP’s supporters and associates have, in fact, nudged judicial corridors more frequantly after the Ram Janmabhoomi judgment, the most recent example of which is the admission of a petition seeking to remove the Shahi Idgah mosque inside the premises of Krishna Janmabhoomi temple in Mathura.

Also read: Demolition Men Do Not Build Nations, They Destroy Them

Against such a backdrop, Nadda’s statement on the Gyanvapi Mosque controversy only highlights the janus-faced nature of Indian politics.

His “official” stance has also come at a time when the opposition forces and critics have decried BJP’s and the larger Hindu nationalist family’s aggressive stance to establish the controversial structure inside the mosque as a ‘shivling’. This, they have said, is in direct violation of the courts that are still hearing the matter and are yet to take a decision on it. In fact, the Supreme Court, while hearing the matter, ordered that the matter be transferred to an experienced judge at the district court and panned the illegal leaking of the survey video to the media. 

When reporters asked Nadda about the party’s age-old campaign around temples at Kashi and Mathura, the BJP president skirted the issue with a technical answer. He said that only the Ram Janmabhoomi issue was taken up as part of the party’s political agenda following a resolution on it at the Palampur national executive meeting in 1989, and “after that there has been no (such) resolution”. 

PM Narendra Modi takes part in the bhoomi pujan for the construction of a Ram temple in Ayodhya, August 5, 2020. Photo: PIB

Indian Express quoted a top government official who said that the BJP has not officially said “anything” on the Kashi and Mathura disputes, and that it will abide by the court rulings. The court orders during the course of hearings on the Gyanvapi mosque controversy until now have only favoured the Hindu side and shown great reluctance in upholding the Places of Worship Act, 1991. The 1991 Act says that a mosque, temple, church or any place of public worship in existence on August 15 1947, will retain the same religious character that it had on that day – irrespective of its history – and cannot be changed by the courts or the government.

In such circumstances, Nadda’s “official” statement plays out in consonance with the Sangh Parivar’s ideological line of reclaiming the temple land in both Kashi and Mathura. The government functionary with whom the Indian Express spoke made the convenient position taken by the BJP clearer. People may have different views but “BJP as a party has not said anything on this,” the official said. “We cannot stop people from interpreting the law the way they want. We will go with the decision of the courts,” they added. 

Also read: The Kashi Vishwanath-Gyanvapi Equation: A Parable for People, Power, Politics

Nadda’s statement, which incidentally invokes the constitution and the courts, skirts the real question of whether the ruling party is politically in favour of violating the Places of Worship Act, 1991.

Instead of addressing this very crux of the controversy, Nadda took refuge in making generic statements.   

“When we work politically, it is our endeavour to take everyone along. We have to be ready for it. We are ready for it. There are many types of people in a society. Some respond earlier, some later, some after decades and some respond after much time has passed. It depends on them. But our conduct is on the principle of a strong nation, one nation. This is clear and everyone will have an equal share,” he said, adding that the Modi government functions on the principle of “sabka saath, sabka vishwas, sabka prayaas (‘with everyone, development for everyone, everyone’s efforts’)”.

His response to the BJP-led Uttarakhand government taking up another polarising and controversial matter of formulating a Uniform Civil Code was similar. 

“It is okay. They (Uttarakhand) are discussing it. As far as we are concerned, we have been saying that everyone must be treated equally. Our broad outline is justice to all, appeasement of none. This is our basic principle, we are working in accordance with it,” he said.

Ironically, at the same event, the BJP released a theme song titled ‘Modi government architect of new India’, the highlights of which were the construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya and the Kashi Vishwanath corridor in Varanasi. It even showed a glimpse of the upcoming Krishna Janmabhoomi temple in Mathura. 

The added significance of Nadda’s statements can be deduced from what was left unsaid – that the Modi government is not taking a step back from pursuing its aggressive Hindutva, which inevitably will come along with symbolic or real persecution of Indian minorities. Rather, his statements only indicate that the BJP has kept enough room to manoeuvre through the political and constitutional hurdles that it may face in the near future as its own rank and file intensify the campaign to “reinstate” the lost Hindu temple at the site of the Gyanvapi mosque.

India’s Fiscal Deficit for 2021-22 at 6.71%, Falls Short of Revised Estimate

In it’s revised Budget Estimate, the Finance Ministry had projected India’s fiscal deficit to be 6.9%.

New Delhi: India’s fiscal deficit for 2021-22 worked out to be 6.71% of its gross domestic product (GDP), lower than the 6.9% deficit projected by the Finance Ministry in its revised Budget Estimates, according to government data released on Tuesday, May 31.

Unveiling the revenue-expenditure data of the Union government for 2020-21, the Controller General of Accounts (CGA) said that the fiscal deficit in the absolute terms was be Rs 15,86,537 crore (provisional).

The revenue deficit at the end of 2021-22 was 4.37%.

For the last financial year, the government had initially pegged the fiscal deficit at 6.8% of the GDP in the budget presented in February 2021.

The government, in the revised estimates in the Budget for 2022-23, had forecast a higher fiscal deficit of 6.9% of the GDP or Rs 15,91,089 crore for the fiscal ended in March.

(PTI)

Gyanvapi Survey Footage ‘Leaked’ Shortly After Court Hands It to Petitioners: Report

The counsel for the petitioners, however, has said that the sealed packets in which the footage was given to petitioners have not been opened and that they are ready to submit the same to the court.

New Delhi: Video footage and pictures from the court-mandated survey of the Gyanvapi mosque complex in Uttar Pradesh’s Varanasi were reportedly leaked on Monday, May 31; the same day that they were made available to the parties involved in the dispute.

According to a report by the Hindustan Times, pictures and footage from the survey surfaced on social media platforms and were even broadcast on certain TV channels on Monday.

Earlier on Monday, the Varanasi district court, hearing the case, had passed an order allowing the findings of the survey to be shared with the parties in the case based on an application filed by the five petitioners in the case demanding the same.

The pictures and footage from the survey were submitted to the court on May 19.

While the five Hindu women petitioners had demanded the findings from the survey, the Anjuman Intezamia Mosque committee, which looks after the Gyanvapi mosque complex, had objected to the findings being made public.

While passing the order allowing for the findings to be given to the parties, the court had added the disclaimer that the footage was only being provided so that both sides could go through it to raise any objections to the survey commissioner’s report. 

The court had clarified that no pictures or footage shared with the parties was to be made available to the public or put to any unauthorised use without the permission of the court.

Also read: As Islamic Structures Are Targeted, Why Are Courts Ignoring the Places of Worship Act?

After the order was passed, the survey findings were provided to four of the five petitions on compact discs (CD) enclosed in sealed packets. Before the CDs were handed over to them, the court reportedly made the petitioners submit written undertakings stating that they would not misuse the footage or make it public.

The four petitioners in question – Manju Vyas, Laxmi Devi, Sita Sahu and Rekha Pathak – did so and received the sealed packets, according to Subhshnandan Chaturvedi, the counsel for one of the petitioners.

After the survey findings were handed over, however, the footage and pictures began making the rounds on social media and were even broadcast by some TV channels, according to the Hindustan Times report.

Abhaynath Yadav, the lawyer representing the mosque committee, alleged that one of the petitioners leaked the findings, calling it a “conspiracy” and an effort to “confuse the public”.

The lawyers representing the petitioners, however, claimed that all four of their packets are still sealed. Advocate Vishnu Jain, representing one the petitioners, said that they are ready to hand over the sealed packets to the court.

Supreme Court on earlier leaks

While hearing the matter on May 20, the Supreme Court had taken a dim view of earlier leaks surrounding the survey findings in the case.

Shortly after the survey findings were made available to the civil court in Varanasi, hearing the case at the time, on May 19, details about a ‘shivling’ being found during the survey had been leaked to the media.

The leak of information had also led to the then advocate commissioner in charge of the survey, Ajay Kumar Mishra, being sacked.

“We must tell the other side that the selective leaks must stop. It should be submitted to the court. Do not leak things to the press. You must present to the judge,” Justice Chandrachud had said.

Other developments from the May 30 hearing

During the May 20 hearing, the top court had made a number of other important decisions; it had transferred the matter from the civil court to the Varanasi district court, observing that a “senior and experienced judicial officer” should hear the case due to its “complexity and sensitivity; and had said that the Varanasi district judge would decide the matter of the mosque committee’s application for dismissal under Civil Procedure Code (CPC) Order 7 Rule 11 “on priority”.

Order 7 Rule 11 of the CPC is known as the ‘law of rejection of plaints’ and questions the maintainability of a plaint. If the plaint is deemed to be not maintainable by the court, the matter is thrown out without needing to be argued.

On May 30, Varanasi district judge Ajay Krishna Vishwesha had heard the mosque committee’s application under CPC O7 R11, which questioned the maintainability of the plaint, contending that the plaint is specifically barred by the Places of Worship Act, 1991.

Also read: Understanding the Gyanvapi Mosque Case: What Does the Places of Worship Act Say?

The Places of Worship Act says that the nature of a religious place cannot be changed and must remain as it was as of August 15, 1947. As such, Section 4 (2) of the Act says that no suit which seeks to alter the nature of a religious place will be entertained by any court or authority in the country.

Before the district court, the petitioners – who had filed the suit seeking year-round access to a Hindu shrine purportedly located within the mosque complex and the right to worship in the complex – argued that the CPC O7 R11 application should not be heard in isolation and should, instead, be considered along with the survey commission’s report.

On the contrary, the mosque committee argued that the CPC O7 R11 application should be heard first and in isolation.

District judge Vishwesha posted the matter for further hearing on July 4, according to Live Law.

J&K National Panthers Party Founder Bhim Singh Passes Away

As human rights’ activist, lawyer and politician, Bhim Sigh donned several roles before breathing his last on Tuesday. He was 81.

New Delhi: Founder of Jammu and Kashmir National Panthers Party Professor Bhim Singh passed away in Jammu on Tuesday, May 31, after being unwell for about a month. He was 81.

The former legislator hailed from Udhampur district’s Bhugterian village. He has left behind his wife Jai Mala and son Ankit Love, who lives in London.

Singh breathed his last at GMC Hospital here.

Expressing his condolences, Prime Minister Narendra Modi tweeted, “Prof Bhim Singh Ji will be remembered as a grassroots leader who devoted his life for the welfare of Jammu and Kashmir. He was very well-read and scholarly. I will always recall my interactions with him. Saddened by his demise. Condolences to his family and supporters. Om Shanti.”

Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha said he was deeply saddened to learn about the passing away of Singh.

“My heartfelt condolences to the bereaved family & friends in this hour of grief. Om Shanti”, he said in a tweet.

According to The Hindu, Peoples Conference chief Sajad Lone said, “A man of many parts. Timeless, selfless and a crusader. He was my father’s colleague and friend. From riding across Sahara on a motorcycle to Palestine to Iraq — Bhim Singh Ji had friends all across. A born adventurer. May he rest in peace.”

Reacting to Singh’s demise, CPI(M) leader M.Y. Tarigami said, according to The Hindu, “Prof. Singh was a leader committed to secular values who fought relentlessly for the rights of downtrodden and marginalised sections of society in and outside the State legislature. At a time when polarisation and divisiveness has dominated the political arena, he stood for communal harmony and fought tooth and nail against the forces, who are hell-bent upon dividing the people and regions on the communal lines.”

As a lawyer, human rights’ activist and author, Singh moved courts to secure the release of nearly 300 nationals of Pakistan, Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir and Afghanistan, who were lodged in various jails across the country for decades, according to Indian Express.

Singh was widely hailed for his instrumental role in the conduct of the 1996 Lok Sabha elections in Jammu and Kashmir after a period of nine years. In 1985, he was paid Rs 50,000 in compensation on orders of the Supreme Court for his illegal imprisonment by the then state government after he was suspended as a member of the state legislative assembly.

Singh was also credited for bringing an elected bar council for the first time in Jammu and Kashmir in 2017 after he approached the apex court for the same.

He was known for his vociferous support of the Palestinian cause and met its leader Yasser Arafat in 1968. He also met Fidel Castro in Cuba in 1971. He is said to have travelled to 150 countries around the world on a motorcycle.

Before returning to Kashmir to take part in its politics, Singh worked as a professor of international law at Cambridge University, and received his education from the University of London.

In November 2o20, he was expelled from Panther Party by his nephew Harsh Dev, who was the party’s chairman, for meeting the leaders of the People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration. However, a fact-finding committee, headed by party president Balwant Singh Mankotia, later revoked his expulsion.

In 2021, he was elected unopposed as the president of the party after Mankotia resigned citing family reasons. He later joined the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). Hi nephew, Harsh Dev Singh, too joined AAP, according to the Indian Express.

(With PTI inputs)