Punjab: Can Congress and AAP’s Turncoat Picks Take on SAD Chief in Jalalabad?

The political game in the seat is complicated by the fact that there are several issues at play in this border constituency.

Chandigarh: Jalalabad, a constituency of Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) president and chief minister candidate Sukhbir Singh Badal, in Punjab’s border district of Fazilka, was a hot seat in the 2017 assembly polls.

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) had then fielded its star campaigner Bhagwant Mann while Congress nominated Ludhiana MP Ravneet Bittu to corner Badal in his home turf.

In 2009, Badal won the Jalalabad constituency in his first attempt, with a record margin of 80,000 votes, or 50% of the votes. But in 2017, he had a tough time defending his bastion.

His victory margin sharply fell from 50,000 votes (34%) in 2012 to a mere 18,000 votes (10%) in 2017. Further in 2019, he faced a personal setback when the party lost the Jalalabad bypoll to Congress by nearly 17,000 votes. The bypoll was held after Badal had vacated the seat and moved to contest from the Ferozepur Lok Sabha seat but failed.

This time he has fielded himself from Jalalabad for the February 20 polls, but both the AAP and the Congress seemed to have made his job easier by nominating turncoats of different parties. Even the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate Puran Chand is a former Akali leader, who has no electoral history in the past.

AAP’s Jagdeep ‘Goldy’ Kamboj is a former national secretary of the Indian Youth Congress. He fought as an independent candidate in 2019 Jalalabad bypolls but failed badly as he did not get more than 5,000 votes.

The Congress announced former Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) leader Mohan Singh Phalianwala as its candidate for the Jalalabad seat. He has been two-time MP from Ferozepur and has been associated with the BSP for over three decades. He had also joined AAP in 2016 and contested from the Ferozepur Rural constituency, but lost by more than 40,000 votes.

“By fielding a turncoat who has a history of several electoral defeats, it appears that the Congress has handed over the seat on a platter to Sukhbir Badal,” a local Congress leader told The Wire. However, sources in the Congress claimed that it did not want to give undue attention to Badal by fielding Channi or Sidhu against him, but the local leader said it is a “lame excuse”.

He added, “What was the fun in holding on to the ticket till the last minute if it could not field a popular candidate? At least a local candidate would have been better than a turncoat who has no base in the constituency.”

The Congress had delayed the announcement of a candidate from the Jalalabad constituency, and speculation was rife that it would nominate a heavyweight to make things difficult for Badal who already has a huge responsibility as SAD president to take the party to victory in a do-or-die election.

Congress’s current MLA Raminder Singh Awla, who won the 2019 bypolls against SAD’s Raj Singh Dibiyapur, opted out of the contest, and may join the Akali Dal in a few days, sources said. If that happens, he may be fielded from the Ferozepur Lok Sabha seat once Badal wins Jalalabad and vacates his parliamentary constituency.

Meanwhile, local SAD cadres are very confident of the party’s victory from Jalalabad. Local Akali leader Ashok Aneja told The Wire that Badal will break all previous records by registering a massive win.

“We lost the 2019 bypoll due to manipulation by the Congress. But voters have realised that the level of development seen during SAD’s time…Congress came nowhere near it,” he claimed.

“Ever since Badal became an MLA here, Jalalabad has had a world-class sports stadium, a women’s college, and a new hospital,” he added. “Once our party comes back to power, our focus will be to promote industry and generate employment, in which the Congress failed miserably in the last five years,” he said.

Also read: Punjab: At 94, Parkash Singh Badal Is Contesting Again to Boost SAD’s Poll Prospects

Rai Sikh voters hold the key

The Jalalabad constituency has approximately 200,000 voters. Nearly half of them are voters from the Rai Sikh caste who hold the key to the victory here.

Prior to August 30, 2007, the Rai Sikh caste was included in the backward classes. Later, it was notified in the Scheduled Caste category, thanks largely to the Akali government’s efforts in fulfilling the community’s long pending demand.

That is why Rai Sikhs have mostly backed Badal, except in the 2019 bypolls, which the party reportedly lost due to his lack of attention.

SAD won the Jalalabad seat in 1997 when it had fielded a local Rai Sikh leader, Sher Singh Ghubaya. After losing in the 2002 election, he won again from here in 2007.

In 2009, Ghubaya vacated the seat for Badal and in return, the party rewarded him with a Lok Sabha ticket from Ferozepur constituency in 2009 and 2014 parliamentary elections.

A local journalist told The Wire that even as the BJP candidate is from the Rai Sikh community, winning election for Badal from Jalalabad will not be difficult because candidates pitched against him are not very strong.

Issues

Despite being a high-profile constituency, there are several issues that need to be addressed in Jalalabad. The constituency has a city as well as 154 villages, out of which ten are located along the India-Pakistan border.

Being a border town, drug trafficking from across the border is a major issue here. Apart from that, civic development is a concern here, especially in the rural areas near the Pakistan border.

Also read: In Punjab Elections, the Sidhu Versus Majithia Clash Promises to Be Intense

A local politician Malkeet Singh Hira told The Wire that farmers staying in the border areas have been facing a lot of problems for a long time, but have often been ignored. “There are several fields located at the zero line, having no irrigation or power supply facility,” he said.

Singh said the lack of proper education is another major issue here. There is no government degree college in the area where boys and girls can get quality education. “Not many can afford sending their kids to private colleges in nearby towns of Abohar and Fazilka,” he said.

Meanwhile, several locals said that health facilities are also poor. Badal had constructed a 100-bed civil hospital in Jalalabad during his tenure, but neither he nor the Congress were able to arrange adequate number of doctors and paramedical staff.

As far as the city area is concerned, it faces acute water logging problems during the rainy season due to lack of a proper storm sewer system.

Jalalabad is famous for its rice milling industry but the units are scattered. Many of them are situated in the middle of the city, causing huge pollution for the city dwellers.

Vikas Chhabra, a local businessman, told The Wire that Badal had promised to set up a rice hub in the town for its proper growth but the project hasn’t got due attention. “We are hopeful that once he is elected again, the project will see the light of the day,” he added.

Unemployment is also one of the major issues here. The Congress MLA had promised to set up a big private industry to create employment opportunities for the border belt’s youth. But nothing happened. Meanwhile, a large number of unemployed youth have allegedly indulged in drugs and illicit liquor trade.

In some of the villages, distilling illicit liquor, popularly known as “lahan”, has virtually acquired the status of cottage industry in the absence of jobs.

What the Economic Survey’s ‘Refined’ Core Inflation Tells us About Fuel Price Rise

‘Refined core inflation’ – a new term constructed by the survey – is much below core inflation, which shows that the impact of fuel in conventional core inflation is quite substantial.

For the past one and a half years, the Indian economy has been roiled by the spectre of inflation.

Inflation, in particular, has been exacerbated by a supply chain crisis and the bursting of pent-up demand. This sudden burst in pent-up demand has sent energy, food, non-food commodities, and input prices spiralling across the globe – egged on by disruption of global supply chains, and rising freight costs, not just in India but across the world. 

The Economic Survey attributes the rise in retail inflation in India to the forbidding levels of over 6% in FY21 to the usual suspects of supply chain issues, lockdowns and other COVID-19 restrictions. It also goes a little deeper into the dynamics of the calculation of inflation in India. Traditionally, “core inflation” is calculated by excluding ‘food and beverages’ and ‘fuel and light’ groups from overall inflation. 

“While in CPI-C (Consumer Price Index-Combined), major fuel items such as ‘petrol for vehicle’  and ‘diesel for vehicle’, which have relatively large weights, are not included in ‘fuel and light’. These fuel items are included in ‘transport and communication’, a subgroup under the miscellaneous group. Therefore, the conventional way of calculating retail core inflation, instead of excluding the volatile fuel items from core inflation, continue to include volatile fuel items in core inflation. As a result, the fuel price rise continues to impact core inflation.” the survey explains.

The survey constructs a new term – ‘refined’ core inflation, which excludes main fuel items like ‘petrol for vehicle’, ‘diesel for vehicle’ and ‘lubricants’ and other fuels for vehicles, in addition to ‘food and beverages’ and ‘fuel and light’ from the headline retail inflation.

Also watch | Petrol and Diesel Price Surge: What’s Behind It and Why

Refined core inflation is much below core inflation which shows that the impact of fuel in conventional core inflation is quite substantial.

In 2020-21 (April-December) it was ‘food and beverage’ that drove inflation, whereas during 2021-22 (April to December) the major drivers of retail inflation have been miscellaneous and the ‘fuel and light’ group. The contribution of the miscellaneous group has increased from 26.8% in 2020-21 (April-December) to 35% in 2021-22 (April-December) and the contribution of ‘fuel and light’ increased from 2.3% to 14.9%. On the other hand, during the same period, the contribution of ‘food and beverages’ declined from 59% to 31.9%.

Within the ‘miscellaneous group’, the sub-group ‘transport and communication’ contributed the most, followed by health.

During 2021-22 (April-December), the ‘miscellaneous’ group, by accounting for around 35% of overall inflation has been an important driver of retail inflation. Within this group, high inflation in the sub-group ‘transport and communication’ – driven mainly by inflation in petrol and diesel for vehicles – has been contributing significantly. 

A series of unprecedented cuts in crude oil supply by OPEC and other oil-producing countries led to an upward trend in high international crude oil and petroleum product prices, which consequently led to a spike in inflation in the ‘fuel and light’ and ‘transport and communication’ groups. 

Credit: Economic Survey 2021-22.

Credit: Economic Survey 2021-22.

These fuel items are included in ‘transport and communication’, a sub-group under the miscellaneous group. Therefore, the conventional way of calculating retail core inflation, instead of excluding the volatile fuel items from core inflation, continue to include volatile fuel items in core inflation. As a result, the fuel price rise continues to impact core inflation.

Insults, Isolation, Broken Friendships: Dalit Students Open Up on Caste Discrimination in US

The inclusion of caste in its anti-discrimination policy by the California State Universities is as a major triumph for activists.

Saale cha*** tumhari kismat bahut tez hai, tum America pahunch gaye. Translated, this means, ‘you cha*** – a slur used by ‘upper’ caste members – you’re in luck to have made it to America.’

The casual, casteist insult was one of many Neha Singh grew accustomed to on campus, as a student at California State University a decade ago, where she pursued Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees.

At the time, she had no idea whom to complain to, as she wasn’t sure the American university system would understand the Indian caste system. So she held her tongue, avoided revealing she was Dalit, and dropped out of South Asian dance groups on campus after repeatedly being asked what her last name was.

The many instances of casteism she recalls on campus include an Indian student talking of how Christianity was not an Indian religion, so all Indian Christians were low-caste converts. “This shocked me,” she says.

She is delighted that California State University (CSU) added caste to its anti-discrimination policy earlier this month. CSU is America’s largest four-year public university, spanning 23 campuses with over 480,000 students. CSU joins a growing number of American institutions that have recognised caste discrimination, including Harvard University and California’s Democratic Party.

The move was a culmination of a university-wide campaign calling on CSU’S board of trustees to recognise caste oppression. A number of student and faculty organisations passed resolutions last year calling on the university to add caste to in its anti-discrimination policy. These include California Faculty Association, a CSU labour union, and Cal State Student Association (CSSA), a non-profit representing students across the university.

The policy announcement is a matter of satisfaction for Singh and other campaigners. “I am so proud of my university. I am very excited and happy for all new students here. If caste had been a protected category when I was a student, I would definitely have taken it up with my professors. But at the time, I thought nobody would understand me,” said Singh, who uses her pet name as an alias for this piece.

Also read: Manual Scavenging Is Continuing Unabated in India – And Even Children Are Forced Into It

Not all are pleased though.

The Hindu American Foundation (HAF) has vehemently opposed the inclusion of caste as a discriminatory category at CSU. The organisation believes this would unfairly target faculty of Indian and South Asian descent.  HAF’s website shares a comment by Sunil Kumar, professor of Engineering at San Diego State University, who says, “As a faculty member of Indian origin, I am well aware that discrimination is a daily reality for many students of varied backgrounds, and there is a robust mechanism of addressing all such complaints under existing laws and CSU policy. But this policy change has been made in the absence of  any scientifically reliable evidence or data. Rather than redressing discrimination, it will actually cause discrimination by unconstitutionally singling out and targeting Hindu faculty of Indian and South Asian descent as members of a suspect class because of deeply entrenched, false stereotypes about Indians, Hindus, and caste.”

In a letter to the CSU board of trustees opposing the move, HAF says it is working with concerned faculty to file Freedom of Information and State Public Records Act requests to investigate the decision-making process for the addition of caste as a protected category.

For Singh, the loss of friendships was amongst the most painful aspects of casteism she experienced. “During my master’s, I had a best friend of Indian origin, born and brought up in America. I thought kids who grew up here were more democratic. This girl’s parents were Brahmins but she didn’t seem to know anything about caste…We were really close for over a year. In our final semester, on one of many visits to her home, her parents asked me which caste I belonged to, as they were looking for a match for a boy in their family. I didn’t answer the question. My hands started shaking. I was so scared that I would lose her friendship.”

Immediately after, the girl stopped talking to her. It took her a long time to get over the loss of a friend. She was reminded of a similar incident when she was an undergraduate. At the time, she was a green-card holder. She made friends with a fellow Punjabi, a girl from India who was on a student visa.

“My parents helped her in so many ways, and even paid some of her tuition fee when she was hard up. When she had problems with roommates, she stayed at our home. She often spoke of how she was a Jat (a high caste in Punjab). She asked which caste I belonged to, but I managed to avoid answering the question. One day, my parents told her we were from a lower caste. The moment she found out, she avoided me.”

Singh was really mad at her friend, and furious that the caste system had pursued her all the way to America. Caste was, after all, the reason her family left India.

The sudden loss of warmth and the falling away of friends is something Prem Pariyar from Nepal has also had to grapple with. Pariyar, who completed his master’s degree in social work from Cal State East Bay a few months ago, is no stranger to caste oppression. He and his family were tortured in Kathmandu in an act of violence targeting Dalits, prompting him to seek amnesty in the US.

It came as no surprise when upper-caste South Asian students who were once friendly with Pariyar began treating him coldly when they found out he was a Dalit. And yet, it triggered him deeply, leaving him humiliated and powerless. He calls it intergenerational trauma. It depressed him to know that he could not escape caste, even in America.

Pariyar has widely been credited with mobilizing students across the CSU network, seeking the inclusion of caste as a protected category. He first began speaking up about caste while listening to stories of race, gender and sexuality. In the classroom, he began sharing his own experiences of caste violence and was greatly supported by his professors. His department even included caste as a protected category. This prompted him to reach out to other departments on his campus, and other campuses that were part of CSU.

When he first spoke of caste in class, he recalls another Nepali student from a privileged caste saying she had never encountered the caste system and hence she did not believe casteism existed.

When Pariyar met other Dalit students in the US who had faced casteism in Nepal, he asked them why they hid their last names and feared revealing their caste, particularly since the university was so supportive. They told Pariyar they weren’t as courageous as he was, and didn’t want to lose friends. Some said they were sharing apartments with other South Asians and were afraid they would be forced to leave if their caste was revealed. “We can’t expose ourselves. We don’t want to be isolated” was a common refrain.

Also read: After IIM Kozhikode Reveals Postgrad Students’ Castes, Spotlight Returns to Discrimination on Campus

Institutional casteism

The interpersonal is institutional, says Thenmozhi Soundararajan, Dalit rights activist and executive director of Equality Labs, an Ambedkarite South Asian organisation. “University networks become alumni networks. They are not just friends. South Asians need to rely on other South Asians in their cohort for connections to get jobs or visas. Why would they come all the way to study abroad and destroy their professional networks?” she asks.

Even when one’s caste is not revealed, she talks of “caste stress” that Dalit students must navigate, as they hide their caste identity and never let slip where their families are from. Growing up in America, she recalls the time a savarna student spotted her eating meat, like most Dalits do, and accused her of being ‘white-washed’ and not standing up to American culture. The student simply assumed all Indians were traditionally vegetarian. “The assumption was that South Asia’s dominant caste paradigm was the only one,” she says.

Bangar, a biology graduate from Cal State Sacramento, is well aware of the stress involved in hiding caste on campus. She grew up being told to lie about her caste to avoid discrimination. “Deep down, it hurt. It made me feel gross. I would wonder what was wrong with my caste,” she said. Her father had been bullied on account of his low caste as a student in Chandigarh. He did not want his daughter to experience the same.

Bangar, whose family moved from Punjab to the US when she was in elementary school, finds the manifestation of caste in America insidious, hidden and coded. Like the times she is asked her last name. As with many Punjabi women, her last name is Kaur. To which she is often asked what her “real” last name is. Or which city or village her family come from.

While she chose not to reveal her caste in college, she has now begun speaking up about it on social media platforms, and has rallied support for the inclusion of caste as a protected category at CSU. “I talk about caste all the time on social media. I am trying to reclaim it instead of hiding it. I feel like I’m fighting for my ancestors,” she says.

At a three-hour public hearing conducted by the Cal State Student Association last year, before passing its resolution calling on the university to include caste as a protected category, a number of Dalit students gave personal testimonies of having faced caste-based discrimination. They were supported by students from privileged castes as well as non-South Asians. Black students said they understood what Dalits were going through.

The meeting included opponents of the resolution who said the inclusion of caste as a protected category unfairly targeted Hindus and would cause the bullying of Hindus on campus. According to students who attended the meeting, opponents of the move said caste was a colonial construct foisted on India by the British, and called the inclusion of caste in CSU’s anti-discrimination policy an act of white supremacy. A history professor on the call refuted these claims, adding that her research showed her that caste predated colonisation.

“I was shocked to see the way Dalit students were gaslighted at the public hearing last year, and their experiences of discrimination repeatedly denied by those opposing the resolution. This reminded me of the gaslighting of the Black community in America during the Black Lives Matter protests after the murder of George Floyd,” says Krystal Raynes, a computer science undergrad at CSU Bakersfield who is a student representative for the board of trustees at CSU. Caste was a new concept for her, one that she first encountered at the hearings last year. After listening to Dalit students talk of caste oppression, she fully supported them and helped facilitate the resolution. “I was shocked that there were people against forwarding civil rights in America,” she says. “So many people who wanted to block the resolution would rename themselves on  Zoom and come on the call multiple times to make the same point. We were able to pick up on their rhetoric pretty quickly,” she says.

Manmit Singh, a San Francisco State University student belonging to an ‘upper’ caste, felt the hearings in April showed the need for caste to be added as a category for discrimination. “While many caste-oppressed students came forward to speak, their lived experiences were publicly invalidated by those who opposed the resolution. This gaslighting deters caste-oppressed people from speaking of what they face,” says Singh, a student of ethnic studies.

As an undergraduate at California Polytechnic, Singh was disillusioned with efforts at organising South Asians in struggles for equality and found the community complicit in anti-blackness and transphobia. Though not from an oppressed caste, the Dalit feminist movement in America gave Singh the language with which to understand this.

Also read: Interview | ‘We Are Losing Our Right to Protest’: Aruna Roy

Student activists championing caste equality on campus credit California government’s civil rights lawsuit against Cisco over caste-based discrimination, for launching the conversation on caste in America. The lawsuit highlighted the need for a framework to help US organisations understand caste.

“While Equality Labs has so many anecdotal testimonies from caste-oppressed people suffering abuse, harassment and micro-aggression, many American institutions don’t have the competency to deal with caste. Currently, caste discrimination and abuse are covered under other protected categories like origin and ancestry. However, similar to the trans community, we need to make caste discrimination an explicit category in order to better remedy it. At present very few institutions collect data on caste. Now they will require cultural competency on caste in order to better support students facing discrimination,” says Soundararajan.

In the early struggles for caste equity in America, she says caste was often brushed aside as an internal matter that should not be spoken of as it made South Asians look bad. “However, systems of exclusion can only get better when exposed to sunlight,” says Soundararajan, who believes South Asians need to stop behaving like ostriches when it comes to denying caste.

Meanwhile, the debate continues. HAF’s executive director Suhag Shukla in an email to The Wire, said, “No one should be discriminated against on any basis, including caste, and American laws and existing policies already prohibit this. Discrimination on the basis of national origin and ancestry already extend to characteristics associated with “caste” like birthplace, ancestry, cultural background, or linguistic characteristics.

“But ‘caste’ as a specific protected category targets our community because it is exclusively associated with Indians and South Asians. It’s not facially neutral in the way that every other protected class is and in the way the US Constitution guarantees of equal protection. What that means is that out of the 29,000 faculty at CSU, only the 600 or so faculty of Indian and South Asian origin are implicated by a special policy that unfairly singles them out on the basis of their national origin or ancestry. Rather than redressing discrimination, this policy discriminates by institutionalising false and negative stereotypes about Indians and South Asians,” says Shukla.

However, a letter from Ruvani Fonseka, assistant professor, San Jose State University School of Social Work and a former lecturer at CSU East Bay, said, “As a caste-privileged Sri Lankan-American woman of Sinhala-Buddhist descent and a CFA member, I support the addition of caste to the anti-discrimination statement… In the past academic year, I had the opportunity to learn from a student in the Social Work department at CSU East Bay who bravely disclosed their experiences of caste-based discrimination in California. Throughout that year, the department, the East Bay academic senate, and the Cal State Student Association all voted to define caste as a protected category against discrimination.”

The California Trade Justice Coalition and the Asian Pacific American Labour Alliance have written letters in support of CSU’s inclusion of caste as a protected category. The South Asia Scholar Activist Collective in North America has also put out a statement supporting the move.

In an emphatic letter to CSU trustees shared on Twitter, Gaurav Sabnis, associate professor at Stevens Institute of Technology, New Jersey, wrote, “I wear several hats as I write this email. An academic, an Indian, an American, but I primarily want to write this as someone born in a Brahmin family, the so-called ‘upper castes.’ Many from my community are running a campaign against this move, some of them sounding distinctly like Strom Thurmond when he filibustered the Civil Rights Act. They will try to cloak themselves in victimhood and be shrill while doing it. I have seen such perspectives around me often. People who think that because they themselves haven’t, ever, explicitly discriminated against someone, nor has anyone they know, therefore caste is irrelevant and we are in fact seeing “reverse casteism.”….Please pay them no heed. Casteism is very real as daily newspapers from India will attest. It doesn’t stop being real because people move to a different hemisphere…To the opponents of this move, I ask, what is it exactly that you fear? If there really is no casteism among Indians in the U.S., then adding caste to the categories will have no impact. It will just be one more entry in the policy. Only those who fear accountability for casteism would find anything objectionable about the decision.”

Anahita Mukherji is a US-based journalist.

Economic Survey Glosses Over 2021 COVID-19 Horror, Key Details on Health Schemes

There is no mention of how common people ran from pillar to post not just searching for beds and supplemental oxygen but also even basic medicines. That the government went completely missing at that time also has no mention.

New Delhi: The Economic Survey 2021-22 lists various steps the Union government took last year to battle COVID-19.

From vaccination to testing and infrastructure development, it enumerates various points. 

But the two waves of the pandemic that happened in India are summed up just in these lines:

“During the first wave, the cumulative number of COVID-19 cases started rising progressively from the month of May 2020, and peaked in mid-September 2020. Thereafter, the country faced a massive surge in COVID-19 cases starting March 2021, with a peak of more than four lakh daily cases in May 2021 and more than 4,400 daily deaths by the end of May 2021. A fresh surge of cases and a new variant Omicron had surfaced in December 2021 and was spreading at the time of writing.”

There is a zero mention of the absolute horror that the country, as a whole, faced in the second wave of the pandemic which receded in July last year. There is no mention of how common people ran from pillar to post not just searching for beds and supplemental oxygen but also even basic medicines. The government went completely missing at that time and the Survey does not say a word about that. 

In fact, the Survey does go on to say that the government engaged the Railways, the Air Force, the Navy and industry to meet the rise in oxygen demand but fails to acknowledge how lack of planning in advance led to the fiasco. 

Indranil Mukhopadhyay, who teaches health economics at O.P. Jindal University found it bizarre. “The Economic Survey is an assessment of the year gone by. This one gives a complete miss on harsh realities of the past,”  he told The Wire

Also, the above paragraph quoted in the survey leaves no scope of any inquiry of underreporting of COVID-19 deaths in India.

Many studies by now have said that an estimated 2-3 million deaths due to COVID-19 had happened in India till July 2021. The current official death toll of India is 0.49 million till date.

Family members of Vijay Raju, who died due to COVID-19 mourn before his cremation at a crematorium ground in Giddenahalli village on the outskirts of Bengaluru, May 13, 2021. Photo: Reuters/Samuel Rajkumar

In fact, in an ongoing case in the Supreme Court as well it has come to light that many state governments have awarded more compensation in response to claims by the families of those who died after testing positive for COVID-19 than the number of such victims in their official data. Independent experts had told The Wire Science earlier that India does need detailed studies to know the extent of underreporting. 

Also read: Why Kerala Reported More COVID-19 Deaths Than Any Province in the World in Last 28 Days

About the COVID-19 vaccination programme, the Survey repeats that it is a “free” exercise. However, in a reply in Rajya Sabha on November 30, 2021, the minister of state in the finance ministry, Pankaj Chaudhary, clearly acknowledged that the price of petroleum products had been hiked to support the government’s resources for various programmes, including the COVID-19 vaccination.

The Survey says that besides having Covishield and Covaxin in the kitty, India had also allowed the import of Moderna’s and Johnson & Johnson’s COVID-19 vaccines. Indeed, India had allowed that but not a single dose of the jabs reached India, ever.

The government has never clarified till now why this happened. But it is believed that the government and these firms could not reach an agreement on providing legal immunity to the former.

As far as Russia’s Sputnik-V vaccine was concerned, which the Survey talks about, it has contributed to less than 1% of the vaccination programme. Therefore, the programme has been restricted to two vaccines only – Covishield and Covaxin.

The Survey hails an anti-COVID drug, 2-deoxy-D-glucose (2-DG) developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation and Dr. Reddy’s Laboratories as an indigenous achievement.

“Drug Controller General of India (DCGI) granted permission for Emergency Use of 2-DG as an adjunct therapy in moderate to severe COVID-19 patients”.

But the fact remains that the drug could never find a place in the official treatment protocol for COVID-19 that was prepared by the Union health ministry and the Indian Council of Medical Research. Not without reason, the DCGI was criticised for shoddy work on the approval of this drug. 

Also read: Three Factors That Explain India’s Debacle in Handling COVID-19

Health sector

A section of the Survey also deals with the health sector and its developments, in general. It says India improved on various children mortality indicators like infant mortality, neonatal mortality (children dying below the age of 1), Under-5 mortality, etc. And, this was reflected in the recently released results of the National Family Health Survey (NFHS).

It is a fact that India did improve but this was just in continuity with all the previous NFHS Surveys that started in the early 90s.

What this section does not say is how COVID-19 impacted the gains made over several years in the past on the fronts such as childhood immunisation, tuberculosis elimination and malaria elimination. Forget about saying what would be done to regain that has been lost, there is no acknowledgment of the loss when there are well-documented reports clearly showing that. 

“COVID-19 also disturbed other routine care. For months, surgeries were not performed and most of the healthcare was shut. And, all of this happened in 2021, a year which this Survey assesses. I am surprised to see that it is completely absent in this survey,” said Mukhopadhyay. 

An illustration on the Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission’s official site.

Another point he highlighted was this Survey just enlists what schemes the government of India is running on the health front. Other than providing the listicle, there is no analysis as to what has been achieved.

Take for example, the Ayushman Bharat Scheme.

The Survey says, “The first component is the creation of 1,50,000 Health and Wellness Centers (HWCs) which cover both, maternal and child health services and noncommunicable diseases, including free essential drugs and diagnostic services.” 

But when this scheme was conceptualised, it was aimed to build these many HWCs by 2022 itself. The Survey is silent as to how many have been built. Last year’s Economic Survey said only 28,005 had been built. 

The Survey attempts to praise the increase in health expenditure and says ​​2.1 percent of GDP had been allocated to the sector in 2021-22, against 1.3 percent in 2019-20. It skipped the fact that India’s out-of-pocket expenditure on health, still, continues to remain one of the highest in the world. Out of the total expenditure on health happening in the country, as much as 50% is spent by the people themselves – something has also been documented in WHO reports. 

The Survey is also silent about the shortage of human resources for healthcare. And, that has not been the tradition usually. For example, the 2018-19 Economic Survey said ​​as many as 60% of primary health centres (PHCs) of India were manned by only one doctor.  This year’s Survey also does not say anything about the lack of primary health centres, community health centres and sub-centres, on which the majority of the population depends.

“Every year the Economic Survey presents a vision. The vision can be hailed, it can be criticised. But at least it was presented. This year, the reading of the health sector feels there was no vision. And the reason for this is not understandable,” says Mukhopadhyay.

Economic Survey Claims India Is ‘Progressing’ on SDGs, Water Supply, Climate Action

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman tabled the Economic Survey 2021-22 in the Lok Sabha on January 31.

Kochi: Achieving more climate action, tap water supply to households, bringing polluting industries and the menace of single-use plastics under strict regulation – India is making progress as far as actions to address sustainable development and tackle climate change go, claims the Economic Survey 2021-22.

The Economic Survey, which Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman tabled in the Lok Sabha on January 31, details the state of the economy and is traditionally released ahead of the government’s Union Budget for the next fiscal year.

Sitharaman will table the Budget tomorrow, on February 1.

Climate change and SDGs

The year saw India ‘progressing further’ in achieving its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), according to the Economic Survey. SDGs come under the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, and were adopted by the United Nations in 2015 as “a universal call to action to end poverty, protect the planet, and ensure that by 2030 all people enjoy peace and prosperity”, according to the UN. It includes 17 goals, including Affordable and Clean Energy and Life on Land, that recognise that social and economic development has to happen together with tackling climate change and preserving our oceans and forests.

The Survey cites the NITI Aayog’s SDG India Index and Dashboard released in June last year to make this point. According to the Index, India’s score improved to 66 in 2020-21 from 60 in 2019-20. The index also ranks states based on their performance, and Kerala emerged on top.

Similarly, the Survey also quotes another government report that was released recently – which shows an increase in India’s forest and tree cover – as more proof of achieving SDGs. Incidentally, the report in question prepared by the Forest Survey of India has drawn flak from conservationists and remote sensing experts for several methodological flaws, as The Wire Science reported.

Also read: India’s New ‘State of Forest’ Report Is Not Really About Forests

Predictably, another finding in the report – that India’s carbon stock in forests has increased by 79.4 million tonnes as compared to the last assessment of 2019 – has also found its way into this year’s Economic Survey. It is listed as the progress under India’s Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) as part of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement. According to the UNFCC, NDCs embody efforts by each country to reduce national emissions and adapt to the impacts of climate change.

Energy

The Survey focuses on the steps taken to commission more renewable energy in the country. The Indian Railways too, has set a target of Net Zero Carbon Emission by 2030, primarily through sourcing its energy requirements through renewable energy sources, listed the Survey.

However the progress as far as solar power is concerned does not appear very significant. As of December 31, 2021, solar power capacity of 49.35 gigawatts (GW) has been installed in the country, says the Survey. 

Also read: Study Finds India’s Rich Emit 7x More Emissions Than the Poor

That’s only around 12 GW more than what the previous Economic Survey tabled in 2021: a cumulative capacity of 36.9 GW as being commissioned till November 2020. Around 36 GW solar energy capacity is under installation, and an additional 19 GW capacity was tendered, it said. However, these projects under installation or at the tendering stage do not appear to be available yet. 

To build capacity, and implement technology to implement renewable energy on field, a Global Center of Excellence in Affordable and Clean Energy was launched at IIT Dharwad on January 28. It is supported by the Honeywell Hometown Solutions India Foundation, a not-for-profit under the multinational conglomerate Honeywell.

But despite this huge push for renewables – including generating hydrogen from green energy sources – the demand for coal is likely to remain in the range of 1.3-1.5 billion tonnes by 2030, the Economic Survey 2021-22 said. However, several initiatives are being taken by coal lignite producing PSUs to reduce their carbon footprints, the Survey added. One plan is to bring about 30,000 hectares of additional land (in and around coal mining areas) under green cover by planting around 75 million trees by 2030, it says.

Yet in the international arena, India has continued to exercise “significant climate leadership” with the International Solar Alliance (ISA), Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI) and Leadership Group for Industry Transition (LeadIT Group), said the Survey. The LeadIT Group, for instance, is one of the nine action tracks identified by the UN Secretary-General to boost climate ambitions and actions to implement the Paris Agreement.

“There is a greater thrust on climate action following the announcement of India’s target of becoming Net Zero by 2070,” according to the Survey. Climate finance, however, will remain critical to successful climate action by developing countries, including India, it added.

Tackling pollution

According to the Survey, there has been an improvement in the compliance status of Grossly Polluting Industries (GPIs) located in the river Ganga and its tributaries, from 39% in 2017 to 81% in 2020. There has also been a reduction in effluent discharge from 349.13 million of litres per day (MLD) in 2017 to 280.20 MLD in 2020. 

India will phase out single-use plastic by 2022, said Prime Minister Narendra Modi in August last year.

Also read: At COP26, Has PM Modi Dragged India Onto Path of Decarbonisation Before It’s Ready?

The Economic Survey 2021-22 lists out several legislations, including the Plastic Waste Management Amendment Rules, 2021, which will take India closer to this goal. The draft regulation on the Extended Producer Responsibility for plastic packaging has also been notified to strengthen the circular economy of plastic packaging waste, promote development of new alternatives to plastics and sustainable plastic packaging, the Survey detailed.

While the National Clean Air Programme is being implemented in 132 cities to achieve up to 30 percent reduction in concentrations of particulate matter (PM, an air pollutant that impacts public health) by 2024 across the country, air pollution still remains a major concern, admits the Survey. Though 96 cities showed a decreasing trend of PM10 concentration in 2020-21 as compared to 2019-20, 36 cities show an increasing trend in PM10 concentration in 2020-2021, the Survey finds.

Progress under the Jal Jeevan Mission

As of January 2 this year, 5,51,93,885 households have received tap water supply since the start of the Jal Jeevan Mission, according to the Survey. However, only six states and Union Territories so far have achieved 100 percent tap water supply: Goa, Telangana, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Puducherry, Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu and Haryana. As on January 19, more than 8 lakh schools have obtained water supply under the Jal Jeevan Mission, revealed the Survey.

Over the last two and half years, some states have done “particularly well” – such as Telangana, Bihar, much of the northeast and Ladakh – said Sanjeev Sanyal, Principal Economic Adviser in the Ministry of Finance, who detailed some of the findings of the Survey during a press conference.

“This is not a trivial change we are talking about. This is transforming lives at the bottom of the pyramid,” he said.

Hindutva’s Circulation of Anti-Muslim Hate Aided by Digital Platforms, Finds Report

At least 60% of the participants surveyed said they have come across content on digital platforms that incites violence against Muslims, the report found.

New Delhi: Digital platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, WhatsApp, Reddit, and GitHub have hastened the proliferation of anti-Muslim hate that forms the architecture of Hindutva crimes in India, the Culture-Centered Approach to Research and Evaluation (CARE) has said in its report.

At least 60% of the participants surveyed said they have come across content on digital platforms that incites violence against Muslims, the report titled Experiences of Muslims in India on Digital Platforms With Anti-Muslim Hate found.

The report – which involved in-depth interviews of Muslims and 213 hours of online participant observations on digital platforms – said that the digital infrastructure of Hindutva is organised around building disinformation and accelerating the circulation of hate. The data was gathered between November and December 2021.

CARE found that while 40% of the participants surveyed said that over the last year they had been called offensive names as a result of being a Muslim, 60% of the respondents reported coming across content on digital platforms stating Muslim immigrants will take over India.

It is worth noting that the period when the survey was conducted, and particularly the month of December, registered unprecedented levels of hate on digital platforms.

The report further said the narratives of hate are often centred on specific events and policy decisions made by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and dissenting responses to Hindutva.

The report is released at a time when hate speech against Muslims in India has gained momentum, with several rightwing and Hindutva leaders calling for a Muslim ‘genocide’ amidst little to no backlash from the government. Many such militant rightwing leaders have direct connections with BJP. Additionally, it also comes against the backdrop of several other reports highlighting the lack of moderation policies by social media platforms against hate speech.

Also read: Full Text | As PM, Modi Has a Moral Obligation to Denounce Hate Speech: Gregory Stanton

December

The Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) became law on December 11, 2019, when the Upper House passed the Bill and the president gave his assent. Provocative speeches on social media followed, and in February, riots broke out in the national capital, which killed as many as 53 people, causing enormous damage, mostly to Muslims.

In 2019-2020, Facebook’s data scientists found that there were big spikes in the prevalence of inflammatory content in three languages – English, Hindi and Bengali – that coincided with the start of the CAA protests and the start of the first COVID-19 pandemic lockdown in India, The Wire had reported.

Between December 17 and 19, 2021, right-wing activists, hardline fundamentalist militants and Hindutva organisations came together at Haridwar for an event called the ‘Dharma Sansad’ or ‘religious parliament’. Over the course of three days, this event witnessed an extraordinary outpouring of hate speech, call for mobilisations to kill Muslims and other anti-Muslim sentiment.

BJP leader Ashwini Upadhyay, who attended the Dharma Sansad, has previously been arrested for an event he helped organise in Delhi’s Jantar Mantar where slogans were raised, calling for violence against Muslims. Another similar event, calling for Hindutva members to ‘kill and be killed’ to make India a Hindu Rashtra, was organised in the national capital too.

A few days later, on January 1, 2022, prominent Muslim women were put up for ‘sale’ on an app on GitHub.

Activists and civil society groups have expressed deep concerns over Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah’s silence on these incidents.

Islamophobic memes around COVID-19

In March 2020 as COVID-19 cases started appearing in India, COVID-related Islamophobic content proliferated across digital platforms.

The CARE survey found that 64% of the respondents reported coming across content on digital platforms that blamed Muslims for the pandemic.

The framing of questions around intentions of the Tablighi Jamaat gathering in Delhi held prior to the announcement of lockdown fuelled misinformation around Muslims’ plots to infect Hindus by spitting on food, and infiltrating respectable middle class spaces through their everyday jobs. The #CoronaJihad narrative projected the Muslim as a terrorist attacking Hindu communities with the COVID-19 bomb.

The survey asked the participants whether they agreed to this statement : “I have come across content on Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp that blames Muslims, suggesting that they are responsible for the spreading of the pandemic.”

Twenty-one percent of the participants somewhat agreed, 21.5% of the participants mostly agreed, and 22% of the participants strongly agreed with the statement.

Also read: Clubhouse and the Fantasy of Sexual Violence Against Muslim Women

‘Love jihad’ and violence against Muslim women

According to the CARE report, the hashtag #LoveJihad is part of a broader global Islamophobic digital infrastructure that flows from far-right, white supremacist, anti-immigrant spaces in Europe to the Islamophobic discursive space in Myanmar, and the anti-Muslim hate in India. The circulation of the #LoveJihad trope has resulted in violence directed at Muslims, including contributing to the genocide in Myanmar. Moreover, the #LoveJihad conspiracy has been legitimised through the policy structures pushed by Hindutva.

The imaginary right-wing conspiracy of ‘love jihad’ claims that Muslim men ‘lure’ Hindu women into wedlock for the purpose of converting them to Islam.

Despite there being no evidence of a Muslim plot to convert Hindu women through marriage, right-wing groups have long been working to prevent interfaith marriages in India. The Special Marriage Act of 1954 provides a clear legal framework for marriages between adults from different religious communities. However, authorities often refuse to register such marriages on frivolous grounds.

Fifty-nine percent of the participants surveyed agreed that they had come across digital content stating Muslims targeted Hindu women for marriage. The survey asked the participants whether they agreed to this statement: “I have come across content on Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp that states Muslims are targeting Hindu women for marriage.” Eighteen percent of the participants indicated they somewhat agreed, 20.9% of the participants stated they mostly agreed, and 20.3% of the participants stated they strongly agreed with the statement.

Against this backdrop of the ‘love jihad’ conspiracy narrative, digital platforms are rife with content targeting Muslim women with sexual violence.

 

Sexually violent content targeting Muslim women on Reddit. Photo: CARE white paper series

On January 1, ‘Bulli Bai’ app on GitHub targeted Muslim women – including journalists, activists and students – by putting them up for ‘auction’, in a similar fashion to the earlier ‘Sulli Deals’ app. It used images stolen from social media apps to ‘auction’ women, an act that has been compared to “online sexual violence” and promoting “the crimes of trafficking and sexual slavery”.

‘Bulli’ and ‘Sulli’ are supposedly offensive term used against Muslim women.

The threats of sexual violence targeting women are carried out alongside dehumanising content depicting Muslims as animals. Fifty-five percent of the participants surveyed said they have come across content digital platforms that compare Muslims to pigs and dogs.

Students, activists, civil rights groups and even retired service chiefs have called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to speak out and take action against hate speech.

Note: A reference to The Wire’s Tek Fog findings has been edited out as the stories have now been removed from public view pending the outcome of an internal review, as one of its authors was part of the technical team involved in our now retracted Meta coverage. More details about the Meta stories may be seen here.

Watch | ‘Omicron Retreating, Not Sure General Population Needs Boosters for It’

Speaking in the joint discussion, professors Gagandeep Kang and Gautam Menon note that India’s situation is unique when it comes to Omicron.

In an interview to assess the present Omicron situation in the country, Professor Gautam Menon of Ashoka University, who has worked on tracking the trajectory of coronavirus waves in India, says the sharp decline in daily cases and the positivity rate shows that the Omicron wave is subsiding and retreating. “We’re on the downswing of the slope” he said.

Speaking in the joint discussion, Professor Gagandeep Kang of Christian Medical College in Vellore, who is a member of the government’s Covid Working Group which advises on vaccination, said as far as the general population is concerned she’s “not sure boosters are needed for dealing with Omicron”.

Speaking in a joint 30-minute interview to Karan Thapar for The Wire, Menon, who is Professor of Physics and Biology at Ashoka University in Sonipat, said models have suggested the Omicron wave in India would peak in different places between January 20 and February 10 and this is precisely what is now happening. It’s already peaked and started to recede in big cities and that will now also happen in the rest of the country. Menon said the R number has fallen below 1. The R number determines how many more people an infected person in turn infects. An R number below 1 means the virus is running out of people to infect.

Asked about reports that the government is considering not giving boosters to people beyond those sections of the population already entitled to receive them, Kang said she is “not sure boosters are needed for dealing with Omicron”. She also added: “Will this be required in future for another variant is a different question.”

Explaining her position, Kang said: “At the moment, given the lack of widespread effectiveness data after two doses, I don’t know what we would base our decision to give three doses on.” Speaking specifically about people who are not at present entitled to a third shot: “We need to understand whether the rest of the population’s protection from two doses has waned or not…since we don’t have effectiveness data it’s hard to tell whether effectiveness has waned over time or with Omicron.”

Kang said her belief is given the high level of infection and the high level of vaccination in India, she’s “not sure boosters are needed for dealing with Omicron”.

Asked by The Wire why boosters can’t be given to the rest of the population on the basis of data gathered from abroad – the UK, The European Union, Israel and the US – because, surely, India is not unique, Kang replied by saying India is unique.

She then gave three reasons why foreign data cannot apply to India. First, the age distribution of the population is very different. Second, the exposure to Delta is very different. Third, the age distribution of people who received AstraZeneca/Covishield is very different in India compared to UK and Europe. In India, it was given to everyone over 18. In the UK and Europe it was largely limited to older age individuals. Therefore, Kang concluded: “I don’t think we are in a situation where we can just take data from the rest of the world and apply it to ourselves”.

Finally, Kang said with Omicron dominant it is time to change the public health strategy for tackling coronavirus and reduce the emphasis on test, track and isolation. As she put it: “Test, track and isolate makes sense in the early stages of a new variant (but) after that in the situation we are in today you possibly need some level of sentinel surveillance but you don’t need the amount of resources we are investing in testing … time for doing this sort of surveillance (i.e. mass testing) for SARS CoV-2 is coming to a close”.

Kang agreed that the emphasis newspapers and television channels put on reporting daily cases and daily positivity is unnecessary and could be misleading. When asked this question her reply was: “absolutely”. She suggested that instead we need weekly or monthly figures rather than daily.

Kang added what we need is “much much more environmental surveillance i.e. sewage sampling”.

Watch the full interview here.

Kerala HC Temporarily Defers I&B Ministry’s Ban on News Channel MediaOne

The news channel went off the air on Monday, reportedly because its license was revoked by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, citing “security” concerns.

New Delhi: The Kerala high court on Monday (January 31) deferred the order issued to Malayalam news channel MediaOne TV by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting revoking its license to broadcast till the next hearing date, LiveLaw reported.

The news channel went off the air on Monday, reportedly because its license was revoked by the Union government, citing “security concerns, The News Minute reported.

“Dear audience, the telecast of MediaOne channel has once again been disallowed by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, citing security reasons. The Government has not been forthcoming with the details,” channel editor Pramod Raman said in a statement. “MediaOne is taking urgent legal steps for the restoration of the channel, and hope to get back to the viewers as soon as we can. For the time being, we are suspending our telecast, confident that justice will prevail.”

The notice sent to the channel reportedly did not specify if this move is temporary or permanent.

According to LiveLaw, the channel had filed a writ petition before the Kerala high court, seeking to set aside the Union government’s order.  In its plea, the channel has contended that it has not involved itself in any sort of anti-national activity, and therefore requested before the court that the order must be withdrawn.

MediaOne is a popular channel in Kerala. According to The News Minute, it is owned by the Madhyamam Broadcasting Limited, many of the investors of which are members of the Kerala chapter of Jamaat-e-Islami.

This is not the first time the channel has been taken off the air. In March 2020, Media One along with another Malayalam channel Asianet had been taken off the air for 48 hours for their coverage of the communal violence in North-East Delhi. However, both channels had then come back on air a few hours after the ban.

This story was published on January 31 at 3:40 pm and has been republished at 5:20 pm with an update on the Kerala high court temporarily deferring the Union government’s ban on the news channel.

In Goa, 7 Powerful Families Are Contesting 35% of the Assembly Seats

Parties including Bharatiya Janata Party, Trinamool Congress and Congress, have given tickets to multiple members of the same family. 

Members of seven families are candidates in 35% of Goa’s assembly seats – in 14 out of a total 40. Parties including Bharatiya Janata Party, Trinamool Congress and Congress, have given tickets to multiple members of the same family.

BJP, which often claims to be against dynastic politics and purportedly has a “one family, one ticket” policy, has nominated four candidates from two families in Goa.

BJP has given Goa’s current health minister Vishwajit Rane a ticket from Valpoi and also fielded his wife Deviya Rane from the adjoining Poriem constituency.

In last one month, Poriem in North Goa became a talking point after Congress declared Deviya’s father-in-law – the state’s longest serving chief minister and 11-time MLA from the constituency – Pratapsingh Rane as candidate for the 2022 assembly election.

Soon after Congress announced Pratapsingh’s candidature, his son Vishwajit told reporters, “I will be contesting from Poriem constituency for BJP. My father is 82 years old and it is not an age to promote oneself. Why does he have to continue in politics? A person who is my idol and someone I have so much respect for, that person should gracefully retire. It will be a very messy situation.”

The saffron party ultimately fielded Deviya and just a day before the last date for filing nomination papers, on January 27, Pratapsingh withdrew from the fray. He had been representing the seat since 1972 and had been steady in declaring that he would contest from the seat right until he bowed out.

Interestingly, just two days before the poll dates were announced by the Election Commission of India (ECI), the BJP government in Goa conferred lifelong cabinet status on the Congress stalwart.


BJP has nominated revenue and information technology minister Jennifer Monserrate from Taleigao constituency. Her husband Atanasio Monserrate, popularly known as Babush, is the BJP candidate from Panjim constituency.

However, while the saffron party gave a ticket to Goa’s deputy chief minister Chandrakant Babu Kavlekar, it denied a ticket to his wife Savitri.

Soon after the announcement of the BJP candidate list, Savitri resigned as the vice-president of the Mahila Morcha (women’s wing) of Goa BJP and will contest as an independent candidate from the constituency.

After Savitri was denied a ticket by the saffron party, she held a press conference and said, “The BJP has denied me a ticket despite assurances. It has double standards as it has allotted tickets to other husband-wife duos in Taleigao and Poreim. I feel betrayed.”

BJP has remained silent and does not appear to have taken action against Chandrakant for Savitri’s presser.

Speaking to this reporter in December, BJP candidate from Sanguem, Subhash Phal Dessai, had said, “Chandrakant’s wife, Savitri is looking for a ticket from this constituency, but the state leadership has assured me that I will get the nomination. Party leadership has chosen me for two reasons, I am a local leader who has been working in the constituency despite losing the 2017 election, and I am BJP’s winning candidate while Savitri is not.”

TMC

Trinamool Congress, which created a lot of buzz since it decided to contest the polls in Goa, gave tickets to four candidates from two families. After the veteran politician and former Nationalist Congress Party MLA Churchill Alemao switched over to TMC, the party nominated him from the Beaulim constituency. It has also nominated his daughter Valanka Alemao from the neighbouring Navelim constituency.

Also read: Goa Elections: With First List, TMC Plays ‘Revenge Politics’, Targets Congress, GFP

Recently in a television interview, when asked about the issue of dynastic politics, Churchill said, “Why are you asking about politicians? Why not ask doctors and engineers [whose children take up the same professions as their parents]?”

Likewise, TMC inducted former Thivim MLA Kiran Kandolkar, who was with Goa Forward Party, and fielded him from Aldona constituency. The party has nominated his wife Kavita from the Thivim seat.

The TMC has decided to join hands with Goa’s oldest party, the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party for the upcoming assembly polls. Sudin Dhavalikar is a five-time MLA from the MGP’s bastion, Marcaim. He will be contesting from the same seat. Meanwhile, MGP president and Sudin’s younger brother Deepak Dhavalikar will contest from Priol constituency in North Goa.

Congress

While Congress took a stand that it will not nominate more than one member from a family, the policy was overlooked after BJP MLA and minister Michale Lobo joined the party. On January 12, Michale, along with his wife Delilah, joined Congress.

The grand old party eventually fielded Michale from his home turf Calangute and nominated Delilah from the adjoining Siolim constituency. Lobo’s close aide, Kedar Naik also got a Congress nomination from neighbouring Saligao constituency.

Candidates family members appear to contest from constituencies adjacent to their relatives. This gives these powerful families a unique advantage to extend their political clout beyond their own respective constituencies.

Noted advocate and political analyst from the state, Cleofato Coutinho tells The Wire, “Earlier we had constituency strongmen, now they have extended their hold to the taluka-level. With fewer electors per constituency, these strongmen leaders have been easily manipulating floating voters with their money and muscle power. Parties ought to have taken a firm stand on dynastic politics as it has serious democratic repercussions. People like Babush and Vishwajit have no moral, ideological or democratic standpoint. In case of a hung assembly, the value of these ‘family lawmakers’ increases exponentially.”

The trend of nominating multiple members from a powerful family dates back to 1960s, when Goa’s first chief minister and founder of MGP Bhausaheb Bandodkar brought his daughter Shashikala Kakodkar into active politics. Shashikala later became Goa’s second chief minister.

In 2017, Congress nominated two members each from the Rane, Monserrate and Kavlekar families. The Ranes and Monserrates got tickets in North Goa, and the Kavlekars in South Goa.

Veteran Goa journalist and author, Sandesh Prabhudesai in his book Ajeeb Goa’s Gajab Politics writes, “With the advent of the 21st century began the era of Family Raj politics. The trend of Family Raj in politics coincides with the increasing trend of converting agricultural land into settlement and selling it to land sharks.”

Speaking to The Wire, Prabhudesai said this phenomena progresses across the party lines thanks to business interest and especially, the politics of land. “All are involved in land dealings. The wealth is shared; ministry portfolios or lucrative positions are shared and it also becomes convenient to defect,” he added.

Portugal: Socialist PM Antonio Costa Stuns With Majority Win in Snap Election

The result, boosted by a higher than expected turnout despite the coronavirus pandemic, comes as a surprise after the Socialists had lost most of their advantage in recent opinion polls.

Lisbon: Defying all odds, Portugal’s centre-left Socialists won an outright parliamentary majority in Sunday’s snap general election, securing a strong new mandate for Prime Minister Antonio Costa, a champion of balanced public accounts.

The result, boosted by a higher than expected turnout despite the coronavirus pandemic, comes as a surprise after the Socialists had lost most of their advantage in recent opinion polls, and means Portugal will have a stable government to oversee the application of EU pandemic recovery funds.

The vote was called in November after Costa‘s hard-left former Communist and Left Bloc allies joined the right in striking down his minority government’s budget.

The two far-left parties paid the price, losing more than a half of their seats, according to exit polls.

After last week’s opinion polls Costa had himself acknowledged that Portuguese did not want to give him a full majority and said he was prepared to strike alliances with like-minded parties, which is no longer necessary.

“An absolute majority doesn’t mean absolute power. It doesn’t mean to govern alone. It’s increased responsibility and it means to govern with and for all Portuguese,” Costa said in his victory speech.

Before the final results came in, Costa said the party had won 117 or 118 seats in the 230-seat parliament, up from 108 won in the 2019 election, and his supporters erupted in loud celebrations, singing old revolutionary anthem “Grandola” and waving flags.

Costa, who came to power in 2015 in the aftermath of a 2011-14 debt crisis, has presided over a period of steady economic growth that helped shrink the budget deficit and even eke out a small surplus in 2019, before the pandemic struck.

Still, Portugal remains western Europe’s poorest country and relies on EU pandemic recovery funds.

Economist Filipe Garcia, head of Informacao de Mercados Financeiros consultants in Porto, said investors would likely appreciate Costa‘s new strong mandate, given the government’s record cutting of the budget deficit.

“Furthermore, the Socialists will not need to compromise (with other parties), which guarantees stability and a clear line of action. The biggest challenge will be to promote potential growth,” he said.

The centre-right Social Democrats came a distant second at below 30% of the vote, according to provisional results, against the Socialists’ around 42%.

The far-right Chega emerged as the third-largest parliamentary force making a big leap from just one seat in the previous legislature to at least 11.

A stable government would bode well for Portugal’s access to a 16.6-billion-euro ($18.7 billion) package of EU pandemic recovery aid and its success in channelling funds into projects to boost economic growth.

With more than a tenth of Portugal’s 10 million people estimated to be isolated due to COVID-19, the government had allowed infected people to leave isolation and cast ballots in person, and electoral officials donned protection suits in the afternoon to receive them.

Turnout was on track to beat 2019’s record low 49% participation.

As in many European countries, infections have spiked, although vaccination has kept deaths and hospitalisations lower than in earlier waves.

(Reuters)