‘Consequences Against Nations Avoiding Sanctions Against Russia, Undermining Dollar’: US Official

US deputy national security adviser for economics Daleep Singh, who is currently on a visit in India, said that the US doesn’t want to see “rapid acceleration’’ of India’s energy imports from Russia.

New Delhi: Ahead of Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov’s two-day visit to New Delhi, the US deputy national security adviser for economics Daleep Singh has warned India that there will be consequences awaiting countries looking to avoid US sanctions against Russia.

This is the latest US missives to India on which ‘side’ to pick in the light of Russia’s attack on Ukraine and Washington’s response to it.

Speaking to journalists in New Delhi during the course of his visit to the country, US deputy national security adviser for economics Daleep Singh didn’t specify exactly what “consequences” may be in store, saying that these were a subject of private discussions, The Times of India reported.

“I came here in the spirit of friendship to explain the mechanism of our sanctions and the importance of joining us to express shared resolve and to advance shared interests. And yes, there are consequences for countries that seek to circumvent these sanctions,’’ he said.

However, he also added that the US has not set any ‘red lines’ for India. “Friends don’t set red lines. Our discussions were very similar to those with our partners in Europe and in Asia…which is to say over time we should share an interest in reducing our reliance on an unreliable energy supplier. And while we understand that will take time, we would not like to see any attempt to take advantage of the situation to rapidly increase energy supplies at cross purposes with the strategic objectives of this sanctions regime.”

Singh told reporters that the US doesn’t want to see “rapid acceleration’’ of India’s energy imports from Russia. He further mentioned that over time, it would be important to reduce the reliance on an “unreliable supplier”. “And while we understand that will take time, we would not like to see any attempt to take advantage of the situation to rapidly increase energy supplies at cross purposes with the strategic objectives of this sanctions regime“.

Earlier, the US had stated that the purchase of Russian oil would put India on the “wrong side of history”, to which Indian officials had pointed out that there were no sanctions on Russian oil exports. They had also said that the US’s European allies were still buying fuel from Russia. India had also said that countries with oil self-sufficiency “cannot credibly advocate restrictive trading”.

With Russia offering deep discounts, Indian Oil has reportedly bought three million barrels of Russian crude. There are also reports that India may import as much as 15 million barrels of crude from Russia this year. However, government officials have pointed out that Russia is a marginal supplier of crude oil to India, whereas most of these imports are from West Asia, including Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE.

Singh, who is spearheading US sanctions on Russia, further said that the US is very keen that all countries, particularly allies and partners, don’t create mechanisms that prop up Russia’s currency and undermine the dollar-based financial system.

Also read: Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine and India’s Diminishing Global Role

Security issues

In an interview to CNN-News18, Singh said that core principles underpinning peace and security all over the world are at stake.

“That is why we are imposing these costs on Russia and that is why we are helping Ukraine fight for its freedom,” he told the news channel. He added that if sanctions were not put against a dictator, in this case Russia, then the cost will be borne by all the democracies. “They might want to exert sphere of influence, perhaps on India’s borders. Those are not costs we are going to accept.”

He also highlighted India’s security matters and spoke about how strengthening ties between Russia and China may prove to be less favourable for India.

“The more Russia becomes China’s junior partner, the more leverage China gains over Russia, and the less and less favourable that is for India’s strategic posture…has anyone thought if China breaches the Line of [Actual] Control, Russia would come to India’s defence. I don’t,” he said.

Singh further said that the economic relationship between the US and India was a story of missed opportunities and misunderstandings. But he added that it is changing now. “The US is India’s top trading partner more than ten times as much as Russia. It is the second largest source of FDI in India. We are the fourth largest supplier of energy, both crude oil and natural gas, four times as much as Russia’s exports to India as a percentage of GDP.”

On whether there will be a rollback of sanctions, Singh said that even after pledging to scale back its military operations, Russia continued to bomb areas around Kyiv on Wednesday, March 30. “The truth is that Russia has been lying to the international community for over six months now about its intentions.”

Odisha: Displaced Tribal Activists Arrested for Protests, Slapped With Murder Charges

The activists had been protesting against their displacement by the state government and were demanding compensation promised to them by the National Committee for Scheduled Tribes.

New Delhi: The Bisra police on Monday, March 28, arrested 21 tribal activists in Odisha’s Rourkela for leading a protest of Adivasis displaced from in and around Bondamunda in the state’s Sundargarh district.

Among those arrested is activist Deme Oram who, alongside around 700 Adivasis and members of the Anchalik Surakshya Committee, has been on an indefinite dharna since March 16, protesting against their displacement and demanding justice as well as the implementation of various recommendations made by the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST).

The arrested activists were sent to 15-day custody at the Bisra police station, however, neither was a copy of the first information report (FIR) made available, nor were their whereabouts revealed initially.

The FIR, which is now available, has been registered under serious charges, including Indian Penal Code (IPC) Sections 147 (punishment for rioting), 148 (rioting, armed with a deadly weapon), 149 (unlawful assembly committed in prosecution of common object), 186 (punishment for obstructing a public servant in discharge of his public functions), 294 (obscene acts or songs in a public place), 307 (attempt to murder), among others.

A copy of the FIR by The Wire on Scribd

The police state that the arrests were made as the group illegally obstructed the construction of a road overbridge at the Kukuda gate in Bisra. However, a statement released in the support of activists claims that the arrests have been made to threaten and forcefully take over the tribals’ land.

“There is an attempt by the Odisha Government and Railway Authority to threaten the Adivasis with deployment of heavy police force to forcibly take possession of our lands,” the statement reads. “The land, about 4,000 acres in and around Bondamunda, was purportedly acquired in the years 1956-64 for setting up (a) marshalling yard in Bondamunda under the provisions of the Land Acquisition Act 1894.”

“The process of acquisition and the applicability of Act is in question,” the statement continues. “The government is not in possession of any details of the land, (which has not been) in its possession since then.” 

Also read: The Adivasi Struggle Against Environmental Injustice

The statement goes on to highlight that the tribal population in the region has been reiterating its long-standing demand for compensation and rehabilitation, however, these demands have been consistently ignored. 

Speaking to The Wire, advocate Sonal Tiwary, who has been following the case closely, said, “An FIR has been registered against 200 unknown persons; that means an entire village which was protesting could be arrested at any point. The charges against the tribals are absolutely fabricated.” 

“The Odisha government must intervene to ensure that the charges are dropped. The sections are extremely serious, including the ‘attempt to murder’ charge,” Tiwary continued.

“The case does not, however, amount to attempt to murder as there are two things in law: ‘intention’ and ‘attack’,” Tiwary said. “In this case, there is a clear absence of both from the side of the protestors and the charges appear to be entirely fabricated. The delay in the availability of the FIR (which is supposed to be made available within 24 hours) on the website also highlights that there is a targeted delay in the process of justice.” 

Activists state that Oram had observed such police action and had apprised the NCST of the situation. Oram had also contacted Jual Oram, the MP from the Sundargarh constituency and had shared a solidarity appeal with civil society groups to take action.

After the issue of land acquisition for the marshalling yard, was raised with the NCST, the commission had made a field visit to the location in 2018. Based on the visit, it had issued an order saying, “In many villages, land displaced persons (LDP) are living in pathetic conditions where no facilities have been provided to them. Following are the 2018 recommendations from the NCST, which include the provision for allocation of five acres of unirrigated land and two acres of irrigated land to each of the displaced Adivasi families. Alongside, a stay in the eviction of tribals.”

A bail application for the activists had been sent to an Odisha court, however, it stood rejected as of March 31.

Ethnography, Solidarity and Outrage in Kashmir: Reflections on Saiba Varma’s ‘Occupied Clinic’

Even while the letters attacking Varma have triggered a significant amount of noise, I found much of the debate disappointing for its brevity, shrillness and unanimity.

Saiba Varma’s book, Occupied Clinic: Militarism and Care in Kashmir (2020), documents implications of the ongoing militarisation and counterinsurgency in Kashmir through an intensive ethnography of mental health facilities in the region.

However, a few months ago, the context of its production came under attack when an anonymous Twitter account “Settler Scholarship”, claiming to represent Kashmiri scholars, charged the author with having failed to disclose her father’s professional involvement in counterinsurgency in Kashmir and thus having kept her informants and colleagues in the dark.

Saiba Varma, The Occupied Clinic
Militarism and Care in Kashmir. Duke University Press, 2020.

Given the prevailing conditions in Kashmir, the person or persons behind the anonymous handle said they felt too vulnerable to come out in the open and take a public stand. But they accused Varma of having violated academic ethics concerning informed consent, of having compromised trust and potentially endangering the lives of the people involved.

This was followed by a bunch of short letters of condemnation variously signed by expatriate Kashmiri and non-Kashmiri scholars working on Kashmir, Indian scholars and the wider academic community concerned about academic ethics, and a few popular articles. The letters – to which  Varma has also responded in a lengthy statement to The Wire – accused her of having failed to make a “full disclosure” to her informants during her fieldwork, and subsequently to her colleagues and collaborators. Some called for the publishers and the institutions she is affiliated with to disassociate themselves from her work for this reason. The book’s Indian publisher, Yoda Press, scrapped plans to bring out a local edition. As a consequence, her work can no longer be examined without a serious reflection on the controversy it has engendered. What follows are my views on what is at stake in the debate.

Besides the high voltage, and yet loosely conducted, debate on social media and short petitions that flew around rapidly, only a few considered pieces have appeared on the subject. These include an open letter by Varma addressed to Kashmiri scholars and her colleagues. What pushes me to write on the subject is my dissatisfaction with the manner in which the debate has proceeded, conflating a number of issues that emanate from the controversy.

But for the controversy that unfolded around it, Varma’s monograph would perhaps have passed off as yet another book length work on the impact of ongoing militarisation and political repression in Kashmir, ignored by the wider public and mostly confined to debates in specialist circles. Sometimes a non-salutary focus on a publication is helpful, if not to the author personally but for the issues that the work seeks to bring attention to. Varma’s book, the context of its production and the debate that it has generated each call for a close, critical examination.

Having encountered a few monumental ethnographies like Didier Fassin and Richard Rechtman’s Empire of Trauma (2009), and a few half-hearted efforts that sought to replicate them in Kashmir during my student and activist days, I have been a bit averse to the repetitive critiques of psycho-social interventions in political conflicts like Kashmir that do not add to what we already know. What compelled me to read Varma’s book was an invitation by a college to be a discussant on a panel that would engage with its contents. The controversy around the book broke out even as the deadline for the discussion was approaching. The proposed discussion soon became a casualty of the controversy. Therefore, I also paid attention to the tone and tenor of the charges that were being made against the author and the statements she made in her defence. but I felt that it was all the more important to engage with a book and an author who was being so vociferously condemned.

Like some of the other academic controversies that have raged in the past, I feel that this one is potentially productive in the sense that it forces us to think more seriously about the function of scholarship and scholarly writing in politically fraught contexts like Kashmir – the ethical concerns around such writing, the meaning of academic and ethical solidarity, and the outrage it sometimes engenders.

Even while the letters attacking Varma have triggered a significant amount of noise, I found much of the debate disappointing for its brevity, shrillness and unanimity, particularly because it concerns a book-length academic work on which the author has invested more than a decade. Such brevity and what appeared to be a rush to trash the scholar and her work – noticeably without any focus on the work itself – and the lack of engagement by experts in various fields, many of whom I hold in high esteem for their scholarship, seemed too facile and convenient. It appeared as though many of them were lazily shoring up their own reputations by getting themselves counted in favour of the campaign and in solidarity with Kashmir by simply signing a readymade petition.

It is not that Varma’s prior work has not been in circulation before. Some of it has been published in volumes edited and co-authored by the very scholars who were now condemning and disassociating themselves from her, as though there were nothing in their prior association with her and in her work in question to be discussed any more, nothing to reflect upon or redeem.

While this is better than the complete indifference with which work on Kashmir is often met, I expected a more troubled reflection from the scholars I value, at least a few of them, if only because the work was being so readily and unanimously condemned. I found it intriguing that a group of scholars from diverse academic backgrounds should come together and agree with such ease and readiness on a half-page letter of condemnation against a person, and her assumed failure to fully disclose and reflect on her background, and in the process dismiss her and her work without a pause or reflection.

Saiba Varma. Photo: University of California at San Diego

While Varma’s context is special, it made me wonder how many of us make our backgrounds absolutely transparent during our fieldwork or seriously engage with the implications of our prior histories in our work. It is my firm belief that a scholarly response to a book, a scholarly book for that matter, regardless of the context of its production and its limitations, should not be mere condemnation and boycott. Given the context, and being part of the community in question, I feel morally compelled to engage with the controversy and the work involved.

Also read: Does Nondisclosure of Familial Proximity to ‘Security State’ Compromise Research on Kashmir?

I begin with the disclaimer that I have never met the author and confess to not having read her work with diligence before. Regardless of its tone and tenor – and the personal and professional damage it may have rendered – the controversy forces us to engage with deeper questions: What is the social, psychic and political function of academic writing in contexts like Kashmir? How should academics respond to controversies like the one that unfolded around Varma’s work? What does ethical solidarity in such contexts mean?

I see three more or less independent strands that invite attention:

1. The author’s reasons for implicitly or explicitly revealing, selectively revealing or not revealing, her familial affiliation to her respondents, colleagues and collaborators during her fieldwork and afterwards;

2. The book in itself, what it does or does not do and the implication of her silence on the work, the place and the people involved; and

3. The extent of the author’s reflexive engagement with herself and her background or lack thereof in her work, and what it would amount to had it been otherwise.

Once a book or a manuscript is published, it acquires a life of its own. It is out there for people to engage with regardless of the author’s original intent or politics. Now that we have been made aware of the supposed silence of the author around her background and its potential implications on how the book must be received, scholars must not merely condemn the silence they see but attempt to understand and interpret it. The perceived silence and its implications exist as an additional text, an addendum to the book in question.

A book crafted with professional care

Let us move on to the book. What is it about? What work does the book do? Regardless of my apprehensions, I was pleasantly surprised when I finally managed to read the book. I expected theories on the proliferation of psychiatry and PTSD and affiliated discourses in contexts of war and conflict being applied to Kashmir. On the contrary, what I found was that though the book does take off from such prior scholarship, it moves on to harness local vocabulary as a counter-discourse to expert knowledge that operates in medical practice. It draws parallels between vocabularies and processes involved in three disparate domains – the clinical psychiatric practice, the processes of counterinsurgency that seek to tame politically subversive bodies and minds just like psychiatry, and the one involved in professional welfarist (care) services offered by the governmental and non-governmental interventions in Kashmir.

The professional care with which the work has been crafted does not seem to endanger its informants, in my view. My own field experience in Kashmir taught me that however hard I tried to explain the purpose of my endeavour, the people in various locations who chose to engage with me or let me be around them had their own understanding of what I was up to and sought to impress their worldview on me accordingly. Regardless of my protestations, I was often recognised variously as a journalist, an empathetic listener, a suspect figure, a political ally, a jobless nuisance, a potential benefactor or a friend.

Varma and her informants would have similarly worked out a relationship between themselves. Whether they feel betrayed by Varma regardless, because of what they did not know about her before, is something only they can say, not academics who aren’t engaged with them or even with Kashmir. The wider local opinion in Kashmir on the issue is difficult to gauge at the moment given the curbs on the media and increased suppression of opinion in Kashmir since August 5, 2019.

Though the flourishes of descriptive language bordering on the exotification of Kashmir is not something that I am comfortable with, I would not regard it as a serious impediment to understand the critical import of the book. Throughout the work, the author is acutely conscious of herself as a privileged Indian who finds herself largely insulated from everyday risks and humiliations that native Kashmiris are subject to by various instruments of the militarised state on a daily basis. At the same time, she is aware of her own vulnerability as just another human being working in a politically charged, militarised to the teeth context.

Even as Varma displaces the meanings of lazily deployed words like Care, Siege, Disturbed Area, Disappeared, Shock, Disbelief, Gratitude and Duty by imbuing them with varied local senses, she comes into her own while she dwells on the vernacular used by her informants. She labours to translate the meanings of dense words they invoke and theorises on some of them at length. At times I liked the train of her thought so much that I wished for more.

Detail of cover of The Occupied Clinic

Varma deploys the concepts she thus chisels out against the vocabularies of psychiatric treatment, torture and formal facilities of care that often serve to violently mutilate what people actually desire or what actually ails them by force-fitting these into categories their respective domains trade in. The institutions involved measure their success and failure in their own terms and run their procedures with total disregard to what people are trying to say, claim and at times give up their lives for.  Thus, animation of local words like Kamzori (35-42), Karant (115-116), or the locally appropriated English ones like Duty (196-199) help Varma texture the worldview of ordinary Kashmiri subjects even as she renders these words into discursive tools to subvert the cold instrumental rationality of what she sees as the occupation of Kashmir and the “scientific” psychiatric practice based on expert knowledge.

Anthropological/ethnographic writing is wide-ranging and diverse, both in style and content. While some scholars maintain an objective and distanced tone and tenor in their writing, treating the self, the home and the field as exclusive domains not to be muddled up in their analysis, others overtly reflect on the inter-subjective processes, turning the reflection on the self or the transformation it undergoes in the course of fieldwork as the most critical and profound means of knowing the other. While in practice, individual writers may variously place themselves on the one or the other end of the objective-subjective spectrum, for an Indian scholar, whose Indianness is a given, what is an ethnographic encounter with militarisation, state terror and violence in Kashmir if not a radical encounter with the most abhorrent and demonic aspects of one’s own self – the self that one is born into, the unconscious fabric of ones being, the one that by its very nature remains unexamined or unexaminable unless it is brought face-to-face with radical alterity? If this is taken to be true, can such a radical encounter ever be complete without the unravelling of the self?

While much of Indian scholarship on Kashmir is oblivious of its authorial stance, anthropological fieldwork and ethnography as a mode of reflection and writing carries within it the possibility of radical transformation of the self. This inception of knowledge is more than mere virtue-signalling or a site to affirm or exhibit one’s prior political convictions. The controversy around Varma’s work brings to the fore the paucity and necessity of reflexive Indian writing on Kashmir.

The addendum: Making sense of the issues not explored

In response to the controversy, Varma has elaborated on her reasons for sharing, partially sharing or not sharing her background in various contexts but, intriguingly, there is limited, if any, engagement with the question prior to that in the book itself. How are we to make sense of this?

The lack of engagement of the author with her own background can be read either as a conscious strategic choice or a failure to consider that it would at some point invite attention. The conscious choice may at best be seen as an avoidance of an unnecessary digression from what she chose to be the focus of her work – which is the clinical, psychiatric practice in militarised and traumatised Kashmir. At worst, it can be seen as concealment of a troubling detail, perhaps warranted by the fear that it might invite adverse attention, which it eventually did. We can also see it as a sign of privilege that allows for people of a certain class and background to seamlessly convert one kind of social and cultural capital into another, a luxury not equally available to all.

Why does Varma not reflect on herself and her background in her work that concerns mental health and trauma induced by counterinsurgency when her own self is indirectly but intimately – via her father – implicated in the project? Prior to that question, we may ask why she chose to work on Kashmir given (or in spite of) her father’s professional involvement in the region. In one place, Varma suggests that this choice was incidental – a result of a casual suggestion made by a colleague before she had herself thought of it. Why militarisation, why counterinsurgency and mental health? Why in Kashmir? We do not have access to Varma’s interiority. In its absence, we can only speculate on the possibilities.

Though Varma may not have a specific reason to offer for this – many scholars working on different subjects may also not be able to come up with specific reasons for why they chose to study X or Y – perhaps her father’s role as a counterinsurgent unconsciously animated her choice. Even while he may not have spoken to her about his work, he would invariably have brought the affect home. This makes me think of the awkward intimacies described in Carl Sandburg’s poem ‘‘The Hangman at Home’ that was taught in school. Such silences speak louder than words.

If we assume that to be the case, why would the scholar in Varma not make it a subject of her analysis? Several lines of research suggest themselves:

  • What does it mean to be the offspring of a counterinsurgent, an intelligence official or a police officer implicated in a dirty war against a civilian population and its political aspirations?
  • Given the context, what are the implications of her father’s silence about the nature of the work he undertook in Kashmir?
  • Given the shared geography of their work and overlapping areas of interests, though they approach these from the opposite ends of the political spectrum, why was there no exchange of ideas around this between them? However awkward, this is something that one would expect in the intimacy of a father-daughter relationship.
  • Is the work at hand to be read as an unconscious attempt to process the implication of those silences or a sign of blindness to them? Given that our subjectivity blinds us, particularly to the most intimate aspects of our selves, how is that silence or blindness to be made sense of in the context?

Posed differently, how do we understand the sons and (mostly) daughters of Indian officers involved in the most repressive, masculinised professions aligned with the Indian establishment, frequently venturing into empathetic intellectual and activist enterprises in Kashmir or similar places elsewhere? Is this mere opportunism? Is this guilt or an outcome of an ethical compulsion felt towards the other? Or is there some other psychodynamic process involved? What do such ventures tell us about human psyche and its ability or need to work through its inherited liabilities or the opaqueness and obstinacy of social conditioning? In short, do we read it as a sign of hope or despair?

I have no ready answers to offer to these questions, but feel inclined to read the author’s work as an unacknowledged, perhaps unconscious, processing of the awkward silence that may have operated between father and daughter.

Gowhar Fazili teaches sociology at Ambedkar University Delhi.

‘CODA’, ‘Jalsa’ and the Road to Better Disability Representation on Indian Screens

Cinema is responsible for perpetuating stereotypes, and more often than not, people with disabilities are at the receiving end.

This article was originally published on The Wire Scienceour website dedicated to science, health and environment reportage and analysis. Follow, read and share.

In the Deaf community, the capital letter ‘D’ is often used to denote deafness as a culture, whereas the lower case ‘d’ signifies deafness as a pathology. This is an accepted and proper term to use when describing Deaf people, according to major organisations representing them.

As a medical doctor and a disabled person myself, I know that Deafness is considered a deficit in the medical model of disability, as we call it “hearing loss”. On the other hand, it’s called “Deaf gain” in the Deaf culture, to honour the social model of disability and respect the disability identity for its uniqueness, while embracing diversity in the process.

It was all gain for the American Deaf actor and director Troy Kotsur as he won the prestigious Academy Award for the best supporting actor in the film CODA (2021), at the recently concluded Oscars ceremony. As such, he made history as the first Deaf man to win an Oscar.

In addition, for his brilliant performance portraying a Deaf father in CODA, of the seven awards for which he was nominated, he won six. The heart-warming family drama has a non-Deaf protagonist: the parents (Kotsur and Marlee Matlin) and older brother (Daniel Durant) are all Deaf, and remarkably, they have been played by Deaf performers.

A still from ‘CODA’.

‘Cripping up’

Thus far, only three of 28 Oscar winners who have played characters with disabilities were actually actors with disabilities. The American war veteran Harold Russell, who lost his hands in the Second World War, was the first actor with a disability to win an Oscar, for The Best Years of Our Lives in 1946Marlee Matlin, who was Kotsur’s co-star in CODA, was the first woman with a disability to win an Oscar in 1987, for Children of a Lesser God. Troy completed the hat-trick this year.

The journey towards inclusion and disability visibility has not been that easy. Keely Cat-Wells, a film agent who lost her job due to disability discrimination, launched the #DontDismissDis campaign in 2021. Eighty actors and entertainment industry executives signed an open letter criticising Hollywood’s prejudice and discrimination against disabled actors. They made public the ‘Hollywood Horror Stories’ – anonymous stories from disabled actors about how they were treated.

In the UK, the British Film Institute’s ‘Press Reset’ campaign addressed the negative effects of ableism and called on the film industry to improve how it works with disabled talent both backstage and in front of the camera. The English actor Sally Phillips, who has a child with Down Syndrome and scripted the documentary A World Without Down’s Syndrome, criticised actors for ‘cripping up’ – i.e. non-disabled actors taking on disabled roles – thus denying fair representation to actors with disabilities.

According to the 2021 Nielsen/RespectAbility study, which coincided with the 31st anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities Act, content featuring depictions of disability has increased by more than 175% in the last decade, but the majority of those roles were played by actors who didn’t have those disabilities.

The Australian singer Sia’s directorial debut Music (2021) was criticised for cripping up after she cast a neurotypical actor for the role of its non-verbal autistic protagonist. Disability advocates were specifically furious over the scenes in which the protagonist was put prone-restraint, a method of subduing autistic people that has resulted in several mishaps.

On the contrary, the 2020 Netflix documentary film Crip Camp: A Disability Revolution, which chronicled the Disability Rights Movement in the US, was hailed for its accurate representation of disability. It was scripted, directed and performed by people with disabilities.

OTT platforms like Netflix have provided opportunities for people to learn more about disabilities. Atypical (2017-21), A Quiet Place (2018 and 2020), The Good Doctor (five seasons) and As We See It (2022) all explore the complexities of life and relationships – as well as the rarely discussed issues at the intersection of queer sexualities and disabilities, and how they disrupt social ‘normalcy’.

Despite these in other parts of the world, Indian popular media still lags behind in correct representations of disability. The misrepresentation of disability in Indian films, web series and advertising is widely prevalent – and one of the main reasons why stereotypes about people with disabilities still persist in our society.

The young ghost in Netflix India’s Tamil eco-horror Boomika (2021) was said to have autistic features, but the symptoms portrayed onscreen resemble those of cerebral palsy. A similar portrayal of an autistic adult, played by Priyanka Chopra, was sketchy in Barfi! (2012).

Aanand L. Rai’s supposedly ‘weird’ experimentation on disability continued to misfire in Zero (2021) and Atrangi Re (2021). The former had three characters with disabilities (dwarfism, cerebral palsy and low vision) and failed miserably, even through the lens of cinematic prosthesis. The latter dealt with schizophrenia but only belittled mental health.

In fact, it was painful to watch the psychiatrist in the film mocking mental health conditions and initiating treatment that violated consent.

Also read: India Has a Long Road Ahead to Combat Challenges Faced by Persons With Disabilities

Diminished sense is not diminished life

Spider-Man taught us that, “With great power comes great responsibility,” but the superstars of Indian cinema only continue to mock people with disabilities. Amitabh Bachchan teamed up with the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) in one advertisement to mock a wheelchair as a sign of weakness and indirectly promoted the locking-up of senior citizens and people with disabilities.

For the ‘missing’ billion people with disabilities, a wheelchair is a sign of independence and empowerment – not tragedy. Nagesh Kukunoor, who won a National Award for best film on a social cause (Iqbal, 2005), used a similar trope in his City of Dreams 2 (2021), to reinforce the disability stereotype that those in wheelchairs are helpless.

Such attempts dehumanise and devalue the lives of wheelchair-users. It is the disabling infrastructure that we need to fix, not us. Even the visually impaired who are thriving using technology were mocked by an advertisement featuring Jim Sarbh on ‘The Internet is Blind’, which linked blindness with incapability. I promptly lodged a complaint with the Advertising Standards Council of India (ASCI), which led to to its removal from YouTube.

Similarly, Rohit Shetty’s Golmaal series continued to mock those with speech impairments until the Indian Stammering Association sued him. Actor Shreyas Talpade defended Shetty thus: “If these issues continue, then we will have to make silent films.” Messrs Shetty and Talpade could perhaps take a leaf out of the book of Siddharth P. Malhotra, whose Hichki (‘Hiccup’, 2018) sensitised the audience towards the prejudice and social stigma that individuals with Tourette syndrome face.

These filmmakers need to learn that speech and hearing are not necessarily superior modes of communication. In the American post-apocalyptic horror film A Quiet Place (2018), director John Krasinski cast 13-year old Deaf actress Millicent Simmonds for the character of a Deaf teenager in the film. She delivered an accurate portrayal of those who use cochlear implants, and also sensitised people and the film’s crew about American Sign Language.

Simmonds played the protagonist role in the sequel as well.

From Meri Jung

Films inspire you. The characters define you. As a nine-year old boy with polio, I was determined to fight discrimination after watching Anil Kapoor play the quintessential advocate Arun Verma in Meri Jung (‘My Battle’, 1985). What followed was a 35-year tradition of watching Anil Kapoor’s films on the first day of their release. Initially, it was the first day, first show, but after joining medical college, I had to adjust it to the first day, any show.

Dr Satendra Singh and Anil Kapoor on the sets of ’24’. Photo @drsitu

The characters in the films used the L-word (a derogatory term translating to “cripple” in English) repeatedly. There was an eerie silence during the intermission, as my children knew then of my disability activism. My nine-year old son was visibly upset. “The language is not good, papa,” he told me. Over the years, my children joined me as it became a celebration, after buying the music cassettes in advance and booking the show. The three-and-a-half decades of tradition came to an end in 2019, when Total Dhamaal came out.

In the film, after the intermission, my Bollywood superstar uttered those words as well. I have been bullied about my physical disability by people as high as a school teacher in my class. People have uttered the L-word as well. Only ten months ago, Anil Kapoor featured with his (real-life) daughter in Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga (‘How I Felt When I Saw That Girl’, 2019). She delivered a very sensitive portrayal of a closeted lesbian.

Sitting in the hall, the scene from the movie flashed in my mind where Sonam Kapoor speaks to Anil for the first time about her sexual orientation.

“I would never go against you, dad, if this was just about me. But it’s about all those children who spend their entire lives in loneliness, craving just one word of understanding, whose childhood is spent trying to find some way, anyway, to get accepted, to fit in. Anyway, to make their classmates stop laughing.”

The Central Board of Film Certification has issued a circular on the list of objectionable words that are not to be admitted under any category of the certificate (including in regional films). Unfortunately, the list does not feature any of the foul words directed at people with disabilities. This was despite the rights of the Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 being in force and including a provision for a penalty if “anyone intentionally insults or intimidates with the intent to humiliate a person with disability in any place within public view”.

For all these reasons, I was sceptical when I first learned of Suresh Triveni’s recent film Jalsa (‘Celebration’, 2022), which featured a child with cerebral palsy. But what I didn’t know was that the ten-year-old character of Ayush Menon was actually played by Surya Kasibhatla, a child with cerebral palsy. The reason I didn’t notice was because of Kasibhatla’s flawless performance.

Also read: ‘Jalsa’ – Solid and Motivated Throughout – Defies Expectations and Is a Must Watch

Never for a single moment did I think that the character was fake, and that is perhaps the biggest compliment, as he was pitched against three brilliant performers: Rohini Hattangadi, Vidya Balan and Shefali Shah.

Cinema is responsible for perpetuating stereotypes, and more often than not, people with disabilities are at the receiving end. Often, non-disabled actors portray disabled characters without understanding the disability. The stories that cinema narrates affect our individual life stories. Hollywood and Bollywood films – such as Me Before You (2016) and Guzaarish (2010) – have depicted quadriplegics as being dissatisfied with their lives, with real-world implications.

It is not just disabled people that have received the short shrift. Non-disabled viewers may leave the theatre assuming that all quadriplegics are unhappy and merely wish to die. In an interview, Vidya Balan said Jalsa was a celebration of life with its ups and downs. The same is true for people with disabilities: they are not ‘supercrips’ to serve as inspiration porn or who await your pity to end up being dehumanised.

Surya Kasibhatla on the sets of Jalsa (2022). Source: YouTube

Pay us, don’t play us

The title of the film CODA refers to the concluding note in a musical composition as well as ‘Child of Deaf Adults’. Either way, it represents a fitting culmination to highlight the struggle of performers with disabilities in the film industry. First, they are not picked to play roles of disabled actors on-screen; then, they are not consulted during production; and finally, when they do bag such roles, they are not paid on par with other actors.

In 2016, the Lux perfume portrait of Katrina Kaif by Bhavesh Patel won gold at the Goafest ABBY Awards. Uniquely, the photoshoot was the work of a born-blind photographer. Guided by Kaif’s perfumed scent, Patel proved what his mentor – Partho Bhowmick of Blind With Camera – had reportedly taught him; that a diminished sense does not mean a diminished life. (It also demonstrated that beauty isn’t restricted to the eye of the beholder.)

Patel was paid the industry standard and was treated with dignity by all stakeholders. After the shoot, he said, “VIP (visually impaired person) has become a VIP (very important person).”

Jalsa may also lead the way in films, as Surya Kasibhatla was also paid the standard for child artists without disability. We must follow Suresh Triveni’s lead for all future films.

This said, the Indian entertainment industry has a long way to go. If it really wants to be inclusive, it must start the disability discourse by, for and with people with disabilities. Be it with the script, the sets or the acting, people with disabilities bring the richness of their lived experiences to bear as directors, producers, script-writers and performers. This is all we need to make this world a better, more empathetic place for everyone, with or without a disability.

Dr Satendra Singh is the founder of ‘Doctors with Disabilities: Agents of Change in India’ and co-chair of International Council for Disability Inclusion in Medical Education. Views are personal.

‘Mahapaapis’, Bootleggers and Liquor Tourism: Nitish Govt’s Trials With Its Own Prohibition Law

From opposition politicians to alliance partners and even the Supreme Court, Bihar’s prohibition law has pleased few.

New Delhi: Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar has called alcohol consumers “mahapaapis” or sinners and said they were “not Hindustani”.

The Bihar assembly on Wednesday introduced and passed an amendment bill that seeks to make the state’s liquor ban less stringent for first-time offenders in the state.

The Bihar Prohibition and Excise (Amendment) Bill, 2022, will allow first-time offenders to get bail from a duty magistrate after they deposit a fine, failure to pay which will get an offender a one-month jail term.

At a debate on the amendment, Member of Legislative Council Sunil Singh – of the Rashtriya Janata Dal – had asked for cases pending against drinkers to be dropped and for them to be released from jail. Opposing this, Nitish said, according to Indian Express, “I would call them mahapaapi. I would say those who are not following Mahatma Gandhi are not even Hindustanis. They are incompetent people.”

While tabling the bill, Prohibition and Excise Minister Sunil Kumar also struck a similar tone. “Innocent persons will not be harassed, while the guilty ones will not be spared,” he said.

Even though opposition parties alleged that several suggested amendments were ignored in the house, the amendment to the bill is widely being regarded as tacit acceptance by the Nitish’s government that the state’s prohibition law has been ineffectively implemented.

Multiple deaths arising from consumption of illegally made liquor has led to the chief minister coming under attack from alliance partner BJP and opposition RJD. Hooch tragedies in the state have claimed more than 60 lives in the last six months of 2021.

Kusum Devi of Champaran showing a photo of her husband, who died in November after consuming spurious liquor. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray

Not just opposition and Bihar’s residents, the law has also been criticised by the Supreme Court which said that it has even affected the functioning of the Patna high court, which has been occupied with granting bail to those arrested under the law.

In a public programme, Justice Ramana termed the Bihar government’s prohibition law as a model of short-sightedness.

Disproportionate penalising

In January 2022, The Wire was one of the first to analyse why Bihar’s liquor law amendments too are likely to invoke dissatisfaction. This is largely thanks to who they affect.

Umesh Kumar Ray scanned through more than 30 uploaded FIRs lodged in 2021 in Vaishali district’s Baligaon police station under the liquor law, and found that 28 of these FIRs were against Dalits and Mahadalits.

Ray spoke to one Jitendra Sahni who drives for the Patna Municipal Corporation. “Police officials of Gardanibagh police station had raided the adjoining Yarpur slum on September 19, and had found Sahni’s identity card in his room. Later an FIR was lodged against him for allegedly running an illegal liquor business,” the report says.

Sahni has been in jail since he went to collect his identity card from the police station. His family has maintained that he was never involved in liquor trade.

Women left feeling cheated

The issue of prohibition and its implementation was also a key issue in the assembly election in Bihar in 2021, when The Wire‘s report had highlighted how key voter banks had been disappointed with the Nitish government’s actions.

The very women who had welcomed prohibition in 2015 were disappointed with the parallel routes it ignited.

Women in Belchhi’s Paswan tola. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta

The ground report by Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta reflects how the poorest women of the Pasi community, who are palm toddy sellers, have been at the mercy of police since the ban was introduced and in spite of the fact that the ban on toddy sale was reversed by the government in 2016.

“No one left drinking. But from time to time, poor people like us are arrested even while big players in the liquor mafia are roaming free,” Rama Chaudhary had said, adding that simply participating in the black market meant spending more money.

In a heavily patriarchal political ecosystem, Nitish’s schemes like Jeevika (a women-run SHG scheme), free education for women, cycles to girl students, and reservation of 50% seats for them in Panchayati Raj institutions helped break traditional caste-based political equations.

Yet, prohibition and an alleged increase in petty corruption at the village and block level led to a large section of women feeling cheated by the policy and the chief minister who brought them.

‘Dry’ Bihar?

Even earlier, in 2019, a two-part series on The Wire by Zumbish unveiled the myth of Bihar being a state which did not condone alcohol.

A thriving black market, coupled with police condoning excesses and the sheer power that bootleggers displayed had solidified the fact that the law itself was not enough.

“It’s ironical that many tribal women function as bootleggers in a state where the law was an outcome of women protests against alcoholism. But this isn’t a common scenario. These are women from a section of society lured into bootlegging. They slip liquor pouches into vegetable baskets and sell them with the help of locals,” Girdhari Ram, an activist had told The Wire.

Not just vegetable baskets, but practically all livelihoods could be used as cover for liquor sellers, who could be barbers and boatmen alike – as noted in this report.

In addition, a tourist element was also introduced. Villages on the Indo-Nepal border saw people moving to neighbouring Nepal for a quick drink, so much so that the reporter noted that sarais were mushrooming on the other side of the border to serve liquor to consumers from Bihar.

RS Polls for 6 Seats in Three States Underway; Seven MPs Elected Unopposed

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday bid farewell to the retiring Rajya Sabha members, saying: “We have spent a long time in this parliament. This House has contributed a lot to our lives, more than we have contributed to it.”

New Delhi: The elections for six seats of the Rajya Sabha in three states began on Thursday, March 31 even as the Upper House bid farewell to 72 members who have taken part in their final session.

While elections were supposed to be conducted for 13 seats, the Congress and the BJP did not field their candidates for the five seats from Punjab, thereby allowing the five Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) nominees to get elected unopposed. Similarly, the Congress did not oppose the BJP nominee’s candidature from Himachal Pradesh. And in Nagaland, S. Phangnon Konyak had been declared elected unopposed earlier

The elections now are taking place for six seats. Of these two are in Assam, three in Kerala, and one in Tripura.

Last week, five Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) MPs were elected unopposed from Punjab, as the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) did not field their candidates. The five candidates picked by AAP were Delhi MLA Raghav Chadha, IIT-Delhi professor Sandeep Pathak, chancellor of Lovely Professional University Ashok Mittal, industrialist Sanjeev Arora and former cricketer Harbhajan Singh.

In Himachal Pradesh, BJP’s Sikander Kumar got elected unopposed replacing Congress’s Anand Sharma – who was part of the ‘G-23 group’ of the Congress leaders who are seeking internal reforms in the party.

S. Phangnon Konyak – Nagaland’s first woman Rajya Sabha MP – was elected unopposed from the state.

Also read: From ‘Avoidable’ to ‘Necessary’: How BJP’s Narrative on Fuel Price Hikes Changed

Outcome of three seats almost a certainty in Kerala

The three seats falling vacant in Kerala are those of Congress leader and former Union minister A.K. Antony; Loktantrik Janata Dal MP and managing director of Mathrubhumi publications M. V. Shreyams Kumar; and Communist Party of India (Marxist) MP Somaprasad K.

In Kerala, going by the current strength of the assembly (it has 99 MLAs in the 140-member house), the Left Democratic Front can win two of the seats. The Left Democratic Front has fielded All India president of the Democratic Youth Federation of India, A.A. Rahim, and CPI Kannur district secretary, P. Santhosh Kumar.

Meanwhile, the Congress has declared the state chief of its women’s wing, Jebi Mather, as its Rajya Sabha candidate.

Congress may lose out in Assam

In Assam, Congress’s Ranee Narah and Ripun Bora will retire in April. However, the party has retained Bora as its candidate this time.

Meanwhile, the BJP has fielded its spokesperson, Pabitra Margherita, and Rwngwra Narzary, the candidate of its alliance partner United Peoples Party Liberal’s (UPPL). The saffron party is confident of winning both the seats due to its strength in the House, where it has 83 of the 126 MLAs.

A candidate needs 43 votes to get elected in this state.

The problem for the Congress here is its former ally the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF). Ahead of the polls, the state Congress accused the AIUDF of “selling” five of its lawmakers to benefit the ruling BJP and its allies.

The AIUDF has committed to support only Bora. A split in votes could end up benefiting the saffron party.

In Tripura, the lone seat has been left vacant by the Left Front’s Jharna Das Baidya, who is among the 13 MPs set to retire.

While the BJP has fielded its state president, Manik Saha, who had joined the party in 2016, the CPI(M) has fielded former Tripura finance minister and sitting MLA, Bhanu Lal Saha.

The BJP has 33 MLAs in the assembly; its ally, the Indigenous People’s Front of Tripura, has eight MLAs while the CPI(M) has 15 legislators in the House.

PM Modi bids farewell to retiring MPs

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday bid farewell to the retiring Rajya Sabha members, saying: “We have spent a long time in this parliament. This House has contributed a lot to our lives, more than we have contributed to it. The experience gathered as a member of this House should be taken to all four directions of the country.”

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi interacts with senior Congress leader Mallikarjun Kharge during a photo session with retiring members of Rajya Sabha, in the second part of the Budget Session, at Parliament, in New Delhi, Thursday, March 31, 2022. Photo: PTI

“Our Rajya Sabha members have a lot of experience…sometimes experience has more power than academic knowledge. We will say to the retiring members ‘come again’,” the prime minister said.

Mallikarjun Kharge, leader of the Congress in the Rajya Sabha, recalled the contribution of former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in strengthening the traditions of the Upper House. “Nehruji provided Rajya Sabha with power and integrity. He made the Rajya Sabha MPs the members of various committees. Except, in the case of Money Bills, both the Houses are equally powerful,” he said.

“Rajya Sabha is a permanent House, some members will retire while some others will come, it’ll go on forever. We might have difference of opinions but we have to ensure that we work efficiently,” he added.

As 72 members will be retiring from the Rajya Sabha, it will change the strength of various parties in the House. Meanwhile, Rajya Sabha chairman Venkaiah Naidu is due to host a dinner for the retiring MPs on Thursday.

Some of the prominent MPs from the Rajya Sabha who are retiring are Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman; Union textiles, industry, commerce and food minister Piyush Goyal; former Union ministers Jairam Ramesh and P. Chidambaram of the Congress. Among the other MPs are Union minister Praful Patel of the Nationalist Congress Party; Sanjay Raut of the Shiv Sena; nominated MPs Subramanian Swamy, actor Roopa Ganguly and boxer MC Mary Kom, and former Union minister, journalist and BJP MP M.J. Akbar; Sukhdev Singh and Naresh Gujral of the Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal), Partap Singh Bajwa and Shamsher Singh Dullo of the Congress, and Shwait Malik of the BJP.

The Battle of Pollilur: Revisiting the Footnotes of History

A painting on the Battle of Pollilur has been sold in London for £630,000, as part of a Sotheby’s auction. The history of the painting serves as a metaphor for the violence that accompanied colonial expansionism.

On September 10, 1780, the forces of the Kingdom of Mysore led by Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan decimated the East India Company (EIC) soldiers under Colonel William Baillie in the Battle of Pollilur. It was fought on the scrubby Deccan terrain punctuated by towering monoliths, about 15 km north of the modern-day Kanchipuram.

A spectacular panoramic artwork depicting this historic moment was sold in London on March 30, 2022, for £630,000 as part of a Sotheby’s auction of Arts from the Islamic World and India.

According to the BBC, historian William Dalrymple has described this 32-foot painting from the 19th century as “arguably the greatest Indian picture of the defeat of colonialism that survives”.

Battle of Pollilur painting © Otto Money | Photography by Todd-White (By Appointment to Her Majesty the Queen).

The Battle of Pollilur

The Battle of Pollilur was one of the key engagements in the second Anglo-Mysore war fought between 1780 and 1784. The colonial narratives of the period and those of the next century often emphasised the defeat of local rulers and the conquest of their states to promote the myth of European military superiority in arms and strategy. For this reason, the moments from the third and fourth Anglo-Mysore Wars find greater representation in artistic works.

The nationalist historians from the early 20th century emphasised these humiliations and betrayals to forge cross-community unity against British domination. The divisions and short-sightedness of regional rulers that allowed the sub-continent to come under imperial rule was attributed to the policy of Divide et Imperia – divide and rule. It is therefore unsurprising that a painting depicting the victory of an Indian king does not find an easy place within either of these perspectives.

Contemporary scholarship has taken a more circumspect view of this period, and insights have emerged from a body of literature concerned with the various contingent factors that led to a sharp disparity in development between Asia and the rest of the world during the late 18th century. This debate about a great divergence between Europe and Asia, sometimes privileges economic factors over sociocultural ones. However, there is also a recognition of subtle forms of violence that accompanied colonial expansionism, and in India, systematic deindustrialisation. Certain kinds of stories and knowledge systems were erased.

The history of the painting, and the mural in Daria Daulat Bagh that it is based upon, serves as a metaphor for this kind of violence. When it was commissioned sometime after 1784, the mural commemorated the victory and the transition of power that had taken place from Hyder to Tipu in 1782. It was subsequently whitewashed and re-painted during the period of British occupation after 1799. The copy, which is going on sale, is believed to have been created sometime around 1820.

Also read: Tipu Sultan: The Forgotten Connection With India’s First Sepoy Mutiny

According to Otto Money, the current owner of this copy, “The painting is made on thin paper (attached to thicker paper beneath), a bit like tracing paper, on which the artist or artists made an underdrawing sketched in charcoal before applying colour.” The bright colours of this painting are quite unlike the mural, and other copies that are known to exist. According to colonial records, experimental use of colours available at the time, for example, sky blue horses also featured at some point, but they seem to have disappeared from extant versions.

An exhaustive study of the mural has been made by Dr. Veena Shekar, in her book Historical Paintings of Srirangapatna: A Stylistic Study, published posthumously in 2010 after her untimely death. According to Otto, the book “is one of the most interesting on the whole subject.”

As Dr. Shekar suggests, a good referent for the style of the artwork is found in the inspiration for the Daria Daulat Bagh complex – the Chehel Sotoun in Isfahan, in modern day Iran. The miniature style adopted for the frescos in this complex, such as the portrayal of the Battle of Chaldiran in 1514, reveals rich texture, and the substance of the battle plays out in a manner quite different from a moment frozen in time – a distinct feature of English propaganda art of the period.

In the miniature style, the narrative unfolds in a conflation of time and space. The visual centre of the painting is occupied by the thundering mass of Mysore cavalry. According to historical records, the Tipu force numbered some 6,000 horsemen, with 12 light and six heavy guns, along with supporting infantry. Hyder Ali commanded another detachment, with both of these smaller formations peeling off from the main body of the Mysore army which was besieging Arcot. At the start of the hostiles in July 1780, the Mysore cavalry alone numbered almost 40,000.

The East India Company forces, suffering desertions and uncoordinated leadership, formed a defensive square on a patch of high ground, with the Scotsman William Baillie leading a final stand. His story, documented in a piece of revisionist history by a descendant, Alan Tritton, is detailed in the book When the Tiger Fought the Thistle: The Tragedy of Colonel William Baillie of the Madras Army.

Mysore light cavalry had multiple advantages in this battle – knowledge of the terrain, manoeuvrability and speed. The bullock depicted inside the English square reveals an interesting detail. The East India Company forces were underpaid, under-resourced and short of accurate maps of the area. The East India Company artillery pieces were often hitched or limbered to bullocks, and the creatures were in short supply.

When the East India Company infantry was cut off from the safety of Kanchipuram and the stronghold of Fort St. George in Madras where a larger English force remained encamped (and unwilling to rally with Scottish troops!), they were caught in a double envelopment movement by Mysore cavalry, encircled and routed.

There is nothing particularly European about this tactic, and it can be dated back to use by Alexander the Great and Hannibal.

Also read: Understanding Tipu Sultan, Warrior and Dreamer

The re-emergence of rocketry

In this battle, the quick manoeuvres, the deft placement of guns using embankments and features, and the novel use of horse and rocketry to harass the enemy are all noteworthy.

The closely massed, normally unflinching East India Company troops broke and ran when the Mysorean Army laid down a rocket barrage in their midst. Photo: Charles H. Hubbell/Wikimedia Commons/CC BY-SA 4.0

The statement that Tipu defeated the British with European tactics is therefore “ungenerous”. At best it belies a poor awareness of the confluence of military cultures of the region, and at worst it reproduces a racist colonial myth of superiority. In this engagement we can see the signature disruptions linked to main thrusts, redolent of Pindari raiders, the mobile artillery of Ahmednagar and innovative tactics of the iron-cased rocketry of Mysore at play. The least palatable aspect of the battle is the total destruction of the enemy unit, which was denied the possibility of any retreat.

The most interesting feature of this battle, from the perspective of strategic history, is the re-emergence of rocketry. Rockets had declined in significance as a tool for bombardment with improvements in mortar fire. At Pollilur they made an emphatic reappearance, restricting the East India Company’s vanguard movement, skimming along the surface, lacerating troops, and in one specific instance, shattering an Ensign’s leg.

Professor Roddam Narasimha, who has detailed their use in the third Anglo-Mysore war, also suggests that a stray rocket might have been a contributory cause to the East India Company’s defeat at Pollilur – marked by the accidental detonation of the East India Company’s ammunition tumbrils. The ammunition on fire is depicted in the painting. According to historical records, a fire did break out on the night of September 9, prior to the final charge that broke the East India Company square. However, the actual cause of the detonation is clouded by the fog of war.

The rockets are a footnote in the battle characterised by cavalry manoeuvres; they are entirely absent in the mural and painting. The tactical usage of rockets and their deployments is an area for further research, allied to the recent breakthrough discoveries in their material culture. When read against older ballistics-informed assessments of the range and performance of iron-cased rockets, a fascinating story emerges of a developing technology that has been overshadowed by colonial myth-making.

An equitable reading of the painting and its history seems a path out of erasure and obfuscation. As the painting goes on sale, one marvels at the shared heritage that exists between India and England – not all of which is comfortable. Seventy-five years into India’s democratic journey seems as good a moment as any, to negotiate the grounds for increasing areas of convergence.

Ram Ganesh Kamatham is a playwright and researcher. His play Vanguard is based on research into the story of the Mysore rockets, and this article is part of a forthcoming monograph on the Battle of Pollilur. The research on the rockets and the painting was carried out with Mallika Prasad of Actors Ensemble India Forum at the India Office Records of the British Library, supported by a Charles Wallace India Trust Research Grant in 2014.

This story, which was published on March 30 at 6 pm, was republished on March 31 at 6:55 pm, with an update on Sotheby’s accepted bid for the painting. 

SC Asks Union Govt to Examine Appeal for Extra Attempt at UPSC by COVID-Hit Aspirants

The Union government had earlier said that a relaxation “could open the floodgates of claims by other categories of persons “.

New Delhi: The Supreme Court has said that the Union government must “examine” the plea for an extra attempt for civil service aspirants who could not appear for the UPSC Mains in January because they tested positive for COVID-19.

The apex court gave the government two weeks’ time to work out modalities to accommodate the request of the affected candidates.

Disposing of the writ petition filed by three affected UPSC aspirants, a bench comprising Justices A.M. Khanwilkar, A.S. Oka and C.T. Ravikumar pointed to a recent Parliamentary Committee Report which allowed relaxations in the case of students impacted by the pandemic.

“The petitioners have relied on a Parliamentary Committee Report dated 24.03.2022. In the light of the recommendation, we dispose of the petition with the direction to appropriate authority to examine the representation within a period of two weeks. Let the authority take a decision,” the court said, according to LiveLaw.

On Wednesday, March 30, the Union government told the apex court that an additional attempt requested by the petitioners cannot be accommodated while seeking the dismissal of their petition. It reasoned that any such relaxation, in terms of increasing the upper age limit and the number of permissible attempts, “could open the floodgates of claims by other categories of persons “.

Also read: ‘Extra Attempt Not Possible for Those Who Missed UPSC Exams Due to COVID’: Centre Tells SC

The Union government also said allowing such extra attempts will lead to “complete derailment” of post-examination activities including a continuation of vacancies in the government. It will also create a “cascading effect” on the schedule of other examinations, it added.

In response to the Union government’s assertions, the petitioners claimed that they had already cleared the prelims held last year, but couldn’t attend the Mains held in January because of existing regulations of the government in relation to those affected by COVID-19, including quarantine norms.

Of the three petitioners, two of them appeared for some papers of the Mains exam, and the other one could not sit for even a single paper. The court too agreed that their claims were backed by medical certificates.

Countering the Union government’s contentions that allowing an additional attempt could lead to problems, the petitioners’ counsel Prashant Bhushan said, “We are seeking this relief for a very narrow and specific category of candidates…they qualified for mains clearing the prelims attended by over 10 lakh candidates..for them, the mains is a matter of life and death.”

ED Searches Residence of Nagpur-Based Lawyer Who Filed Petitions Against Fadnavis

Satish Uke had in the past sought criminal proceedings against Fadnavis for the “non-disclosure” of criminal cases in his election affidavit.

Nagpur: The Enforcement Directorate (ED) on Thursday carried out a search operation at the house of a Nagpur-based lawyer who has filed a few petitions against senior BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis in the last few years, a police official said.

The lawyer, Satish Uke, whose house located in the Parvati Nagar area of Nagpur was searched, was later taken to the ED’s office in the city along with his brother for interrogation by the central agency officials, Uke’s close aide said.

The ED began searching Uke’s house around 6 am amid tight security by the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). The Mumbai unit of the central agency searched the premises in connection with some land transactions, the police official said.

The lawyer’s close aide later said that Uke and his brother were taken to the ED office located in the Seminary Hills area for interrogation around 11 am.

“The officials also brought with them Uke’s laptop, some documents and four cellphones belonging to his family members to the ED office for examination,” he said.

Uke has filed several petitions in courts against BJP leaders, especially former Maharashtra chief minister Fadnavis. In one of his applications, he had sought criminal proceedings against Fadnavis for the “non-disclosure” of criminal cases in his election affidavit. Uke has alleged that the BJP leader filed a false affidavit in 2014 by hiding two criminal cases – cheating and forgery – registered against him in 1996 and 1998.

The lawyer had also petitioned the Nagpur bench of the Bombay high court seeking a police probe into the “suspicious and untimely” death of CBI judge B.H. Loya, who was presiding over the trial in the Sohrabuddin Shaikh fake encounter case. He died reportedly due to a heart attack in Nagpur in 2014.

Also Read: Pawar Backs Mamata on Joint Opposition Action Against BJP’s ‘Misuse’ of Central Agencies

Uke is also the lawyer of Maharashtra Congress chief Nana Patole, who has filed a Rs 500 crore defamation suit in a civil court here against IPS officer and former state intelligence chief Rashmi Shukla and others for alleged illegal tapping of his phone.

Responding to the raid, Patole said the ED and other probe agencies are being used to stifle each voice raised against the BJP and the Union government. The Supreme Court and the Bombay high court should intervene to stop the increasing misuse of these government entities, he said.

According to a statement, Patole likened the Union government’s “misuse” of the probe agencies to an “undeclared Emergency”.

Patole said he was ready to welcome the ED if it is going to act against him next.

The Congress MLA, whose party is an ally of the ruling Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) coalition in the state, said Uke is representing him in the defamation suit and added the action has been taken to muzzle the lawyer’s voice.

Patole said the ED was set up to act in cases of international money laundering for drugs and terror funding, among other crimes, but the agency has “deviated” from the goal for which it was formed. He claimed central agencies have become puppets in the hands of the Union government.

(With PTI inputs)

Muslim Traders Ban: Mazumdar-Shaw Asks Bommai to Resolve ‘Growing Religious Divide’

Responding to the pharma entrepreneur’s request, the Karnataka chief minister called upon “all sections of society to observe restraint before going public on social issues, as they can be resolved through discussions”.

New Delhi: Biocon chief Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw on Thursday asked Karnataka chief minister Basavaraj Bommai to resolve the “growing religious divide” in the state, referring to the exclusion of Muslim traders from fares near temples.

Responding to the pharma entrepreneur’s request, Bommai called upon “all sections of society to observe restraint before going public on social issues, as they can be resolved through discussions”.

Mazumdar-Shaw, quoting an article about the ban on Muslim traders, said “Karnataka has always forged inclusive economic development and we must not allow such communal exclusion- If ITBT [information technology and biotechnology] became communal it would destroy our global leadership. @BSBommai please resolve this growing religious divide.”

Her tweet was in response to incidents of denial of permission to non-Hindu traders and vendors to conduct business around temples during annual fairs and religious events in some parts of the state.

The article that she quoted said that temple committees organising the festivals as well as traders were “dismayed” at pressure from right-wing groups to exclude Muslim traders.

Notably, two BJP legislators had also opposed the ban, with one of them calling it “madness” and “undemocratic”.

Responding to a question on the tweet, Bommai said, “Several issues have come up for discussion in the State, the issue on uniform for students has been decided by the High Court. On other issues my appeal to those concerned is that we have been leading our lives all these years, based on our beliefs. Everyone should cooperate in maintaining peace and order.”

“Karnataka is known for peace and progress, and everyone should observe restraint and see to it that it is not affected. When social issues arise, there is a possibility for us to discuss and resolve it.

So before going public, everyone should observe restraint,” he added.

In tweets criticising her, BJP’s IT department in-charge Amit Malviya said, “It is unfortunate to see people like Kiran Shaw impose their personal, politically coloured opinion, and conflate it with India’s leadership in the ITBT sector. Rahul Bajaj once said something similar for Gujarat, it is today a leading automobile manufacturing hub. Go figure…”

As the BJP struck back against her, Mazumdar-Shaw posted another tweet, saying “vested interests” had “hijacked” the issue. She expressed confidence that Bommai will “resolve the matter peacefully”.

Initially, banners were placed during the annual Kaup Marigudi festival in Udupi district, which said non-Hindu vendors and traders should not be allowed entry, and the temple management paid heed to the request of certain pro-Hindu organisations.

Later, similar banners were displayed at the Padubidri temple festival also, and at a couple of temples in the Dakshina Kannada district as well.

Some Hindu activists have submitted memoranda to officials in different parts of the State citing the Karnataka Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 1997.

When the matter came up in the legislative assembly recently, the BJP government sought to distance itself from it by citing a rule which states that no property, including land, building near the place of worship shall be leased to non-Hindus. The government also said these rules were framed by a Congress government.

However, calls to further exclude the Muslim community have been made by top BJP leaders. Many communities in Karnataka have a non-vegetarian feast on the day after Ugadi. Some right-wing groups have called for a boycott of halal meat during this feast. BJP national general secretary C.T. Ravi signalled his support for this call by describing halal food as “economic jihad”.