Category: Religion

Uttar Pradesh Police Arrest 5 Muslim Men After Bajrang Dal Alleges ‘Conversion’ Plan

The arrest took place after the men conducted a celebratory ceremony and prayers to commemorate the death anniversary of a Muslim spiritual leader inside the house of a Dalit family.

New Delhi: Police in Uttar Pradesh’s Hamirpur district have arrested five Muslim men on charges of unlawful conversion after they conducted a celebratory ceremony and prayers to commemorate the death anniversary of a Muslim spiritual leader inside the house of a Dalit family.

The family – comprising one Urmila and her husband Ajit Verma – had got a mazaar (shrine) constructed inside their house in Hamirpur’s Maudaha area allegedly on the suggestion of the accused persons as they believed that praying to a ‘saint’ would cure Urmila’s illnesses and end their woes.

On the night of January 10, when the Dalit family was conducting an “urs” (Islamic religious ceremony commemorating the death anniversary of a saint) inside their house, the event was disrupted by members of the Hindutva group Bajrang Dal. These activists also brought the ceremony to the attention of the police and accused the Muslim men of trying to convert the family into Islam.

“An urs programme was going on at the house when we reached there at 2.30 am in the night. Chadar poshi (ritual offering of a sacred sheet of cloth) was happening at the shrine. Some maulanas were giving speeches. They were trying to convert the Dalit family to Islam by promising to cure their illness and offering them money,” Ashish Singh, former convenor of the Bajrang Dal district unit, told a local television channel.

Four of the Muslim men were arrested on January 10 itself and one, a day later.

The five persons arrested by the police were identified as Nooruddin (55), his nephew Meraj Hasan (32), Khalif (42), Irfan (46) and Mohammad Hanif (52). They were booked for criminal intimidation and slapped with Sections 3 and 5 (1) of The Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021.

Also read: A Birthday Party, a Legal Battle and an Acquittal: The Story of a False Conversion Case

While Urmila did not make any adverse comments against the five men while speaking to local media, the FIR was registered on a complaint submitted in her name. The Wire has a copy of the FIR, in which Urmila said she had come in touch with Nooruddin, originally a native of Banda, while trying to find a treatment for a prolonged illness she had been suffering from for over two years. “We also had trouble in our house. I would go from one place to another to get myself examined and during this time I met Nooruddin,” said Urmila.

She said that Nooruddin asked her to visit a mazaar and promised her that once she did so, she would feel better and all her troubles would be resolved.

On one occasion, Urmila said, Nooruddin came to her house with his nephew Meraj and Khaliq, and built a mazaar in one corner of the house. “He said ‘You worship this and conduct an urs, all your troubles will go away’,” said Urmila.

From time to time, Nooruddin and his associates would offer her family allurements and ask them to convert to Islam along with their relatives, alleged Urmila. She also said that the Muslim men had asked her to hold an ‘urs’ every year.

The January 10 ‘urs’ programme was held at Urmila’s house by Nooruddin and his associates. They also read the faateha (a Muslim prayer), said Urmila.

She alleged that the five men made promises of money against the family’s conversion to Islam.

“’You people belong to a lower caste. You will fall into a higher caste in the Muslim religion. You will continue to get money from the Muslim religion and you will not have any problems’ they told me,” said Urmila, as per the FIR.

“On the insistence of these people and after being tempted by them, we agreed to talk about religious conversion in a hushed tone. But after a lot of thought, we realised that these people would mislead us and make us convert from Hindu religion to Islam. Then, my husband and I decided that we will not convert our religion. We had come under their influence,” she said.

Manoj Kumar Gupta, Additional Superintendent of Police, Hamirpur, said that police reached the spot after receiving information there were attempts being made for “an illegal religious conversion” at some person’s house in Maudaha.

Talking to a Hamirpur-based local YouTube channel outside the Maudaha police station, Ajit Verma and Urmila denied that they had converted to Islam.

“He (Nooruddin) asked me to do an urs every year. I have no idea what an urs is. I am a Hindu, how can I worship like a Muslim?” said Urmila.

“We are Hindus and will remain Hindus,” said Ajit Verma.

Congress Backs 1991 Places of Worship Act in Supreme Court

Congress’s application argued that the Act “is essential to safeguard secularism in India and the present challenge appears to be a motivated and malicious attempt to undermine established principles of secularism.”

New Delhi: The Congress on Thursday, January 16, voiced strong support for the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991, in the Supreme Court, defending the law as vital for maintaining communal harmony and upholding secularism in India.

The Act, introduced during the Congress-led government of P.V. Narasimha Rao, prohibits the conversion of a religious site into one of another faith and aims to preserve the religious character of places of worship as they stood on August 15, 1947. Congress general secretary K.C. Venugopal, through an intervention application, stated that the law “reflected the mandate of the Indian populace,” the Telegraph reported.

The Act under challenge

The 1991 Act is facing legal scrutiny after Hindu petitioners, led by advocate Ashwini Upadhyay, challenged its constitutionality. They argue that the law restricts Hindus’ rights to reclaim religious sites allegedly converted by force in the past, effectively endorsing historical vandalism by invaders.

Section 3 of the Act prohibits the conversion of any place of worship to a different faith, while Section 4 mandates the preservation of its religious character as of 1947, excluding the Ramjanmabhoomi-Babri Masjid site in Ayodhya.

The petitions challenging the law are set to be heard by a Supreme Court bench headed by Chief Justice of India Sanjiv Khanna on February 17.

Congress defends the law

Congress’s application, filed through advocate Abishek Jebraj, argued that the Act “is essential to safeguard secularism in India and the present challenge appears to be a motivated and malicious attempt to undermine established principles of secularism.” It warned that any dilution of the law “could jeopardise India’s communal harmony and secular fabric thereby threatening the sovereignty and integrity of the nation.”

The Congress’s application described the petitions as having “oblique and questionable motives” and emphasised that the 1991 Act is essential for protecting religious freedom and promoting secularism in India. The Congress also cited the Supreme Court’s landmark 2019 Ayodhya verdict, which upheld the validity of the 1991 Act.

Also read: ‘Don’t Call Disputed Structures ‘Mosques’, Muslims Should Hand Over Sambhal Masjid to Hindus’: Adityanath

Other organisations, including Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, the Indian Union Muslim League and the management committee of the Shahi Masjid Eidgah in Mathura, have also opposed the petitions challenging the Act. Civil rights activists have similarly argued that the law was enacted to maintain communal harmony and prevent historical grievances from unsettling the country’s future.

 

Why Gandhi’s 1915 Kumbh Mela Reflections Matter in 2025

Gandhi’s disapproval of ‘Hindu water’ and ‘Muslim water’ and superstitions and hypocrisy of sadhus on the occasion Kumbh Mela in 1915 offers lessons in the context of the 2025 Kumbh Mela.

Ahead of the organisation of the Maha Kumbh Mela in Prayagraj, strident calls were made by some sadhus and prominent Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leaders occupying high constitutional posts in Uttar Pradesh appealing to bar Muslims to enter the mela. Against this backdrop, it is instructive to revisit Mahatma Gandhi’s travel to the Kumbh Mela in Haridwar in 1915, after he came back to India following the success of his first Satyagraha in South Africa. 

In his autobiography My Experiments With Truth, he devoted one full chapter “Kumbha Mela” and wrote:

“This year – 1915 – was the year of the Kumbha fair, which is held at Hardvar once every 12 years.”

“I was by no means eager to attend the fair, but I was anxious to meet Mahatma Munshiramji who was in his Gurukul,” he stated.

He then added that Gopal Krishna Gokhale sent members of the Servants of India Society (SIS) under the leadership of Pandit Hridaynath Kunzru for rendering volunteer service at the Kumbh. He also despatched one Dr. Dev, a medical officer, for attending to health issues and emergencies faced by pilgrims. Gandhi mentioned that he was “…invited to send the Phoenix party to assist them” and Maganlal Gandhi had “already preceded” him. 

The Kumbh Mela 2025

The Kumbh Mela 2025. Photo: X/@myogiadityanath.

Hindu pani and Muslim pani

Gandhi’s description of the journey from Saharanpur to the Kumbh Mela venue in Haridwar captured the pain and agony of travel of the pilgrims. He stated that they were packed in carriages not meant for human beings but what he called, “for goods or cattle”. Without roofs over their heads they were sandwiched and roasted by the heat caused by the blazing midday sun overhead and the scorching iron floor beneath. 

Gandhi then sharply focused attention of the religious prejudices of the pilgrims and their revulsion to accept portable water with deep suspicion that it could be other than Hindu Pani, Hindu Water. “The pangs of thirst, caused by even such a journey as this,” remarked Gandhi with deep pain, “could not persuade orthodox Hindus to take water, if it was ‘Musalmani’. They waited until they could get the ‘Hindu’ water,” he added with a heavy heart. “These very Hindus,” he sharply observed, “let it be noted, do not so much as hesitate or inquire when during illness the doctor administers them wine or prescribes beef tea, or a Musalman or Christian compounder gives them water.” 

Those highly critical remarks of Gandhi brought out his disapproval of dividing food and beverages along religious lines. Those remarks made by him in 1915 starkly underline the religious polarisaion the country is facing after 2014 when calls are issued by the BJP and Hindutva leaders for committing genocide of minorities and Muslims in particular and boycotting them from social and economic activities. In Uttar Pradesh, it is not the people but the BJP government headed by Adityanath, which is in the forefront in asking the shopkeepers to display their names so that their religious and caste profiles would be made visible and food and beverages they sell would be marked along those profiles capturing the meaning and essence inherent in the practice of offering Musalmani pani (water) and Hindu pani in India.

Constructive services rendered by Gandhi

What Gandhi did in Kumbh Mela in Haridwar was more constructive and service oriented. Dr. Dev whose name is mentioned above had dug some pits for use as kuchcha lavatories in Kumbh Mela in Haridwar and was waiting for paid scavengers to keep those clean. But Gandhi, who learnt the lessons of scavenger’s work while staying in Shantiniketan, and pledged that the rest of his life in India would be devoted to that task offered to cover up the excreta with earth and his Phoenix party including Maganlal Gandhi followed him in doing so.

Devoid of piety 

Many people in 1915 thronged to see Gandhi whose success in his first Satyagraha in South Africa made him an endearing figure commanding admiration of many Indians and pilgrims. As he went around the mela, he was pained to observe that most of the pilgrims were devoid of piety and their conduct was marked by attributes of, in the words of Gandhi, “absentmindedness, hypocrisy and slovenliness.” “The swarm of sadhus who had descended there,” he remarked with sadness, “seemed to have been born but to enjoy the good things of life”.

A cow with five feet 

On spotting a cow with five feet, he expressed his surprise but later he was utterly shocked to see that “the poor five-footed cow was a sacrifice to the greed of the wicked”.

“I learnt,” he wrote, “that the fifth foot was nothing else but a foot cut off from a live calf and grafted upon the shoulder of the cow!” He noted that the devious purpose behind that double cruelty was to fleece money from the gullible pilgrims and those who were led by blind belief and superstition.”

“There was no Hindu but would be attracted by a five-footed cow, and no Hindu but would lavish his charity on such a miraculous cow,” wrote Gandhi with pain.

Absence of spiritual upliftment

Gandhi was candid enough to admit that he did not visit Kumbh Mela in Haridwar with the sentiments of a pilgrim.

“I have never thought,” he asserted, “of frequenting places of pilgrimage in search of piety.” Yet he observed that “…the seventeen lakhs of men that were reported to be there could not all be hypocrites or mere sightseers.”

He had no doubt that “…countless people amongst them had gone there to earn merit and for self-purification” but doubted if such pilgrimage, in any way, led to the true spiritual regeneration. Therefore, he remarked, “It is difficult, if not impossible, to say to what extent this kind of faith uplifts the soul.”

He was deeply agitated by those thoughts and introspected on it. He very thoughtfully wrote:

“There were those pious souls in the midst of the hypocrisy that surrounded them. They would be free of guilt before their Maker. If the visit to Hardvar was in itself a sin, I must publicly protest against it, and leave Hardvar on the day of Kumbha. If the pilgrimage to Hardvar and to the Kumbha fair was not sinful, I must impose some act of self-denial on myself in atonement for the iniquity prevailing there and purify myself. This was quite natural for me. My life is based on disciplinary resolutions.” 

Rejection of the sacred thread 

When Gandhi took bath in the Ganges and one Sadhu saw him without a scared thread on his body and tuff of hair (shikha) on his head he told him, “It pains me to see you, a believing Hindu, going without a sacred thread and the shikha. These are the two external symbols of Hinduism and every Hindu ought to wear them.”

Also read: Can the Ganga Survive the Kumbh Mela?

Gandhi recalled the story behind the practice which prompted him to wear the sacred thread. He was attracted by Brahmins doing so and tying a bunch of keys on it. He thought he would do the same. That time none was allowed to use sacred thread except the Brahmins but he wrote that a movement had just been started for making it obilgatory for the first three varnas to do so. Therefore, several members of the Gandhi clan adopted the sacred thread and he did the same even as he never got a chance to put bunch of keys in those threads. When the sacred thread on his body gave away he never put another one. 

Both in India and South Africa, he was persuaded to restore the sacred thread on his body but he was unconvinced by citing that “if the Shudras may not wear it, I argued, what right have the other varnas to do so?” “And I saw no adequate reason,” he remarked, “for adopting what was to me an unnecessary custom.” “I had no objection to the thread as such, but the reasons for wearing it were lacking,” he argued. 

Gandhi’s defence of Shudras 

Gandhi’s defence of Shudras at the 1915 Kumbh Mela, where he rejected the sacred thread and questioned the hypocrisy of sadhus and superstitions masquerading as religion, holds immense significance for 2025. This is particularly relevant as BJP leaders utilise the Kumbh Mela in Prayagraj to promote divisive narratives and majoritarianism.

S.N. Sahu served as Officer on Special Duty to President of India K.R. Narayanan.

Can the Ganga Survive the Kumbh Mela?

Will it be able to heal or nourish anyone for very long afterwards?

As millions of Indians flock to the Kumbh Mela in Allahabad (now Prayagraj), one needs to look at how the Ganga and Yamuna rivers are doing.

Can the river ecosystem take the shock of about 40 million people living and bathing in it? 

It was only recently that the Yamuna in Delhi was frothing with toxic foam. The river is understood to be carrying industrial and city waste. And despite various National Green Tribunal orders against the discharge of untreated sewage water in the river, practically nothing has been done. I visited Allahabad recently and found that the stretch from the Bullua ghat to Rasoolabad ghat had many sewage creeks entering the river, which bore untreated waste. Most of these sewage lines are right next to designated bathing areas. If we look at the Aarel ghat on the other bank of the river, it tells the same tale. Countless sewage drains also enter the river right before the Triveni Sangam of the Ganga and the Yamuna. Most of this is for all to see, yet so many purported efforts made to stop the sewage from entering the rivers have apparently been fruitless.

The situation is so dire that the sight of dead fish floating in the Ganga and Yamuna is common now. One wonders what happened to the Rs 40,000 crore spent on the Namami Ganga programme in the past decade with Narendra Modi as prime minister. The public relations exercise has failed to clean the river. Far from cleaning the Ganga, the Modi government appears hell bent on further damaging it by allowing hydel projects on her tributaries, thus destroying her ecosystem. 

Releasing of more water from dams at Tehri and other hydel projects is only a temporary solution, the health of the river is beyond fragile due to contamination and pollution in Allahabad. The city is ill-equipped to tackle its own sewage waste, so we wonder what will happen once 40 million come to it.

Also read: Supreme Court Panel Clears Five Hydel Projects on Ganga Despite Environmental Concerns

The answer is pretty straight forward, the Ganga will suffer another major blow to its ecosystem once the Kumbh Mela is over. The water of the Ganga is highly polluted and with no plans to reduce sewage and pollutants from entering the river, it will become more toxic. This will end up endangering plants, riverine communities and fishes. The city of Allahabad would have to suffer for months to come from the pollution and a diseased river system. 

So what is all this being done for? Definitely not the river Ganga, because if Modi was serious about cleaning the river, then the last 10 years and Rs 40,000 crores is all he needed. If Modi adopted the double-engine approach towards the Namami Ganga programme, maybe there is a good chance the Ganga would be much cleaner and the cities of Allahabad and Kanpur would not be dumping millions of gallons of untreated sewage in the rivers everyday. 

Most religious sects are also deeply concerned about the river system and also have been given an unfriendly treatment by the Modi government when it comes to inclusion in the planning process. This is also the first ever “corporate” Kumbh – it is being organised with the help of a firm, Ernst and Young.

Many Hindus treat the river Ganga as their mother. Even outside of religion beliefs, it’s a lifeline for a majority of Indians. All would have been deeply happy if the thousands of crores spent on public relations and posters was actually spent on cleaning the river and blocking the sewage drains. That was the real work that needed to be done. It is clear now that the Kumbh Mela 2025 is a religious event that Modi is exploiting for political mileage. The organisers care little for Hindu faith, spirituality or the health of the river Ganga.

Can the Ganga survive another Kumbh? It will, but her ecosystem will be destroyed for humans, plants and marine life alike. This could become a hot bed for infections and further pollute the river.

The river will survive, but I do not think it will be able to heal or nourish anyone for very long afterwards. 

Indra Shekhar Singh is an independent agri-policy analyst and writer.

What Moving a Painting From Army Chief’s Office Says About Indian Military’s Hindutva Shift

Army Chief General Upendra Dwivedi recently accompanied Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on a visit to a temple near Mhow, where they propitiated a deity together, with the Army Chief dressed in traditional devotee attire.

Two images involving the army did the rounds of social media recently.

The first was the army chief Upendra Dwivedi with the defence minister Rajnath Singh propitiating a deity at a temple near Mhow, where the minister was on an official trip. The army chief was in the traditional devotee attire.

The second was a clip from the Southern Command X handle showing the army commander in a jeep ferrying the new Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The jeep is driven by a brigadier, while, a major general in the co-driver’s seat is seen shooing away those coming in the way.

Trips to Amarnath cave and to the Vaishnodevi shrine being de rigueur, the first is unremarkable.

The second is equally unsurprising. The army commander in question has eminent right-wing pedigree.

Gossip has it that at the last promotional hurdle to three-star rank, a professional competitor commanding a consensus amongst peers as by far the most competent officer of his cohort, was tripped up by an intelligence agency interfering with the process. 

Consequently, per grapevine, the proverbial chain of succession list has this general sitting atop it. (Incidentally, the intelligence intervention is for the second time, the first being in the whisper campaign against the sure-shot chief-in-waiting, General Bakshi.)

Signs of professional fidelity taking a tumble are aplenty.

The latest instance is the shoving out the iconic image of the surrender at Dacca from its prime location in the chief’s office annexe.

An image showing the painting that has replaced the photograph of the Pakistani Army signing the Instrument of Surrender after the Bangladesh Liberation War.

The painting that has replaced the photograph of the Pakistani Army signing the Instrument of Surrender after the Bangladesh Liberation War. Photo: X/@adgpi

That the painting has found a ‘befitting place’ in the Manekshaw Center appears to be a post-controversy after-thought (the new painting was spotted on 14 December and the old one reinstalled on 16 December).

Dust having settled on the controversy, here one can only wish the painter, an infantry major, well.

Of interest instead is the figure of the Brahmin, central to the painting, waving the army on in Ladakh.

A critic has it that the painting depicts Indian occupation of the Kailash heights, putting the Chinese on notice.

The suggestion is that besides the posturing over four years on the heights, a Chanakyan policy of exhausting the Chinese got them to retract.

The proportion between the figure and the military symbols depicted tells as much.

The Brahmin standing tall, overshadowing all else in the painting is Chanakya.

In the context of the painting, the Brahmin could well be S. Jaishankar and/or Ajit Doval, both brahmins. Kshatriyas in the foreground scurry about as ordered; theirs’ not to reason why.

The policy they are implementing flows from the strategic vision articulated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi: ‘this is not an era of war.’ The latest iteration of policy phrases it thus: ‘Bhavishya yuddha mein nahin, buddha mein hai (The future lies not in war, but in Buddha.).”

In that sense, the painting shows the national security structure and process – the top to down flow of policy-grand strategy-military strategy and the military’s exercise of operational art giving teeth to policy.

The Brahmin can be taken for the brain: the apex of the national security structure, the national security council, serviced by the national security adviser.

The Karm Kshetra (Field of Endeavour) is the Himalayan heights. As in Siachen where the army got comfortable with time, so shall be the case in Ladakh, with high altitude service serving as the new locale for adding stars to epaulettes – quite like Kashmir was till recently.

Concerning however is the army’s perspective on the painting put out by a source:

It (the painting) portrays the Army as a guardian of Dharma, fighting not merely as a defender of the nation but to uphold justice and protect the nation’s values. This inspiration is complemented by the strategic and philosophical wisdom of Chanakya, whose principles guide the Army’s approach to leadership, diplomacy, and warfare (italics added).

That sounds familiar, redolent as it is of the Pakistan army’s one-time self-image as guardians of Pakistan’s ideological frontier. During the period of Islamisation under dictator, Zia ul Haq, the frontier was understood as Islam. The scope ranged from the Islamic Bomb to being defenders of the faith in thrice-partitioned South Asia, beginning with Kashmir. Consensus has it that the Islamist idea has been of little help to Pakistan and its army.

Also read: Why the Indian Armed Forces Should Study the PLA in Detail

Missed by the Indian military also is Islamism has been violently rejected by most Muslim states, with militaries putting it down through active combat.

Can a bout of mimesis this this side of the border prove any more useful?

More pertinently, if and since the army cannot autonomously determine what’s righteous, that is to be set for it by the ‘Brahmin’ – the national security apex.

The presence of Garuda and Arjun’s chariot in the backdrop show the values to be defended are to be drawn from ancient Indian philosophy and culture.

That the civilisational extent of ancient Bharat coincides with the Akhand Bharat imaginary is left unsaid. The painting depicts what was once part of the Tibetan near abroad. The religious geography of Bharat can someday go beyond the Kailash range to include the Kailash massif itself. A case has already been made that a statue of the conquering warrior general of a feudal lord grace Ladakh.

Votaries say it would be more appropriate than a recently installed one, with no connection with Ladakh. However, the Chhatrapati’s statue appearing in Ladakh is not mere coincidence. Recall the Chhatrapati had to undergo purifying rituals before being anointed. The surfeit of Kshatriyas in Ladakh must be subtly conditioned.

More troubling is the army’s internalisation of the notion that the wellspring of heritage is only ancient India.

It must register the subversive point in today’s context put out by the United Services Institution at its well-curated Indian military heritage festival that Indian value systems have significant breadth and depth to draw on. Perhaps the syncretic Moghul period needs to await the decolonization train getting to the Durand and Radcliffe lines.

In the interim, selective decolonisation is visible in the removal of the plaque carrying the inspiration for successive generations of army officers: the quote from Field Marshal Birdwood’s inaugural address of the military academy.

The substitute board reads:

The more forgiving you got, the more the Kauravas assumed you were a coward. The glow of modesty lies hidden in the quiver and those the victors can expect his truce and treaty offers to be respected.”

The army’s logistic feat in an energetic adoption of the defensive posture in Ladakh is laudable in itself. But did it get the Chinese scurrying?

The poem itself was quoted first after the non-surgical strike at Balakot, to cover the pussyfooting around then and later after the Pakistani counter strike. Its recurrence makes for an alibi, both signifying and reinforcing self-delusion.

Further, it is in Hindi and without an accompanying translation. This perhaps because the army chief thinks that Hindi is the ‘binding’ language in the army. If so, it oughtn’t to be thus.

Hitherto the regimental language was the internally binding glue. Part of bonds of ethnic and cultural affinity, a shared language enhanced primary group cohesion.

Officers interfaced with outside counterparts in English, ensuring cultural affiliations do not intrude. Professional intercourse should be in English, placing the same disadvantage on all. ‘Professional’ in the Huntington sense is restricted to matters of the officer cadre, the soldiery equated to a trade or craft.

This may not stand the test of the Agnipath scheme. Besides, majority of the officer intake from north-Indian lower middle classes has led to pervasive use of Hindi by default.

Hindi is the trojan horse to open up the army’s innards for the grand reordering by Hindutva, the verities of which have been bought into by the army – such as, it appears, the caste responsibilities represented in the painting.

The problem with Hindutva is that unity will be under a Brahmanical yoke. Brahmanists have weaponised Hindutva and we know Brahmanists are to Hindutva as salafis are to Islamism.

Prime Minister Modi’s latest reference to Buddha and Ashoka is dead give-away on this score. The principal challenge to Brahmanism though the ages has been Buddhism. 

It is now up for appropriation. Similarly attempted in regard to Ambedkar, the jury will remain out on the project’s success.

History as guide, a scrum is in the offing. The army would do well to not list over.

Else, the project failing, the army will end up as an ‘army without a country’ – in contrast to a neighbouring ‘army with a country’.

This article was originally published on the author’s Substack account. It has been edited slightly for style.

Ali Ahmed is a strategic analyst.

‘Don’t Call Disputed Structures ‘Mosques’, Muslims Should Hand Over Sambhal Masjid to Hindus’: Adityanath

He also asked the Muslim community to “accept their mistakes” regarding the alleged demolition of a Hari Har temple in Sambhal more than five centuries ago.

New Delhi: Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath has said that the Muslim community should “in the most respectful manner” hand over the Mughal-era Shahi Jama Masjid in Sambhal to Hindus if scriptural and archaeological evidence show that a Hari Har temple dedicated to Kalki existed at the site before the mosque was built.

Adityanath, in a reference to the Shahi Jama Masjid in Sambhal, which has existed for the past five centuries, also said that one shouldn’t refer to “any disputed structure” as a mosque. He was speaking at a conclave organised by media house Aaj Tak at the Kumbh Mela in Prayagraj on Friday.

Shahi Jama Masjid, Sambhal

Mosque at Sambhal in Uttar Pradesh (1789). Pencil and wash drawing, 29.7 x 48.8 cm. British Library, London. Photo: Thomas Daniell, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

His comments come in the backdrop of the Supreme Court order from December 2024 directing courts in the country to not register any new suits claiming other religious places. The apex court, which was hearing petitions challenging The Places of Worship Act, 1991, also barred courts from passing any effective interim orders or final orders, including directions for surveys, in the pending suits, till further notice.

The order also applied to Sambhal, where Hindu activists have tried to seek religious rights of worship at the Shahi Jama Masjid, claiming that there once existed a Hari Har temple at the site.

Responding to the Aaj Tak anchor’s questions, Adityanath said, “Any disputed structure should not be called a mosque. The day we stop calling it a mosque, people will also stop going there. In any manner, it goes against the principles of Islam if a mosque-like structure is built after hurting someone’s faith. Any kind of worship at such sites is not acceptable to God either. Islam does not mandate any kind of structure for worship, but Sanatana Dharma does.”

‘Restoration of ancestors’ heritage’

The UP chief minister said it was time to think of a “new Bharat,” which could feel proud of its heritage. He also seemed to defend the trend of filing suits to seek possession of ancient mosques by Hindu activists across the country. “If we are talking about the restoration of the heritage linked to our ancestors, there is nothing wrong in it,” said Adityanath.

Referring to the Sambhal mosque, Adityanath proposed that Muslims should hand it over to the Hindus without getting into the entangle of courts if evidence shows that the structure was built after the demolition of a Hari Har temple.

“If there is evidence of Hari Har temple, if there are scriptural evidences of faith and if the Archaeological Survey of India finds evidence there, then I feel that without the need for the intervention of the court, the followers of Islam should tell the followers of Sanatan Dharma in the most respectful manner that, ‘this is yours, you take care of your belonging and felicitate and welcome the 10th avatar of shri Hari Vishnu with great splendour,” said Adityanath.

Also read: Places of Worship Act, 1991: What Stand Will the Union Govt Take at SC Hearing?

He also asked the Muslim community to “accept their mistakes” regarding the alleged demolition of the Hari Har temple in Sambhal and not to “put unnecessary obstacles in the path of the symbols of Sanatan Dharma.” This would lead to a new wave of communal harmony in the country, he added.

His remarks came just hours after the Supreme Court stayed the execution of a ‘notice’ issued by the Sambhal municipal authorities regarding the start of worship and holy bath in a well located near the Shahi Jama Masjid. The apex court also sought a status report on the matter from the government.

Sambhal mosque case stayed till February 25

The Allahabad high court earlier on Wednesday (January 8) put a stay on the trial court proceedings in the Sambhal Jama Masjid matter till February 25.

A bench of Justice Rohit Ranjan Agarwal passed the restraining order on a civil revision, filed by the managing committee of the Mughal-era mosque, against a Sambhal civil court’s November 19 order asking for a survey of the Muslim site by an advocate commissioner.

The Sambhal civil judge senior division had on November 19 ordered a hurried survey of the mosque after taking cognisance of an application by some Hindu activists. The activists had claimed that the Islamic religious site, built during the time of Mughal emperor Babur, was originally a prominent Hindu temple dedicated to the prophesied avatar of Vishnu, Kalki.

After conducting an initial survey of the mosque within a few hours of the court’s orders, the survey team led by advocate commissioner Ramesh Raghav reached the mosque for a second round of photography and videography on the morning of November 24.

However, things turned violent that day. At least four Muslim men were killed in the violence that broke out in the lanes near the Shahi Jama Masjid during a tense second survey of the mosque, which many local Muslims felt was unwarranted. The kin of those killed have accused the police of shooting them, a charge denied by the authorities. Several police personnel were also injured and some

The Yogi Adityanath-led Uttar Pradesh government on November 28 ordered a judicial probe by a three-member commission headed by Devendra Kumar Arora, a retired judge of the high court, to investigate the violence.

The advocate commissioner’s survey report of the Sambhal mosque, built during the time of Mughal emperor Babur, was submitted in the local court and has been kept in a sealed cover.

In their suit, the Hindu activists, led by senior lawyer Hari Shankar Jain, claimed that the Shahi Jama Masjid in Sambhal was a centuries-old Hari Har temple dedicated to Kalki and was being “used forcibly and unlawfully” by the Jama Masjid caretaking committee.

They said that the mosque was  a monument protected under Section 3 (3) of the Ancient Monuments Preservation Act, 1904. They also claimed that they were being “denied access” to the mosque, described by them as “subject property,” as the ASI had not taken any steps for entry of the general public as mentioned in the provisions of Section 18 of the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958.

Tirupati Stampede: Tirumala Temple Tokens Run Out Within Hours

Of the 41 injured, 20 were discharged, while 21 remain hospitalised, some with severe injuries including fractures.

New Delhi: Six people lost their lives, and over 20 others sustained critical injuries in a stampede at Tirupati late Wednesday evening, January 8, as thousands of devotees scrambled to secure tokens for the upcoming Vaikunta Ekadasi festival at the Tirumala temple. The tragedy unfolded after tens of thousands flocked to ticket counters, reported the Hindu.

The Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams (TTD) had announced the distribution of Slotted Sarva Darshan tokens from 5 am on Thursday at nearly 90 counters across Tirupati. However, chaos ensued at key locations such as Vishnu Nivasam, Bairagipatteda and Ramachandra Pushkarini due to inadequate crowd management.

Police struggled to control the surging crowds and the resulting stampede led to the death of six devotees. The deceased were identified as:

  • S. Lavanya (38), homemaker, Visakhapatnam
  • Malliga (50), homemaker, Salem
  • Buddeti Naidu Babu (55), lab assistant, Narsipatnam
  • Kandipalli Santhi (33), daily wage earner, Visakhapatnam
  • G. Rajini (47), homemaker, Visakhapatnam
  • V. Nirmala (55), resident of Vellarankalmedu, Kerala

The injured, initially treated at SVR Ruia Government General Hospital, were later shifted to TTD-run SVIMS hospital. Of the 41 injured, 20 were discharged, while 21 remain hospitalised, some with severe injuries including fractures.

Response from authorities

Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu directed officials to provide the best medical care to the injured. The state government announced an ex-gratia payment of Rs 25 lakh to the families of the deceased.

Revenue minister Anagani Satya Prasad, along with other cabinet members, visited the hospital. A formal complaint was lodged at the Tirupati East Police Station, and a case has been registered under Section 194 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Samhita.

Taking to X, Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated, “Pained by the stampede in Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh. My thoughts are with those who have lost their near and dear ones. I pray that the injured recover soon.” He added that the state government is providing all possible assistance to the affected people.

On Wednesday, Modi and Naidu attended a massive public meeting in the coastal city of Visakhapatnam in the state. The event was preceded by a short roadshow.

Token distribution halted

The TTD planned to distribute 1.2 lakh tokens for darshan on January 10, 11 and 12, allocating 40,000 tokens per day. Following the stampede, the counters were opened ahead of schedule on Wednesday night, leading to further confusion. Within hours, all tokens were exhausted.

With no tokens left for the first three days, TTD announced the temporary closure of counters and will resume token distribution on January 12 for darshan on January 13.

In recent years, the TTD has extended the festival to a ten-day event, inspired by the Srirangam temple, allowing devotees to pass through the sacred Vaikunta Dwaram. However, the overwhelming majority of devotees prefer darshan on Vaikunta Ekadasi and Dwadasi, creating unprecedented demand for tokens on the first two days.

‘Hindus First, Caste Next’: What ‘Haindava Sankharavam’ Means for the BJP in Andhra Pradesh

The campaign carries political ramifications for the BJP, which has historically had a limited electoral presence in the state.

Vijayawada: A large group of religious leaders, devotees and activists on Sunday (January 5) attended the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s (VHP’s) Haindava Sankharavam – an event advocating for increased autonomy of Hindu temples across Andhra Pradesh.

VHP international working president Alok Kumar said the event represented the ‘collective voice of the Hindu community’ and was a declaration of its intent to regain control over religious affairs. 

“Temples are the lifeblood of the Hindus,” VHP national vice president Gokaraju Gangaraju said, adding that non-believers and atheists should not hold roles within temple administrations.

The leaders emphasised the need for Hindus to protect temples from perceived threats or external interference. The event featured prominent Telugu spiritual leaders, seers and scholars who expressed concerns about the state of Hindu temples and traditions. 

The assembly marks the beginning of a broader campaign for nationwide self-governance in religious affairs.

Attendees at Haindava Sankharavam.

Attendees at Haindava Sankharavam. Photo: X/@VHPDigital

Demand for autonomous trusts

The primary demand at the event was the transfer of Hindu temple management from the state government to autonomous trusts managed by members of the Hindu community. 

Speakers at the event described Hindu temples as more than places of worship, emphasising their role as cultural, spiritual and community hubs. Organisers characterised the campaign as an effort to challenge what they perceive as colonial-era policies that continue to allow state control of Hindu temples, contrasting this with the greater autonomy reportedly granted to institutions of other faiths.

The campaign stems from dissatisfaction among some members of the Hindu community with the current system of government control over Hindu temples. Speakers at the event cited alleged misappropriation of funds, corruption, mismanagement of resources, political interference and erosion of traditional rituals and customs. They claimed that these factors have affected the sanctity and spiritual atmosphere of temples. 

Also read: Who Is Afraid of a Caste Census?

Financial challenges

The appointment of non-Hindus to roles within temple administrations was among the key issues raised at the event. Attendees argued that this undermines Hindu traditions and devotees’ sentiments. Speakers also claimed that the current system has left many temples underfunded and poorly maintained.

Speakers criticised the state government’s practice of collecting a fixed percentage of temple revenues, typically around 5%, for a ‘common good fund’, describing it as unjust and detrimental to the interests of Hindu temples. 

They advocated for reinvesting temple-generated funds directly into the upkeep and maintenance of temples, the promotion of Hindu dharma and culture, and the provision of services for the millions of devotees visiting each year. 

Many also highlighted the financial challenges faced by temple priests and staff, claiming that the current system has left them underfunded and unsupported.

‘Systemic issues in temple management’

The event also featured a list of demands aimed at addressing what the organisers described as ‘systemic issues in temple management’. These include:

  • Removing non-Hindus from temple employment, 
  • Appointing Hindus to all temple-related roles (including outsourced services), 
  • Limiting shop contracts near temples to Hindu proprietors. 

Additionally, they called for the reclamation of temple properties and lands allegedly encroached upon, with punitive measures for those responsible. Organisers claimed that these demands were aligned with Articles 12, 25 and 26 of the constitution, which they interpret as supporting their right to manage religious institutions without external interference.

Speakers also emphasised that the Hindu community is capable of managing its temples independently with efficiency and transparency, questioning the need for government involvement. 

Attendees at Haindava Sankharavam. Photo: X/@VHPDigital

Attendees at Haindava Sankharavam. Photo: X/@VHPDigital

‘Ayodhya model’

Speakers at the event called for a comprehensive overhaul of the current system and cited the Ayodhya Ram temple as a successful model. Managed by an independent trust without government oversight, the temple was commended for its transparent operations. 

Govind Dev Gir Ji Maharaj, treasurer of the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Theertha Kshetra Trust, highlighted the Ayodhya model as a template for the autonomy sought in Andhra Pradesh.

He encouraged Hindus to adopt Shivaji’s leadership qualities and advocated for nationwide temple autonomy similar to that in Ayodhya. Criticising government control, he remarked that decisions as specific as the duration of a pooja should not fall under state jurisdiction.

‘Temple funds should be dedicated to Hindu causes’

Speakers also expressed concern over the allocation of temple funds, arguing that revenue collected from temples should be dedicated to ‘Hindu causes’. They suggested using temple earnings for the upkeep and maintenance of temples, providing services for devotees, and promoting Hindu traditions. They added that ensuring the welfare of priests and religious staff is vital to maintaining temples’ sanctity and effective operations.

Former chief secretary of Andhra Pradesh L.V. Subrahmanyam, who was among the speakers at the event, said that the Endowments Act of 1987 was detrimental to Hindu temples. He argued that the act redefined priests as government employees, subject to transfers and retirement, which ‘violates’ the Agamas, a set of traditional guidelines that mandate a lifelong role for priests. Subrahmanyam said that the legislation has disrupted temple traditions and disproportionately affected smaller temples with limited revenue. 

Highlighting the financial challenges, he noted that while over 20,000 temples in Andhra Pradesh generate minimal income, only eight produce significant revenue. Despite a Supreme Court ruling in favour of priests, he said that the laws remain unchanged. 

Subrahmanyam likened the legislation to a growing python. “In the past, they let a snake called the ‘Devadaya, Dharmadaya Act’ loose on the temples. That snake has grown into a python and is swallowing the system. The Devadaya Act has left priests on the street. Transfer and retirement is against Agamas. This law should be revoked by the government,” he said.

‘Preservation of Hindu traditions’

Religious leader Chinna Jeeyar highlighted what he described as “drastic reduction of temple properties” from 1.5 million acres to 4.5 lakh acres, attributing this to mismanagement under state control. 

Jeeyar also questioned the role of officials in regulating temple rituals. “Should officials decide if pooja should last for five or 30 minutes? Is it not possible for us to manage our own temples?”

He also criticised practices that prioritise VIPs over regular devotees. Citing the example of Tirupati, he claimed that 4.5 lakh people received VIP darshans, leaving ordinary devotees waiting for days. He warned that such practices could lead to disillusionment and conversions to other religions.

Also read: How Long Will Naidu Endure Kalyan’s Push to Shape a ‘Hindu Vote’ in Andhra Pradesh?

Religious leader Ganapati Sachidananda stressed upon the importance of preserving Hindu traditions and avoiding Western cultural practices. He said, “Being born a Hindu is our good fortune. It is our responsibility to protect temple properties and traditions built by our kings. New Year celebrations, cutting cakes and blowing out candles are not traditions we should follow. I hope the aim of this Haindava Sankharavam is achieved.”

Lyricist Ananta Sriram too voiced concerns about the portrayal of Hindu traditions in films, criticising the film industry for ‘distortion’ of epics like the Ramayana and negative depictions of characters such as Karna, referencing recent films like Kalki. “Some movies are defaming Hindu dharma,” he said. “I apologise to Hindu society on behalf of the film industry. For entertainment, they have twisted the Ramayana of Vyasa and Valmiki.” 

Links to the caste census: ‘Hindus first, caste next’

The timing and location of the Haindava Sankharavam suggest strategic considerations. A source within the state wing of the VHP, speaking on condition of anonymity, told The Wire that Andhra Pradesh was chosen as the campaign’s launchpad due to its religious significance and as a response to calls for a caste census. 

VHP has framed the initiative as a ‘Hindus first, caste next’ effort, with the aim of fostering unity among Hindus based on religion rather than caste.

The campaign also carries political ramifications, particularly for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has historically had a limited electoral presence in Andhra Pradesh. The campaign is part of a collaborative strategy between the BJP and Jana Sena Party (JSP) to expand their influence by appealing to Hindu nationalist sentiments. 

Challenges for the BJP

Andhra Pradesh deputy chief minister and JSP president K. Pawan Kalyan is increasingly being seen as a proponent of Hindu causes and this alignment between the VHP, BJP, and their allies may energise specific voter groups. 

At the conclusion of his 11-day penance following the Tirupati laddu controversy, Kalyan made a similar demand in the ‘Varahi Declaration,’ expressing his wish, on behalf of all Hindus, to establish a ‘Sanatana Dharma Raksha Board.’

While the campaign holds strategic importance, it also poses challenges for the BJP. The Telugu Desam Party (TDP), a key BJP ally, depends significantly on support from minorities and economically weaker sections, who mostly comprise people from historically oppressed castes. This makes it challenging for the TDP to fully endorse a religiously focused campaign without risking alienation of its voter base. 

Furthermore, the YSR Congress is expected to leverage the campaign to create political pressure on the TDP. While appealing to religious sentiments may help mobilise certain groups, the campaign could alienate key voting blocs essential to the BJP’s allies.

Divine Welfarism: Is It a Veil for Power and Control?

In the age of advanced capitalism and globalisation, characterised by super specialisation and alienation, the guru’s claim to divinity is rooted in their supposed omnipotence – the ability to do it all.

India, in popular understanding, is the land of spirituality. The phenomenon of guru-ship in India supposedly has a historical aspect with a great diversity in nature and orientation. And, in today’s time, spiritual gurus have occupied the center stage in news and popular discourse because of a variety of reasons ranging from criminal affiliations and political patronage to child exploitation. 

Modernity claimed the end of religion and its supplantation by scientific, rational thought and democratic values, but religion seems to have an adaptive tendency with new evolving strategies. The neoliberal guru and the tele-guru, who claim to espouse universalism and secularism but are actually fueled by revivalism, perfectly cater to the urban middle class. This class is anxious to integrate into the global economy while preserving its “cultural integrity” (Bose, 2009).

This specific type of guru gives a sense of agency and choice to their followers owing to the spirit of a “soft revolution” or a misunderstood subversion. There is an illusion of control, the follower feels empowered to pick and choose their scientific path to self-actualisation, which is more pristine and original than the idea of god itself; through a scant questioning of established norms and values, and yet retaining traditional tenets for a presumed authenticity. They simplify and justify religion under the guise of spirituality, using the language of modernity and science. This approach facilitates the production of marketable salvation goods and enables them to establish a virtual connection with their followers.

As McMahan suggests:

“Modernity, then, carries with it a nostalgia for the pre-modern and a hope that ancient traditions can help in re-enchanting the world, through, ironically, their own kind of ‘sciences’ and ‘technologies’ – those of the spirit” (McMahan, 2008).

Today the interface between the theological and the technological is more so than ever with new mobile applications that act as spiritual guides, gadgets specifically designed for disseminating teachings, and “disneyisation” of divinity (Copeman & Duggal, 2023) providing immersive simulations trough construction of hyper-real, amusement-park like ashrams at the banks of rivers with buildings shaped like lotuses, away from the hustle and bustle of the city.

Another important aspect of enticement lies in the presentation of the “total guru” who is an expert in all the fields. The most visual representation of this can be Dera Saccha Sauda’s (DSS’s) Gurmeet Ram Rahim and his films franchise MSG: The Messenger of God. When the end credits to his films roll out, Ram Rahim is the actor, script writer, music composer, director, art director, stunt performer, prop designer, make-up artist, singer, and 20 more things.

There is a general emphasis on the omnipotent nature of the guru, the knower of all languages, the player of all musical instruments etc. And the guru feeds into this narrative with broken performances and coy innocence. In the age of advanced capitalism and globalisation, characterised by super specialisation and alienation, the guru’s claim to divinity is rooted in their supposed omnipotence – the ability to do it all.

Also read: Isha Foundation Faces Police Inquiry Amid Court Order Over Brainwashing, Misconduct Allegations

There has been extensive research on the liberalisation of the broadcast sector and the diffusion of Hindu imageries through the telecast of Ramayana, and the birth of  tele-gurus. The saturation of popular media constructs a Hindu normalcy and “Hinduness” as “Indianess” (Sriprakash & Possamai, n.d.). What remains unexplored is the undercurrent of common logic between Hindutva, neoliberalism and the spiritual guru organisations. 

Most of the guru-run organisations now engage in some charitable and social service activity, mainly because the Indian government requires non-profit religious institutions to divest themselves of their income periodically if they are to retain their tax-exempt status. Spending on medical, educational and other charitable projects is a convenient means of achieving this, and has the added benefit of garnering favourable publicity (Pandya, 2016).

Gurus are active leaders in a variety of fields like medicine, politics, higher education, and judiciary courts etc. How are these social service activities carried out? According to Pandya, this is achieved through “seva (selfless service)”. These organisations employ a systematic and cyclical approach to imagination, wherein modernity is addressed, and its material problems, such as poverty, are linked to spirituality and egotism. Selfless service, or seva, is marketed as a tangible solution that enables one’s own spiritual growth and expansion from individual consciousness to universal consciousness. Ultimately, this seva, or acts of welfare, lends legitimacy to the movement.

The Advaita Vedanta philosophy of “Brahman” is used as a tool here through overuse of slogans like “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” making social reform pertinent to self-actualisation. There is an inherent irony in expansion of consciousness and finding the problem in one’s egotism/spirituality as opposed to one’s social position or identity. 

Both Hindutva and neoliberal discourses reduce social processes to individual choices and decisions. For the former, society is shaped by the choices of Hindu morality, values and character; discourses which individualise actions and thereby hide social power relations (such as caste, class or gender). This resonates with neoliberal technologies (for instance, of “consumer choice”) that presume social behaviour as “voluntary transactions between rational, utility-maximising individuals” (Gopalakrishnan, 2006).

The construction of social processes as individual, autonomous human action means that problems or divisions in society are also seen to be addressed by attending to the self. This is the logic of seva. The universal or global (the Brahman), is conjured up at convenience and they paradoxically facilitate marginalization, ghettoization, xenophobic insecurity and intolerance. 

According to Pandya, there is a governmentality of seva where the state harnesses the charisma of the guru and the devotion of the followers, their quest for seva in order to fulfill government’s developmental ends in a sacred public-private partnership (Pandya, 2015). Mata Amritanandamayi’s Amrita Vishva Vidyapeetham, a multi-campus “research university” and her 2018 felicitation by Prime Minister Narendra Modi for making the largest contribution to the Union government‘s Swachh Bharat Mission, and Sadhgurus’s various entanglements in the field of welfare with UNICEF and UN partnerships like “community revitalisation programme for reviving rural culture and raising farmers’ incomes, all aimed at invigorating the spirit of rural India” (Conscious Planet, n.d.) can be examples of this.

Sri Sri Ravishankar’s The Art of Living is involved in many such welfare projects. It launched its “Project Pavitra” in 2019 to addresses menstrual health issues among adolescent girls and women between the age group of 11-45 years in rural areas and urban slums. “A growing team of 3000 plus dynamic women volunteer trainers of the Art of Living are spreading the knowledge of holistic and sustainable menstrual practices. The training includes the wisdom of Yoga and Ayurveda for the beneficiaries, enabling them to better experience their periods.” (Art of Living, n.d.). 

In one of the “training of the trainers” session organised in Ahmedabad (conducted on June 2, 2019) the following absurdities were being taught: the use of kohl/makeup while on period can cause visual impairment to the future progeny, having long conversations while on period can cause discolouration of teeth and tongue in the future progeny, indulging into physically strenuous  exercises while menstruating can leave the future progeny reckless/ rash and indecisive, listening to loud music while on period can make the potential future progeny deaf.

Even Modi wasn’t spared, and it was mentioned that in order to have a son like him, every woman must abide by the above-mentioned rules. The menstrual cycle was equated to a “cleansing process” rather than a physiological process with scientific explanation and things like “contamination of aura because of quantum physics and string theory” and a cocktail of complete distortion of scientifically proven facts was relished by a group of urban middle class women, eager to bring about social change. 

There is also an emphasis on creation of world records. Ram Rahim’s DSS claims the records for the most blood pressure readings and diabetes screenings in a single day, the highest number of people sanitising their hands simultaneously. The latter is now taken as evidence that the DSS guru had foreknowledge of the COVID-19 pandemic. Although Ram Rahim caters to a different demography than the likes of Sadhguru and Ravi Shankar, his endeavours have been the most visual in recent times. 

The Art of Living has enlisted 12 such records on its official website, some of them being the largest vegetarian buffet consisted of 5,612 different dishes in Ahmedabad in 2010, the most candles lit simultaneously at a single venue is 12,135 and was achieved on Diwali again in Ahmedabad in 2012, and 2013 “blowing for peace” record with the largest horn ensemble consisting of 444 musicians and was achieved in Kerala. These record-breaking spectacles of ‘service’ are inspired by, or achieved because of, the blessings of the guru. Many such events involve all-justifying seva activities, but others possess a more hallucinogenic, whimsical quality (Copeman & Duggal, 2023). 

 As Radhakrishnan in his analysis of religion under globalisation puts:

“The very idea of social service through the conduit of religion, that too primarily the majoritarian Hindu religion, in a secular and pluralist society, where religion is not expected to play any role in the public sphere, shows the failure of a democratic state to perform and deliver thereby creating a deepening paradox of enabling various self-styled ‘divinities’ and ‘god incarnates’ to use it to perform and deliver through make-believe spiritualism through the state, though the state is expected to be secular and pluralist in letter and spirit.”

The argument for these guru organisations as secular institutions is redundant here owing to its shared genealogy with the rise of Hindutva. 

Today, the official website of the Art of Living claims to have impacted 2,00,000+ women with 7,000+ trainers. ISKCON’s intervention in the ICDS supplementary nutrition programme with restriction on distribution of eggs has also been in the news for similar reasons.  All of this questions the role of civil society organisations and the potential to protest and reform being replaced. 

Radhika Sabnis is a student of MA in Sociology at Savitribai Phule Pune University, Maharashtra. 

Academic Jaffrelot on How Hindutvawadis Viewed B.R. Ambedkar | Amit Shah Parliament Speech

Did the Hindu nationalist movement truly support Ambedkar, or is this claim historically flawed?

This video examines the claim that the Hindu nationalist movement supported Dr B.R. Ambedkar more than the Indian National Congress. Using insights from the research of renowned historian Christophe Jaffrelot, this video delves into significant historical moments – from the Poona Pact of 1932 to Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism in 1956.

Watch the video to discover how leaders of the Hindu Mahasabha opposed Ambedkar’s decisions, the contrasting stance of the Congress during the 1940s and how political dynamics shaped Ambedkar’s journey as the architect of the Constitution. Did the Hindu nationalist movement truly support Ambedkar, or is this claim historically flawed?

This video uncovers untold truths about Ambedkar’s complex relationships with both the Congress and the Hindu nationalist movement.