The Protector of Kochi’s Synagogue of Black Jews

Kadavumbhagam Synagogue in Kochi was abandoned about half a century ago after local Jews left for Israel.

Ernakulam’s Broadway Market Road never sleeps. A ceaseless river of life, vendors calling, rickshaws honking, footsteps weaving into an urban symphony — the pulse of Kochi beats loud and unbroken.

But then, you notice a gate, wide open. Step through, and the city dissolves. A forest unfurls, dense with orchids and anthuriums. Sunlight filters through emerald canopies, while cuckoos and macaws screech as if warning each other of the stranger who has just walked in. A heady mix of petrichor and the fragrance of blooming petals create a dream-like ambience.

Entrance to the Kadavumbagam Synagogue

Entrance to the Kadavumbagam Synagogue.

Wander deeper, take another turn, and the forest melts into liquid blue. A shimmering marine world emerges, goldfish, black mollies, and oceanic creatures gliding past. Before you can wonder, the tide pulls you in, weightless, endless.

Then, just as suddenly, the water vanishes. A corridor appears, its walls breathing stories from another time, centuries ago. The year is 1549.

Words in an unfamiliar language buzz like a spell. And then, there it is: The Star of David. It watches over you, and you stop to think: Are you still in Kochi? Have you stepped into Israel?

No need to doubt, you stand within the walls of Kadavumbhagam Synagogue, the ‘Black Jew’s’ synagogue in Kochi.

A Boy’s dream, a synagogue reborn 

“Why are Athangudi tiles inside a Jewish synagogue?”

“Doesn’t it look beautiful?”

“Yes, but this might be the only synagogue in the world where Boaz and Jachin, the two pillars from the porch of Solomon’s Temple in Jerusalem, stand on Tamil Nadu’s Chettinad Athangudi tiles.”

The aquarium and nursery located in front of the Kadavumbagam Synagogue

The aquarium and nursery located in front of the Kadavumbagam Synagogue.

Elias Josephai, the caretaker of this historical treasure, chuckled. “It was the dream of a 12-year-old boy back in 1968. Inspired by the Paradesi Synagogue in Mattancherry, he asked his father to lay these tiles inside the Kadavumbhagam Synagogue.”

Who was that boy?”

Elias smiled. “You’re looking at him.”

Now 69, the tall and steadfast Elias Josephai, with a beautiful kippah adorning his head, stands as the guardian of this historical treasure, restoring and preserving it against the passage of time.

After years of renovation, the Kadavumbhagam Jewish Synagogue in Kochi reopened in early February.

One of the city’s seven synagogues, it is the oldest restored place of worship for the Malabar Jews/Black Jews. Unlike most synagogues now under government control, Kadavumbhagam and Paradesi remain privately owned.

Elias Josephai

Elias Josephai.

The synagogue, abandoned since the 1970s due to dwindling Jewish presence, was revived by Elias Josephai, whose father once served as its Hazzan (synagogue leader). With support from global Jewish communities, Josephai led restoration efforts that began in 2003.

Today, it stands as the oldest active synagogue in the Commonwealth.

When asked why the Malabar Jews were referred to as Black Jews and whether this was common among the Jews of Cochin, Josephai explained: “Yes, the Sephardi Jews who arrived from Spain and Portugal brought both wealth and enslaved individuals. These enslaved people came to be known as Black Jews and were barred from entering their place of worship, the Paradesi Synagogue.Even the earlier Jewish settlers, the Malabari Jews, my ancestors, who are believed to have migrated from Iraq and Yemen, were labeled as Black Jews due to their darker skin tone.

Despite not being enslaved, they faced discrimination from the Sephardi community, who excluded them from social and religious spaces, reinforcing a rigid hierarchy within the Jewish community of Cochin.”

The Jewish legacy in Kerala 

Before leaving, Josephaí received a call from his employee, informing him of an order for angelfish.

Promising to return soon, he departed.

It was then that Sanjay Johnson, a tourist guide and history enthusiast, arrived at the synagogue with two Israeli tourists, Ameen and Michel.

As they stepped inside, Sanjay began narrating the rich history of the Jewish presence in Kerala.

“The Jews arrived here in 72 BC,” he explained, “establishing settlements across the region. Their presence is even mentioned in the Periplus (A Historical Book). By the 12th century AD, they had become key players in regional conflicts.

One of their leaders, Joseph Raban, allied with the Cranganore Maharaja in a war against the Chola Raja. After a yearlong battle, the Maharaja emerged victorious and rewarded Raban with 72 square miles of land, known as Anjuvannam, the Jerusalem of the East.”

However, in 1165, disaster struck. A brutal attack nearly wiped out the Jewish population, forcing the survivors to seek refuge in Chendamangalam, then Paravur, and later in Mala and Ernakulam.

Sanjay explaining the history to his Israeli guests, Ameen and Michel.

Sanjay explaining the history to his Israeli guests, Ameen and Michel.

Sanjay continued, “Mattancherry, derives its name from the Hebrew word mattana, meaning ‘gift.’ It was founded when Raban’s younger son sought land from the Cochin Maharaja.”

He pointed towards the Paravur Synagogue, explaining, “Originally built in Muziris, it was destroyed in a Portuguese attack in 1635. It was only in the 1700s that it was reconstructed.”

“By 1972, most of the Jewish community had migrated to Israel, leaving their synagogues abandoned. The Kadavumbhagam Synagogue in Ernakulam suffered years of neglect and was vandalism before being restored in 1978.

“The Kadavumbhagam Synagogue reflects the architectural style of the historic Muziris Synagogue, which was lost to rising sea levels in 1165 CE. Initially constructed in 1200 CE, it underwent renovations in 1700 CE.” he said.

Muslim’s effort helps restore Jewish Synagogue? 

Following the migration of Jews back to Israel in 1972, the synagogue remained largely ignored until Elias Josephai took charge.

After completing his business order, Josephai returned to the scene once again, just as he had promised.

Sanjay confided in a whisper, “He is super happy when he gets a chance to explain the synagogue details to Israeli visitors because they can connect more than anyone else.”

As soon as Josephai stepped inside, Michel made a humble request, “Can we see the Sefer Torah?”

Without hesitation, Josephai walked to the podium. The Sefer Torah, a handwritten Jewish holy book, was one he had brought from Israel in 2018.

After opening the Holy Torah, he began asking Ameen and Michel about Jewish traditions. However, Ameen explained that she was raised in a secular family in Israel, where religion played a lesser role.

Josephai then invited her attention to the architectural marvel of the synagogue. “The flooring is adorned with Chettinad Athangudi tiles, fulfilling a dream I’ve had since childhood. The warm glow of the yellow lamps adds to the charm, they were donated by a Muslim.”

Joseph enters the podium at the center of the synagogue, known as the Bimah, where the Torah is read.

Joseph enters the podium at the center of the synagogue, known as the Bimah, where the Torah is read.

Ameen’s eyes widened in surprise. “What? A Muslim helped restore a synagogue? If people everywhere could think and act with such harmony, how beautiful and peaceful the world would be.”

Josephai smiled and continued, “A Christian contributed a plaque of the Ten Commandments, and the chandeliers were a gift from Swami Hariprasad of the Vishnu Mohan Foundation in Chennai. This is the true essence of India, where faiths come together, not just in spirit but in action.”

Every part of the synagogue, including the windows, chandeliers, and floor tiles, has been meticulously restored with the dedicated efforts of volunteers.

‘Courage to Remember’ 

Last but not least, your eyes will be drawn to the haunting photographs currently displayed inside the synagogue. The Holocaust memorial exhibition, ‘Courage to Remember’, organised by the US-based Simon Wiesenthal Center (SWC), was initially set to run for just five days after reopening to the public on 3 February. Yet, it remains.

Most visitors glance through the images and move on, but Michel stood still, gazing at one particular photograph. It was only later that Sanjay revealed why.

“Michel lost her grandfather in the Holocaust. Though her connection is through stories passed down by her father, like every Jew, she feels the loss deeply, an inherited wound.”

Before leaving, Ameen and Michel thanked Josephai for his dedication to preserving the synagogue and commended his efforts.

Most blessed, most cursed

As Sanjay, Ameen and Michel stepped out, Josephai kept talking.

“All my cousins and relatives are in Israel. My wife, too, will return and settle there with our daughter after my last breath. My daughter is already settled there,” he said, quite certain his wife would live on after him.

When asked about the Jewish belief that one attains heaven if they die on Israeli soil, he simply shrugged.

“Then what about my ancestors here? They lived and died in this land. I will not go back.”

Holocaust History Exhibition.

Holocaust History Exhibition.

On the Israel-Palestine conflict, Josephai reflected with a quiet solemnity: “Jews have never lived in peace. And perhaps that is by design. If we ever did, we might forget the Almighty. We are the most blessed and the most cursed people.”

With that, he stepped outside, locked the heavy doors of the synagogue, and walked away.

It was 7 pm. Josephai took a seat in his shop, surrounded by the glow of aquariums. The hum of water filters filled the silence.

When I walked out of the synagogue, a teenager was walking in the opposite direction.

“It’s closed already. You’re late,” I said.

“No, no,” the boy replied confidently. “This shop stays open until 9 pm I’m a regular customer.”

For him, it was just an aquarium shop, a place of fish tanks and water bubbles. He had no idea about the stories, the history, the lives behind that locked door.

This article was originally published on South First.

The Very Important Hindus and the Ones That Are Not Counted

Would it have been possible for the Hindutva government to plead inability to either count or be accountable for those that died seemingly in droves had they been VIPs and VVIPs?

Even as much has been said about the grand event of the Maha Kumbh festival, one rather telling thing remains to be observed.

It has been the defining ideological pitch of the Hindutva players over the last many months that Hindus must learn to obliterate all forms of division among themselves in order to be safe and invulnerable.

There has also been little ambiguity as to who it is from whom danger ostensibly to Hindu supremacy emanates.

Thus, the frustrating faultlines of caste, region, dialect, gender, political turf wars etc. have come in for disparagement from both the grand icons of Hindutva, namely, the prime minister and the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh which hosts the Maha Kumbh festival.

As the fatal stampedes happened, widespread public comment came to the fore, bemoaning the bottlenecks caused by the exclusive arrangements made for the VIPs and VVIPS.

Some media outlets were bold enough to come forward with criticism to this effect.

We may recall that a similar differentiation between ordinary pilgrims and VIPs had been in evidence at the time of the inauguration of the new Ram Temple at Ayodhya.

Also read: Is 2025 Maha Kumbh Really a ‘Rare’ Event Held After 144 Years?

We do not know how many died in the Kumbh stampedes at Prayagraj.

You see, the magical new digital tool of AI seems to count only the living and not the dead.

This discovery by itself may, of course, have furnished an important research input to the whiz kids who invented AI, so that we may in future expect that the dead may also come to be counted by this god-like technology.

Had AI been equipped to count the dead, why surely the in-your-face chief executive of Uttar Pradesh would not have shied away from sharing the extent of the carnage with fellow Hindus across the realm.

At any rate, Hindutva being philosophical in the extreme, when push comes to shove, it was left to a noted seer, Shri Dhirendra Shastri to instruct the flock how those that died attending the Maha Kumb attained Moksha or salvation.

Why more of the living who after all were attending the Kumbh precisely to secure salvation did not think of this option remains a matter of deep spiritual cogitation.

But here is the point: in seeking the unity of all Hindus against the ever-menacing threat from the Saracen, cancelling all fault lines, the one faultline that remained unaddressed was that of class.

Clearly, where caste, region, dialect, gender, political interest are all to be set aside if Hindu supremacy is to be ensured, there seems no call on the great mass of Hindutva followers to also unite across classes.

That the powers-that-be don’t think this desirable or an opposite part of the call to unity was clear from the poshly discreet arrangements that were made for privileged and important Hindus to take their salvational dip pronto, without hassles from the mass of less endowed devotees.

One might also speculate whether the great seer cited above would have said what he said of those that died should the dead ones have come from among the important and very important Hindus.

Nor might it have been possible for the Hindutva government to plead inability to either count or be accountable for those that died seemingly in droves.

So you see, come to think of it, even as faith continues to be pressed into service to camouflage the cruel realities of economic divisions, the organisation of the grand festival at Prayagraj has once again proved the truth of the leftist maxim: you may obliterate as many fault lines as you wish but even the history of Hindutva consolidation remains slave to the overriding divisions between those that have and those that do not, however they may all be very devoted followers of Hindutva.

How consequential this truth may be made in the future of the republic is of course quite another matter.

 Badri Raina taught at DU.

Over Three Years On, Modi Govt Does Not Declare its Position on Places of Worship Act

The top court, while expressing displeasure at the number of pleas filed in the case, adjourned the matter till April.

New Delhi: The Union government once again failed to file a counter-affidavit in response to a plea challenging the validity of the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991. 

The matter has been pending in the Supreme Court since 2022 with the first notice seeking the Union government’s response dating back to May 2021. 

Between October 2022-December 2024, the top court has passed eight orders in which the Union government was either granted more time to file a response or the court was told that it was working on a “comprehensive” one.

A bench comprising Chief Justice of India (CJI) Sanjiv Khanna and Justice Sanjay Kumar adjourned the matter till April during the hearing on Monday (February 17).

The court also expressed displeasure at the number of fresh pleas being filed in the case. While dismissing all petitions in which a notice had not been issued, the court said that petitioners could file applications but only those raising new legal grounds would be entertained. 

“People keep on filing fresh petitions alleging that they have raised new grounds…It will become impossible for us to deal with the petitions besides whatever has already been filed,” CJI Khanna said.

“We are constrained to pass this order after taking note of the number of fresh petitions filed. The pending writ petitions, which have no notices, stand dismissed with liberty to file an application raising additional grounds, if any. The new IA will only be allowed if there is any new point or new legal issue that has not been raised in the pending petitions,” the bench said.

Senior advocate Vikas Singh, referring to the notices issued by the court in the initial petitions in 2021, said, “Please direct the Centre to file its counter-affidavit at least in these petitions.”

The Union government’s silence on the matter comes amid an increasing number of petitions being filed to ‘reclaim’ Hindu temples at religious sites belonging to Muslims. 

In December 2024, the top court barred civil courts from registering any fresh cases on such matters or passing orders in pending ones. 

The Places of Worship Act preserves the character of religious places as they existed on August 15, 1947. Section 3 of the Act prohibits the conversion of places of worship and Section 4 imposes an obligation to maintain the character of religious places as they were on August 15, 1947.

What is ‘Rama Rajyam’, the Hindu Extremist Group that Attacked a Priest Near Hyderabad?

Its leader Veera Raghava Reddy has crafted a narrative justifying violence and apparently advocating for the overthrow of the government.

New Delhi: The serenity of the Chilkur Balaji Temple in the Moinabad mandal of Rangareddy district, located in the outskirts of Hyderabad and known to devotees as the “Visa God” temple, was disturbed on February 7.

A mob of roughly 20 men and women, clad in black uniforms and saffron shawls – the distinctive attire of the self-styled “Rama Rajyam army” – descended upon the residence of head priest C.S. Rangarajan.

They were not seeking blessings, but soldiers and funds for their cause.

The assault was not a spontaneous act of violence but a calculated act of intimidation by a burgeoning extremist group known as “Rama Rajyam”, seeking to impose its vision of a Hindu theocratic state on India.

The attackers explicitly demanded that Rangarajan leverage his position to assist them in recruiting fighters and raising funds for their “private army”, threatening unspecified but “dire consequences” if he refused.

The attack

The morning of February 7 began like any other for Rangarajan, but around 8:00 am, a convoy of three vehicles arrived at his residence, disgorging roughly 20 men and women in their distinctive uniforms.

According to his complaint filed with the Moinabad police, the group, led by Veera Raghava Reddy, forced their way into his quarters and immediately launched into a tirade against him.

Footage of the incident, initially uploaded to Rama Rajyam’s website and YouTube channel before being hastily deleted, captured Reddy pacing aggressively and gesturing forcefully as his followers looked on with apparent approval.

He accused Rangarajan of neglecting his duty to protect Hindu dharma and berated him for his supposed ignorance of “true” Hindu tradition.

“You know nothing, you’re just dressed as a priest … You only have arrogance,” Reddy thundered as his supporters watched intently.

The central demand reiterated repeatedly and aggressively by Reddy was for Rangarajan to actively participate in recruiting “Kshatriyas” – warriors – for their “private army” and to use his influence to raise funds (from “Vaishyas”) for their cause.

Invoking the upcoming Hindu new year of Ugadi as a deadline, Reddy declared, “I’m giving you time till Ugadi. Work towards establishing Rama Rajyam,” threatening unspecified but “dangerous” consequences for non-compliance. He boasted that his followers “are here to sacrifice their lives for dharma”.

Rangarajan, visibly shaken but maintaining composure, attempted to reason with Reddy, arguing that he too strived for “Rama Rajyam” but through constitutional means. “Does the constitution ask you to take a knife and kill people?” he countered.

His pleas fell on deaf ears. Reddy dismissed Rangarajan’s attempts to achieve Hindu nationalist goals through legal channels as “a waste”. He railed against the judiciary, calling judges “out of control” and declaring his intention to “skin the judiciary”.

The verbal assault escalated into physical violence when Reddy and several followers began striking Rangarajan in the face while others filmed the incident on their mobile phones.

M.V. Soundararajan, Rangarajan’s father and convenor of the Temples Protection Movement, confirmed the attack in a press release, stating, “They seriously manhandled my son Shri Rangarajan…They landed blows on him in our house.”

Legal and political response

Following the attack, Rangarajan filed a police complaint, leading to Reddy’s arrest on February 9. The Moinabad police confirmed Reddy’s prior cases for harassing a woman and obstructing a public servant.

Police investigations revealed that the “Rama Rajyam army” largely comprised daily wage workers recruited with promises of monthly salaries worth Rs 20,000.

Five additional members, including two women, were arrested on February 10 and ten others were arrested on Friday (February 14).

The incident drew swift reactions from across the political spectrum. Chief minister A. Revanth Reddy expressed outrage at the incident and personally contacted Rangarajan to offer assurances of support and condemn the growing climate of intolerance in the state.

Bharat Rashtra Samithi working president K.T. Rama Rao denounced the attack and criticised what he said was the state government’s inadequate response to the rising threat of right-wing extremism.

Ironically, even the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) distanced itself from Veera Raghava Reddy and his organisation through their Telangana publicity chief Pagudakula Balaswamy, who said that the VHP did not endorse Reddy’s methods or ideology, characterising the attack as an aberration and not representative of the broader Hindu community.

The BJP’s response proved notably muted. While BJP MP Bandi Sanjay Kumar offered support to Rangarajan via X, expressing concern for his well-being and offering “any support needed”, there was no official condemnation of the attack or of Reddy’s extremist ideology from the state or national BJP leadership.

This silence drew criticism from opposition parties, who accused the BJP of tacitly condoning the actions of extremist groups that align with their broader Hindutva agenda.

Andhra Pradesh deputy chief minister K. Pawan Kalyan, leader of the Jana Sena Party and a saffron-clad self-declared ‘Sanatani Hindu’ who revived the Free Hindu Temples movement in his Varahi Declaration recently in September last year, is on a pilgrimage to South Indian temples. He demanded stringent action against the accused.

Also read: Unchecked by Consequences, a New Authoritarianism Is Unfolding in India

Who is Veera Raghava Reddy?

Veera Raghava Reddy’s trajectory from a concerned parent to a radical religious leader reveals a complex and enigmatic figure. A native of Koppavaram in Andhra Pradesh’s East Godavari district who is now residing in Manikonda in Hyderabad, Reddy embodies a peculiar blend of traditional religious education and modern legal acumen.

His educational background includes training in classical music at the prestigious Chennai Music Academy. He frequently employs his knowledge of devotional chants and Sanskrit shlokas in his increasingly incendiary online pronouncements.

Beyond his religious training, Reddy demonstrates an understanding of Indian legal codes, which he has leveraged in a series of increasingly confrontational legal battles over the years.

One of the defining moments in Reddy’s early public life was a consumer forum case against the Jubilee Hills Public School in Hyderabad in 2015. The case arose from the school’s refusal to promote his daughter to the third grade citing her poor academic performance. Invoking the Right to Education Act, Reddy pursued the case and won Rs 55,000 in compensation.

Unsatisfied with this victory, he escalated the matter to the Telangana high court and even to the Supreme Court.

His confrontational approach intensified in 2016 when he filed complaints against sitting high court judges, accusing them of issuing illegal orders. The court dismissed his plea and imposed Rs 25,000 in exemplary costs, terming his actions an “unwarranted assault on the judiciary”.

Reddy’s rhetoric appears to have grown increasingly hostile toward the legal system, culminating in his current pronouncements calling for the dismantling of the judiciary and police, whom he terms “the army of Kali”.

Reddy’s political leanings have undergone a significant shift. Initially active in regional politics as president of the Andhra Association in Telangana, he vocally criticised then-chief minister K. Chandrashekar Rao and the governor for their purported neglect of Andhra Pradesh’s interests.

His regional activism gradually faded, replaced by an increasingly fervent embrace of Hindu nationalism. He began visiting temples across the Telugu states, seeking followers from the ‘Ikshvaku dynasty’, Lord Rama’s lineage, to which he claims belonging.

Leveraging social media platforms, particularly YouTube and Facebook, he disseminated his extremist views, seemingly attracting a dedicated following drawn to his fiery speeches, appeals to Hindu pride and promises of a Hindu rashtra.

Interestingly, such claims have historical roots. The Ikshvaku king Chamtamula, who ruled in the early third century CE, founded the Ikshvaku dynasty after the fall of the Satavahana empire around 220 CE. In an effort to legitimise his rule, Chamtamula linked himself to the prestigious Suryavanshi dynasty of Ayodhya’s Rama, most likely with the help of collaborating priests. By choosing the name ‘Ikshvaku,’ Chamtamula established a divine justification for his rule.

Organisational structure and ideology of Rama Rajyam

Rama Rajyam claims to operate with a meticulous structure and has a clearly articulated, albeit deeply disturbing, ideology, operational framework and set of objectives.

Drawing from interpretations of Hindu scriptures, specifically the Bhagavad Gita, and selective constitutional citations, Reddy has crafted a narrative justifying violence, promoting extrajudicial killings and apparently advocating for the overthrow of India’s democratically elected government.

The organisation’s website serves as a chilling manifesto outlining its vision for a Hindu theocratic state and its plans to achieve it.

At the core of Rama Rajyam’s ideology is the belief that India’s current legal and political systems are irrevocably corrupted and controlled by forces hostile to Hindu dharma.

Reddy routinely denounces the judiciary and the police as “the army of Kali”, accusing them of protecting criminals and obstructing the establishment of a true Hindu nation.

He specifically targets Article 124(4) of the constitution regarding judicial removal, arguing it provides excessive protection to judges and prevents them from being held accountable for their alleged “anti-Hindu” actions.

Reddy advocates for citizens’ arrests of judges and police officers through a misinterpretation of CrPC Section 43, and calls for the forceful seizure of temples, temple lands and cow grazing pastures, asserting these rightfully belong to Hindus and must be “reclaimed” by force if necessary.

The rigid hierarchical structure listed in the organisation’s website mirrors that of a traditional kingdom, with Reddy at its apex as supreme leader, followed by “rulers” at state, district, mandal and village levels, each responsible for enforcing organisational dictates within their designated territories.

Recruitment occurs primarily online through their website and social media channels, targeting young men with promises of salary, purpose and participation in a “divine mission”. Recruits must take an oath of allegiance, pledging to “kill or be killed” in service of Rama Rajyam.

This chilling oath, documented in videos on Reddy’s YouTube channel, points to the group’s commitment to violence as a means to achieve its goals.

Prior to the attack on Rangarajan, Reddy and his followers embarked on a systematic tour of prominent temples in Andhra Pradesh, demanding financial contributions and recruits from temple priests and local communities. The collection of registration fees from potential recruits, as revealed by the police investigation, indicates a level of financial organisation that warrants further scrutiny.

Prominent right-wing influencer Karunakar Sugguna condemned the attack on the priest in a video statement. Sugguna, who runs the Hindu right-wing YouTube channel Shiva Shakti – known for glorifying Hindutva and also simultaneously using inflammatory rhetoric against “missionaries” and “Christian converts” (who are mostly Dalits) – warned that such violence would derail their ongoing endeavor to achieve ram rajya.

“January 22, 2024 [alluding to the Ayodhya temple inauguration] is proof that we are on our way. Our Hindu brothers and sisters should realise that we can achieve Rama Rajyam through purely democratic means. What is a democracy but majority rule? Since we Hindus are a majority, we can rule this country for the benefit of all Hindus within this democratic and constitutional framework. Please wisen up and don’t derail our project with your shortsightedness,” Karunakar lamented.

The Cost of Mismanaging the Kumbh: In Bihar, Stampede Survivors Say They Cannot Sleep

‘There was complete chaos. No policeman for security. No one to show the way.’

Maner (Patna): Ever since the Maha Kumbh started at Prayagraj in Uttar Pradesh on January 13, Rinku Devi would see on her phone and read in the newspapers that the administrative arrangements for the punya snan (holy dip) of devotees at the Triveni Sangam, where Ganga, Yamuna and the mythical Saraswati meet, were very good.

This gave her and other women of her village courage.

The 35-year-old lives at the Jeevrakhan Tola village of Maner situated on the bank of the river Sone in rural Patna of Bihar.

She set out for Prayagraj on January 27 at around 11 am. More than a dozen women including her mother-in-law, Siya Devi, accompanied her. All were aged between 35 and 65 years. Most belonged to the Yadav caste. 

They took a train from Danapur junction about 20 kilometres away from their village. The train took them to Prayagraj railway station where they got a bus which dropped them near a bridge. From there they walked several kilometres. 

When they finally reached a place the ghat on the intervening night of January 28 and 29, Rinku Devi understood that talk of good arrangements were untrue. “There was nothing like that there. There was complete chaos. No policeman for security. No one to show the way,” Rinku Devi said.

Rinku Devi. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray

The women held hands and started moving towards the ghat. “We wanted to take a dip as early as possible. At around 11 pm on January 28, an announcement was made on the mic that common devotees should take a dip between 12 pm and 2 pm, because after that, those from the Akhara will take a dip and at that time, common pilgrims will not be allowed to go to the ghat,” she told The Wire.

They reached a spot closer to the ghat at around 1 am on January 29, when a huge crowd of people started coming towards them. These were people who had already taken a dip. Behind them was a huge crowd who were going to take a dip. “Both crowds collided. It turned into a stampede,” she says.

Rinku Devi and her mother-in-law Siya Devi were pushed by both crowds and fell on the ground. Many people fell on them. Others just ran. Some fell on them. “There must have been 8-9 people on us,” Rinku said. She felt that she would die and she screamed for help. “The locals pulled me out. People were trampling the dead bodies and running away,” she said.

Rinku had lost Siya Devi and the others. Convinced that her mother-in-law was among the pile of bodies, Rinku pleaded with local youth to help look for her.

One Abhishek Singh ultimately recovered Siya Devi’s body and took it to the ambulance, which took her to the makeshift Kendriya Chikitsalaya at Sector 2 in Prayagraj. 

Siya Devi is among 11 persons from Bihar who have been reported dead in the stampede at the Kumbh mela. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray

Rinku Devi claimed that the police were initially not allowing her to sit in the ambulance and kept asking her to collect the body from the police station. “But we forcibly boarded the ambulance with the body,” she said. Siya Devi was declared dead in hospital. Her body reached her village in an ambulance on January 30.

Siya Devi is among 11 persons from Bihar who have so far been reported dead in the Maha Kumbh Mela stampede. The Adityanath government has owned up to only 30 deaths, reports have suggested the count could be as many as 70, and Rinku swears that she saw hundreds dead. 

“My own mother-in-law’s body was pulled out from under a pile of eight bodies,” she said.

Siya and Rinku Devi’s house. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray.

The Wire spoke to at least half a dozen of devotees who witnessed the stampede that day. Many blamed the fact that there were no separate barricades for the exit of devotees who had already taken a dip and the entry of devotees who wanted to go into the water.

Abhishek Singh, who pulled Siya out of the pile of dead bodies, told The Wire over phone, “Barricades ended 59 metres before the ghats. So everything was open. When it was announced that the Mauni Amavasya is starting now, the huge crowd thronged to the ghat and on the other side there were crowds of devotees who had already taken a dip and wanted to return.” 

The women who witnessed and suffered the heart-rending stampede still shudder at the memory of that day. Many who were caught in the stampede are undergoing treatment as they have suffered severe internal injuries.

Almost all the women The Wire talked to said that they did not get any help from administration, even though their clothes had been torn and their money, lost.

Seventy-two-year-old Janaki Devi, of the same village in Bihar, believes that a miracle saved her at the stampede. She, too, is undergoing treatment – four injections a day. She has been advised to get a chest x-ray done. For three or four days after returning, Janaki could not utter a single word out of shock.

Janaki Devi. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray

“I had thought that I was getting old and may die anytime so I should take a holy dip. I had also heard that after 140 years such an auspicious occasion has coincided with the Kumbh. I had no idea that all this would happen,” she said, while sitting on a cot in front of her house in the afternoon. “Now I have decided not to go to Kumbh again. I will die of of the pain I sustained that day,” she added.

Janaki and her woman relatives have been on at least half a dozen pilgrimages, including Kumbh Mela 12 years ago. “That time there was no such chaos. We took the holy dip smoothly,” she said.

Janaki said that on the day of the Mauni Amavasya, an announcement was made to proceed slowly – which they followed. “But, people returning from the other side after taking the dip collided with us. People started running and crushing each other,” she said.

Janaki Devi fell in the stampede and became unconscious. She doesn’t know what happened after that. When she regained consciousness after two hours, she found a blanket on her body. A young man and six or seven women were surrounding her. “I lost my saree in the stampede. So they had wrapped me in a blanket,” she said

The man who rescued her turned out to be from the Kaimur district of Bihar. He had gone to the Kumbh with his family. He sheltered Janaki at his house for two days and then called her family members after Janaki was able to provide their numbers to him.

“I think he must have been my son in my previous life. If I am alive today, it is due to him. I pray to God that he never faces a single crisis,” Janaki said, adding that she did not get any help from the Kumbh administration.

Seventy-year-old Bhagwaniya Devi, a resident of a neighbouring village, had a harrowing experience. In the stampede some people snatched her bag from her and punched her on the chest.

Bhagwaniya Devi. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray

“Once the stampede started, I was helpless and pleaded with people to save me. Two people came and punched me twice on the chest, snatched my bag and ran away. The bag contained clothes, money and utensils. I fainted due to the punch,” she said.

When she regained consciousness, she was in a safe place and some women, who had come to take a dip in the Kumbh, were taking care of her. “The woman who was taking care of me told me that one of the police personnel who reached the spot thought I was dead and told the other police personnel to put me away in a vehicle. The woman shouted at the police and said that I had stirred,” she said. 

After regaining consciousness, Bhagwaniya did not know where to go. No administration official was there to help her. “Government didn’t help in any way. I began walking alone. I was crying. Some people helped me and took me to my village,” she said. She shows a red shawl which a woman gave her as she had lost her clothes in the crush.

Bhagwaniya’s chest still hurts and she is undergoing treatment. “I will never go to Kumbh again,” she said.

Forty-year-old Savita Devi, a woman of the same village who was also part of the group of women is similarly in shock and cannot sleep at night. 

Savita Devi, one of the survivors of Kumbh stampede. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray

I had felt that I will not survive. I did due to god’s grace,” she told The Wire. 

She remembered that she was walking behind a man and when the mayhem happened, she caught hold of that man’s bag and followed him for at least two or three kilometres. “I reached the bridge and took the bus to the railway station,” she said.  

“I have never seen such horrific sights in my life. When I recall that incident, I shake,” she said.

“I can’t sleep at night. Whenever I sleep, the sound of people crying, asking for help echoes in my ear and I wake up.”

Rajinder Rai who lost his wife Siya Devi in Kumbh stampede. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray.

The death of 61-year-old Siya Devi – mentioned at the beginning of this report – has shaken her husband, 65-year-old Rajinder Rai, to the core. He said that if administration had been in action, such an incident would not have happened.

“It is being said that crores of rupees have been spent on Kumbh. We ask where all this money was spent that a stampede broke out so easily and people died?” he asked.

According to the Uttar Pradesh government, a total of Rs 7,500 crores was spent on the Maha Kumbh Mela.

“I am most troubled by her departure because I was dependent on her. I have four sons, all are married and living separately. She would cook for me and also take care of the cattle in the house. I don’t know how I will survive,” he said.

He expressed anger at the statement of controversial religious preacher Dhirendra Shashri who said that those who died at the Kumbh will attain moksha – deliverance.

“A crowd will crush a person and she will get moksha? My wife was killed,” Rajinder said.

Janaki and Rinku both said that the preacher had reduced the death of people to a joke.

“They had gone to have a holy dip and not to die this way. How can anyone say this?” Rinku asked.

Ram Mandir Head Priest Who Opposed Hindutva Politics Over Ram, Dies

Amid the turbulence of majoritarian Hindutva politics, Acharya Satyendra Das was a voice of reason and calm.  

New Delhi: Acharya Satyendra Das, the head priest of the Ram temple in Ayodhya and a vocal critic of the politicisation of the Hindu deity, died on February 12 at the age of 86. Das, who oversaw puja and other rituals for the idol of Ram Lalla or infant Ram, for over three decades, had recently suffered a brain stroke and was admitted to the Sanjay Gandhi Postgraduate Institute of Medical Sciences in Lucknow, where he breathed his last.

Easily recognisable by his thick, flowing white beard which complemented his saffron robes, Das was staunchly opposed to the politics behind the Vishwa Hindu Parishad-backed Ram Janmabhoomi movement of the late 1980-90s. He believed that it was a ploy to launch the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power. Das was a devout Hindu, a scholar and committed to the idea of a Ram temple, at what he also believed was the deity’s birthplace, but without polarising the society on communal grounds.

He held that the decades-long issue could be resolved peacefully only through the judiciary and that any political intervention was unwarranted and could worsen communal strife in the country. Amid the turbulence of majoritarian Hindutva politics, of which the twin towns of Ayodhya-Faizabad became the epicentre, Das was a voice of reason and calm.

Despite holding a ceremonially important post as the main pujari entrusted with the worship of Ram, he lived a low-key life, fulfilling the duties assigned to him by the administration, without getting embroiled in any controversies. He stood in contrast to the array of politically-driven sadhus and priests groomed by the VHP and its affiliates in the temple town and was never accused of any inflammatory speech or divisive comments. His non-controversial aura also made him fairly accessible and he was always willing to share his views on anything related to Ram, the temple movement and the legal battle or the politics around it, which he derided.

Also read: Ayodhya Ram Temple’s Head Priest Flags Leaky Roof

Several top BJP leaders took to social media to express grief over his passing. Prime Minister Narendra Modi said Das was an “expert in religious rituals and scriptures,” and dedicated his “entire life to the service of Lord Shri Ram.” Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath said Das’s demise was an “irreparable loss to the spiritual world.” UP’s deputy chief minister Keshav Prasad Maurya, once a VHP activist who participated in the Ram temple movement, said Das’s death was “extremely sad and painful.” “[His] contribution from the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi movement to the re-establishment of Shri Ram Lalla is unforgettable which will always inspire the generations to come,” said Maurya.

Das’s outspoken-nature often pitted him against the BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-backed VHP, who he felt were milking the issue of Ram to gain political power. “All the agitations organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad for the Ram temple have been only to bring the BJP to power, and nothing else,” he told The Wire in 2019, when the VHP had organised a Dharma Sabha in Ayodhya to mobilise support apply pressure on the courts for the construction of a Ram temple. Das skipped that event, held a few months ahead of the 2019 general elections.

Das had the distinction of conducting prayers for Ram Lalla in three different settings, each marking a significant stage in the political history of the country. He took over as the government-appointed head priest of the makeshift temple operating from under the dome of the Babri Masjid on March 1, 1992. The idol of Ram Lalla, infant Ram, was surreptitiously slipped inside the Mughal-era mosque on the intervening night of December 22-23, 1949, forever changing the course of the temple-mosque dispute.

Abhiram Das, a sadhu of the Nirmohi Akhara, who was among those who planted the idol of an infant Ram, would later become Satyendra Das’s guru. Das conducted puja of the idol inside the mosque from March 1 to December 6, 1992, when the Babri Masjid was razed to the ground by a mob of karsevaks who had assembled there on the call of senior BJP and VHP leaders.

Das was present in the mosque when the demolition was taking place. “At around 11 am, the karsevak pramukh asked me to give him coconut and some cloth. “We want to carry out a puja,” he said,” Das told author Scharada Dubey, who recorded this in her book Portraits from Ayodhya. He recounted how the karsevaks brought in sand and water from the Saryu to purify the site.

Das carried a grudge against the right-wing forces. He believed that since idols had been installed at the structure in 1949 and namaz had been stopped, it had become a mandir and that the karsevaks had demolished a temple, not a mosque.

After the government took over the entire site, Das was chosen to head the puja for Ram Lalla at the makeshift temple on the basis of his scholarly qualifications and clean record, a rare combination those days. Dubey noted how the administration struggled to find a priest who either didn’t have a criminal record, was entangled in any legal dispute or was attached to a political party. It was common for the temples and mutts in Ayodhya to be involved in legal battles over land or property rights. And this would often turn violent.

Das maintained a clean record throughout his spiritual career.

Also read: Ayodhya: The Humble Pilgrim Has Taken a Back Seat Amid a Costly Makeover to Drive Religious Tourism

After the mosque was demolished on December 6, 1992, Das continued to conduct puja at the makeshift temple, which was heavily guarded by both central and state police forces, for three decades. Visitors had to pass through four gates of metal detector frames and frisking, and walk through narrow, caged barricades to reach the spot where the idols of Ram, Sita and Lakhsman were kept on an elevated platform under a tent, where the dome of the masjid once stood. Das was usually available there in the first half of the day.  The remains of the Babri Masjid and the brick-walls, hurriedly constructed by the karsevaks after the demolition, were still there as Das oversaw puja and darshan by devotees, while the legal case crawled in various courts.

In 2019, the Supreme Court controversially awarded the disputed land to the Hindu side for the construction of a grand temple for Ram, bringing an end to a protracted legal battle that spanned seven decades and resulted in the political rise and dominance of the BJP across the country.

On August 5, 2020 Prime Minister Narendra Modi formally launched the construction of the temple with an elaborate bhoomi poojan. The under-construction temple was hurriedly inaugurated by Modi with a consecration ceremony on January 22, 2024, ahead of the 2024 general elections.

During the course of all these events, from the puja of the idols planted inside the mosque to the Babri’s demolition and the construction of the Ram temple, Das was a constant figure.

‘They do not understand the bhakti of Ram’

Das was born on November 12, 1938 in Sant Kabir Nagar, which was then a part of Basti district in Purvanchal. He came to Ayodhya as a 20-year-old to study Sanskrit and Hindu texts. When his younger brother got married, he gave away his share of the land to him. Das rose to serve as a priest at the famous Hanuman Garhi temple. He also earned the title of ‘acharya’ (religious teacher) from Varanasi.

In 1958,when he arrived in Ayodhya, Das met Abhiram Das, the Bihar-origin sadhu who had planted the idol of Ram inside the Babri mosque, and started learning under his tutelage. Das held three degrees, including an M.A in Sanskrit. He even taught at a Sanskrit university in Ayodhya till he retired in 2007. After finishing his duties at the makeshift temple, he would return to his simple abode in the premises of the Gopal temple, one of the few dedicated to Krishna in the land of Ram.

Das once told me that he believed the temple was 500 years old but had no proof as his gurus did not leave any written records. “Once a Ram Bhakt came to the town and saw that Ayodhya only had Ram temples. So he decided there should also be a Krishna temple,” said Das, explaining the origin of his temple residence close to the Hanuman Garhi temple.

After the Ram temple opened, Das gained attention last year when he highlighted the alleged leakage of rainwater in the temple, which was built in the traditional Nagara style at an estimated cost of Rs 1,800 crore.

Throughout the legal dispute, Das reposed faith in the judiciary, no matter how long it took. He viewed political promises around a temple to be futile in absence of legal sanction. According to him, raising the temple issue repeatedly would only create communal tension in the country as the ultimate decision was to be taken by the highest judiciary.

In December 2024, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat expressed concern over the resurgence of legal disputes targeted at evicting Muslims from mosques and warned that no one would become a “leader of Hindus” by fanning communal divide. Das endorsed this perspective. Talking to a news agency, he said, “The conflict of a temple and a mosque is a communal conflict. And as such conflicts are rising, few people are becoming leaders. If becoming a leader is the only goal, then such conflicts are not right. Those who start a conflict just to become a leader are not right.”

Das saw through the VHP’s temple agenda since it launched its nationwide campaign in the mid 1980s. “First they started with one temple, the Ram Janmabhooomi Mandir, and when they saw people were mobilised over the issue, they spoke of three temples [Ayodhya, Varanasi and Mathura]. Since people started connecting with that too, they said not three, but 3,000 such mosques have been built after demolishing temples,” Das told me once.

At different junctures of the Ram temple movement, he opposed the VHP’s antics and attempts to polarise the society. In August 2013, when the VHP was adamant on taking out a 84-kosi parikrama yatra along the 272-km ‘cultural boundary’ of Ayodhya, Das rejected their idea saying the yatra had no religious sanction and was planned only to polarise voters ahead of the 2024 general elections.

In the summer of 2014, when the BJP included the construction of a Ram temple in its election manifesto, Das was among those who dismissed it as a ‘political gimmick’ and said that when the matter was in court, such promises were meant to mislead the Hindu voters.

In the 2024 general election, the BJP suffered a humiliating defeat in Faizabad despite the construction of a Ram temple, which led to an insidious right-wing campaign to abuse people of Ayodhya and blame them for the defeat. Speaking to The Wire then, Das called such people foolish.

“They obviously do not understand the bhakti of Bhagwan Ram. Such people who view Ram only as an election issue are petty and despicable,” Das said. For him, Ram was always a matter of faith and belonged to all, irrespective of their politics.

When Rationalism Goes For a Toss in a Stampede of Superstition

Democratic India has woefully failed in taking a pro-active approach towards inculcating a scientific way of life.

Arguably the first renowned rationalist in the world, Gautama Buddha, is well known for exhorting people to shun blind belief and embrace an inquisitive way of living. He is believed to have given his first sermon in Sarnath in present day Uttar Pradesh, around 2,500 years ago. The manner in which Sarnath pales in comparison to the glitter and glory of neighbouring Varanasi in today’s India perhaps sums up the reason why superstition rules the roost while scientific spirit is willfully undermined.

The recent incident of stampede in Prayagraj (merely 2 hours away from Sarnath) that took place in the wee hours of January 29, 2025, during the ongoing Maha Kumbh Mela and took the lives of at least 30 people is an epitome of unshakeable irrationality. According to some media reports, the sudden crowd surge happened as there was a mad rush to take the holy dip at the confluence of the sacred rivers at a particular time that was felt to be the most auspicious on an already touted auspicious day.

In the aftermath of the gory stampede, it is on expected lines to blame the government machinery for their inadequate planning, particularly since they went overboard in advertising the event and attracting an unforeseen crowd making it the largest human gathering in the world. But it is also important to acknowledge that this is not the first time and neither will it be the last time, a sad reality given the state of affairs in India.

A history of stampedes

It has, in fact, become customary to witness stampedes at such events. For instance, in the 1954 Kumbh mela stampede, also in Prayag, a whopping 800 (or more) people were believed to have died. In 2015, during the Godavari maha-pushkaram event (a once-in-a-144 year event akin to the current Maha Kumbh) in Rajahmundry, Andhra Pradesh, 27 people died in a stampede triggered by a similar crowd surge. As recently as 3 weeks ago, six people died and scores injured in a melee for buying tickets to visit Tirupati Balaji temple on an auspicious day.

Leave alone discouraging such unnatural crowd gatherings that are bound to result in disasters, governments in all these instances show overenthusiasm in adding to the hype – be it by politicians themselves taking the holy dip or by promising lavish arrangements for the common people that never materialise and fall way short of even meeting basic needs.

Stampede situations even during movie events and more bizarrely on the first day of popular movie releases is a sign of another level of decay in our country, the root of which again lies in ignorance and blind worship.

The bigger problem is the gullibility of millions of people in believing that an act such as a dip in polluted river water is somehow holy. It is also noteworthy that education is no panacea to such ignorance given that doctors, engineers and celebrities of all hues are equally enthusiastic in participating in this endeavor. Rational individuals must wonder how are we as a society still so credulous even though it is in our land that such stalwarts like Buddha had preached wisdom that questions rituals.

What happened to our Charvaka philosophy that spoke of materialism perhaps even before the time of famous ancient Greek philosophers? Is this the same land where Lokayata, “wisdom of the common people”, once prevailed and questioned dogmatic beliefs? Looking back in to our history, we can see that the ideological awakening heralded by such paradigm-shifting philosophies was repeatedly thwarted by successive waves of hyper-ritualist “ways of life”.

Generations of ignorance and blind belief

Eventually, a “way of life” dominated by a birth-based, abhorrent division of humanity in to infinitesimal caste groups and an unquestioned obeisance to deities got firmly entrenched, paving the way for generations of ignorance and blind belief to an extent that harms the people themselves and stunts the progress of the society as a whole.

It is not like the rest of the society just adopted this “way of life” without a whimper. Our history is dotted with a continuous line of philosophers, thinkers and politicians that strived to rid us of superstition be it Kabir, Guru Nanak, Ambedkar, Phule and Periyar to name a few. Each of them (and many more) were able to achieve some success but the travesty of our society is such that even erstwhile revolutionaries are co-opted by contemporary traditionalists and turned into idols.

Subsequently, ritualism and hyperbole takes over while ignoring the very essence of those ideologists as seen with omnipotent Buddha figurines in our homes while paying no heed to his opposition to blind belief or Ambedkar statue-worship while doing nothing to annihilate caste.

Only an iron-willed state-supported approach can achieve progress in eradicating the scourge of ignorance and superstition. There is one shining example in our own history that is of Ashoka who made it a state policy to embrace humanity and shun ritualism. In post-independent India, Jawaharlal Nehru is credited with his insistence on scientific temper but this ideology never reached the masses of India.

Democratic India has woefully failed in taking a pro-active approach towards inculcating a scientific way of life. The rationalist movement initiated by Periyar achieved success in giving birth to a Dravidian political system that has implemented many reforms that over a generation have led to a clear distinction between Tamil Nadu (and by extension some other South Indian states) vis a vis some North Indian states.

Also Read: Maha Kumbh Stampede Was a Tragedy in Waiting

Expecting a scientific temper from the current central dispensation is a tall order when the head of the state proclaims himself as non-biological, the second in command gleefully flaunts his belief in superstition and scores of government functionaries at the highest levels have no qualms in propagating myths.

A way out of this conundrum will take a herculean effort and every little step from all rational people will count. Until then, naïve masses will continue to be crushed under the juggernaut of ritualism and irrationality.

On the brighter side, we have to be content in thinking that, out of 140 crore Indians, a 100 crore resisted the idea of a holy dip given that the government estimates that 40 crore people will participate in the Maha Kumbh mela, a number supposedly bloated in itself!

G. Naveen is a physician who writes on politics and social justice.

A Message for Communal Harmony From Ajmer Dargah Sharif

On Martyrs’ Day, people in Ajmer marched for peace to the iconic dargah, driven by three stories that span centuries.

Seventy-seven years have passed since Gandhi was martyred in the inferno of India’s Partition. Pakistan had separated as a Muslim nation. In these months, Gandhi fought his life’s most agonised but morally significant battle, one that illuminated the way for his people as they set about building a free nation. This was his struggle to affirm that Muslim residents belonged equally and held equal rights in newly independent India. There was rage and anguish among the refugees teeming the capital who had been forever expelled from their homelands in what was now Pakistan. In their ranks were also large numbers of my own extended family. 

Hazrat Muin-ud-Din from a Guler painting showing an imaginary meeting of Sufi saints

Hazrat Muin-ud-Din from a Guler painting showing an imaginary meeting of Sufi saints. Photo: Wikimedia commons

The Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) had for decades battled not the British colonial masters for an India in which Muslims and Christians would only be allowed second class citizenship. As Gandhiji walked for his daily interfaith prayer meeting on the winter evening of January 30, 1948, a young man steeped in this ideology came forward. He touched Gandhi’s feet, then rose erect and pumped bullets into the Mahatma’s chest.

Why, 77 years later, did a group of us gather on Gandhi’s martyrdom day in Ajmer for an interfaith march to the iconic Moinuddin Chishti, a 13th-century Sufi saint and philosopher, also known as the Ajmer Dargah Shareef? 

Behind this are three stories. These stories stretch across many centuries. The first relates the epic story of the establishment of this 13th century Sufi shrine, and its phenomenal growth over the centuries, as an exemplar of the unity of all faiths. 

The second is the story of Gandhi’s last and life’s most momentous fast, in January 1948, barely two weeks before his assassination. 

And third is the 21st-century claim, admitted in a local court, that the Ajmer Sharif Dargah, the mausoleum of Sufi saint Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti, was built over a pre-existing Hindu (Shiva) temple that was demolished, and that the temple should be restored at the site.

§

For the first story, we go back to the year 1141, when in Iran’s Sijistan a young boy named Moinuddin was born. Orphaned at the age of 14, a chance encounter with a wandering mystic launched him on a spiritual quest for what lay beyond loneliness, death and destruction. 

Historian Mehru Jaffer in The Book of Muinuddin Chishti describes how by the age of 20, he had studied theology, grammar, philosophy, ethics, and religion in the learned seminaries of Bukhara and Samarkand. During his wide travels, he met Khwaja Usman Harooni, a Sufi master of the Chishti order who he adopted as his mentor and spiritual teacher. Harooni initiated Moinuddin into the Chishti silsila (or Sufi lineage). Moinuddin Chishti then travelled to Multan, where he studied Sanskrit and Hindu texts. He journeyed to Lahore, Delhi and ended his travels in Ajmer in 1191. On the throne of Delhi sat emperor Sultan Iltutmish

It was in Ajmer that Moinuddin met his wife Bibi Ummatullah, and with her he built a humble mud house. Jaffer describes how this home soon became a sanctuary for the homeless and the hungry, and for restless anguished souls in search of solace and peace. His extraordinary generosity and acts of selflessness became legendary, earning him the title of Gharib Nawaz, or friend of the poor, an honorific that stays with him to this day. His renown spread as a charismatic and compassionate spiritual preacher and teacher whose spiritual discourses attracted people from far and wide, of both Muslim and Hindu faiths. He preached the unity of all faiths and the love of the divine

Akbar visits the tomb of Khwajah Mu'in ad-Din Chishti at Ajmer

Akbar visits the tomb of Khwajah Mu’in ad-Din Chishti at Ajmer. Photo: Wikimedia commons

After his passing in March 1236, Moinuddin came to be widely venerated as a great saint. Sultan Iltutmish visited his humble tomb to honour his memory. Other kings and emperors followed and slowly expanded the infrastructure of the complex. It was emperor Akbar who was especially drawn to this shrine, visiting it 14 times during his reign. 

In 1566, he trudged to it barefoot, with his Hindu consort Maraim-uz-Zamani, in a pilgrimage seeking sons to be born to them. He constructed the sanctum sanctorum of the tomb. The shrine was extended further by later emperors Jahangir and Shah Jahan, queen Jahanara, and Mughal princes and rulers who came after them. Kumar Rao Scindia, who believed the Khwaja had blessed him with a son, Maharani Baiza Bai Scindia, Maharaja Ajit Singh of Jodhpur and the Maharaja of Baroda were among a legion of Hindu rulers who also added to the shrine complex.  

Akbar is also famed for donating in 1568, the largest degh or cauldron in the world to the dargah, with a diameter of 6 metres, made of an alloy of seven metals, in which the rim of the degh never heats up even while fires are lit at the base to cook food for the massive langar, even to this day. 

Far now into the 21st century, this dargah remains one of the most popular shrines in South Asia, revered by tens of thousands of devotees – Muslim, Hindu, Sikh, Christian, Parsi, Buddhist and Jain – from India and around the world. 

At least 20,000 worshippers offer prayers here everyday, of which about a third are not Muslim. They offer rose petals, some seven tonnes a day, sourced mainly from Pushkar Temple to the Hindu god of creation Lord Brahma. They offer the traditional chadar, tie the traditional red and saffron strings with their prayers seeking a boon, and partake of the langar still cooked in the degh donated by Akbar and his son Jehangir. 

It was here that a group of us gathered on January 30, 2025 for inter-faith prayers and a march past Hindu, Christian and Sikh temples, culminating at the famed Ajmer Dargah. In the ranks of those of us who gathered at Ajmer many were not even people of religious faith. I am a secular agnostic, respectful of religious faith among others but deriving my own ethics independently of any specific religious prescription.

*** 

For the second story of this tale, we leap eight centuries forward, after the passing of Khwaja Gareeb Nawaz Moinuddin Chisthi. This was January 1948, in the national capital of the newly independent India. Gandhi began his last fast a fortnight before he was assassinated. 

They were turbulent early days of this fragile but bitterly riven free India. The capital city was teeming with thousands of refugees uprooted by brutal violence from their homelands. Slaughter persisted on both sides of the new border, and an uncounted number of women were abducted and raped. The refugees were resentful, angry and uncertain about their future. 

Much of their wrath was directed at the Muslim residents of the city, whom they wrongly held responsible for the crimes of their co-religionists on the other side of the border. There was violence everywhere against Muslim lives and properties across the seething city. Refugee camps were filling with Muslims who felt they were left with no option except to migrate to Pakistan. Gandhi, Maulana Azad and Nehru tirelessly pleaded with the Muslims to stay in India, a country they pledged would continue to belong equally to them as to its Hindu majority.

Mahatma Gandhi having a meal before beginning his last fast.

Mahatma Gandhi having a meal before beginning his last fast. Photo: Public domain

It was in the midst of this smouldering mass rage and violence that Gandhi decided to begin his last fast. There are accounts that even Nehru, Patel and Azad cautioned Gandhi against it. “There is just too much public anger,” they said. “This is not the time.” Gandhiji’s gentle but firm response was, “This is the time.”

Germane to our story today is Gandhi’s second demand in his last fast. One central prong of retributive violence of the refugees, spurred by Hindutva organisations like the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS, was to plant Hindu idols in Muslim shrines and dargahs, like the Connaught Place Masjid and the historic Mehrauli Dargah. Gandhi’s second demand was that we restore with full respect all Muslim shrines to our Muslim sisters and brothers. No true place of worship of any faith, Gandhi explained, can be founded on disrespect, humiliation and violence against any other faith. 

Historian Irfan Habib was 19 years old at the time and describes, as an eyewitness, how much this last struggle by Gandhi brought solace and hope to people of Muslim identity like him during the Partition. On the first day of his fast, 10,000  people marched on the streets of Delhi in support of his demands. By the fifth day, the numbers swelled to 1,00,000. All his demands were accepted. Our Muslim sisters and brothers were given back their places of worship, with a guarantee that they would be free to worship in their chosen ways in free India.

*** 

Our third story brings us to present times. A law passed by the Indian parliament in 1991 buoyed the historic guarantee after Gandhi’s last fast, by prescribing that the status of no place of worship, as it stood in 1947, could be altered. But the Chief Justice of India’s highest court observed with puzzling reasoning that the law did not bar surveys and studies into what the religious character of these structures was going back even centuries. Hindutva organisations, on cue, began to raise claims that Hindu temples lay below an array of historic mosques and dargahs across the country. This spurred frightening prospects of the tearing apart of the country one more time.

Even among this multitude of claims of temples under mosques, one that particularly shook the public conscience was the claim that under the Moinuddin Chishti Dargah in Ajmer lay first a Jain and then a Shiv Temple.

Haji Syed Salman Chishty, a Khadim or Dargah caretaker spoke for so many Indians in an anguished article he wrote for the Financial Times. “Ajmer Dargah Sharif, the resting place of Khwaja Moinuddin Chishty”, he wrote, “is not only a sacred site but a symbol of India’s rich tradition of interfaith harmony. For centuries, (this)… revered and sacred spiritual centre has brought together people from all walks of life, irrespective of religion, caste, or creed… Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Jains and devotees, alongside Muslims and people of all faiths, have visited this shrine for centuries, seeking blessings and spiritual solace.”

“Ajmer Sharif”, he rightly observes, “has always been a symbol of India’s pluralistic heritage. Hazrat Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti preached a message of love, inclusivity, and service to humanity. His teachings brought together people of different backgrounds, making Ajmer Sharif a centre of spiritual solace. Historical records, writings of the past eight centuries and the oral traditions of millions of devotees stand as sacred testament to Ajmer Dargah Sharif’s Chishty Sufi spiritual foundations and its unifying role.”

“Through acts of service, humility, and love, Sufi teachings have played a pivotal role in fostering harmony in India’s diverse society. Ajmer Dargah Sharif is a living example of these principles, serving as a sanctuary of peace and mutual respect.” “Hazrat Khwaja Moinuddin Chishty”, he recalls, “dedicated his life to serving humanity and spreading the message of love, compassion, and unity…These values are more relevant than ever in today’s world, where divisive forces seek to exploit historical inaccuracies for personal and political gain…The Dargah Sharif has always been a space where differences dissolve, and a shared humanity takes precedence.” 

*** 

In September 2017, when a frightening battery of lynchings began sweeping India, a group of us decided to set out on a series of journeys of the Karwan e Mohabbat or Caravan of Love, reaching the homes of every family that had lost loved ones to lynching and violence, offering solidarity, atonement and care. 

We first went to Assam and crossed over a month later to Porbandar, a coastal town on the Arabian Sea where Gandhi was born. We felt it was fitting that half-way through this journey, the Karwan should halt at the Ajmer Sharif Dargah. The Khadims of the dargah welcomed us with the honours they offer to visiting heads of government because they said our message of love and harmony so closely echoed the teachings of Khwaja Gharib Nawaz. 

I thought the time had come for us to return to the dargah once more. I reached out to my dear comrade Kavita Shrivastava, National President of the People’s Union of Civil Liberties. She told me that a wonderful group of writers, journalists and educationists had come together three years earlier in Ajmer under the banner of the Gandhi Mohotsav Samiti. Troubled by rising religious hate among young people, they resolved to spread Gandhi’s teachings in schools and colleges. They would be perfect partners, I agreed, for our collective enterprise for harmony.

Sadbhavna yatra in Ajmer

Sadbhavna yatra in Ajmer. Photo: Author provided

And so, I found myself in Ajmer on the morning of January 30, 2025. The sunshine was soft, the air crisp. Among those who had travelled from outside Ajmer were Aruna Roy, Kavita, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh and journalist Mandeep Punia. More importantly, there were 600 children from ten private schools, 25 law school interns, and over 700 Ajmer citizens from all walks of life. 

Before the march started, prayers were recited by priests and nuns of diverse faiths – Hindu, Christian, Muslim, Sikh, Buddhist and Jain. Our march began after two minutes of silent tribute to Gandhiji. Our first halt was at Robert Memorial Church, established in 1863 at the Ajmer Gate. Here a group of priests and nuns led by Father Ashish George showered flowers at the marchers. Next came the Sikh Gurudwara at Ganj. Priests and worshippers offered us flowers. The same recurred outside the Hindu temples of Bateshwar Maharaj and the Shani Mandir at Delhi Gate. 

Shopkeepers showering flowers at those marching in the sadbhavna yatra.

Shopkeepers showering flowers at those marching in the sadbhavna yatra. Photo: Author provided.

The most uplifting part of this four-kilometre journey was the last one-kilometre stretch as we approached the Ajmer Sharif Dargah. Ordinary citizens lined up outside their shops spontaneously, each with their bags of flowers. They rained these flowers on us. From the names of the shops outside which they stood, I could estimate that the majority of them were Hindus. 

At the entrance of the Ajmer Sharif Dargah, we were warmly welcomed by the Khadims, dressed in their formal finery. They tied turbans to the men and offered shawls to the women. They then led us into the sanctorum. Here, a Khadim tied the traditional red and saffron thread around my right wrist and asked me to seek a boon. My agnostic heart did not resist. I did as he instructed.

Sadbhavna yatra in Ajmer

Sadbhavna yatra in Ajmer. Photo: Author provided

Weeks later, as I write this account, the red and saffron thread still hangs on my wrist. I look at it sometimes and wistful thoughts gather in my heart – thoughts I would not permit in normal times.

I allow myself to imagine that somewhere in the universe, Khwaja Gharib Nawaz Moinuddin Chisthi and Mahatma Gandhi would be looking down with love and compassion at our troubled land, and with them would be the likes of Gautama Buddha, Kabir and Nanak. I feel a sense of solace, an assurance that these times of hate will pass, that the boon that I sought inside the Ajmer Sharif Dargah will be realised. The boon I sought was that we will in the end claim the country that we had promised ourselves, a land that is ineffable in its kindness, equality and justice.

I am grateful to Mandeep Punia for the visuals, to Syed Rubeel Haider Zaidi for his research support and Imaad ul Hasan for editing the pictures.       

Harsh Mander is a social worker and writer.

Is 2025 Maha Kumbh Really a ‘Rare’ Event Held After 144 Years?

It is generally accepted that the Magh Mela is held annually in the month of Magh, the Ardh Kumbh (half-Kumbh) is held every six years and the Maha Kumbh is held every 12 years. So, where did the question of 144 years arise from?

New Delhi: The Uttar Pradesh government, along with Hindu monastic heads, have marketed the 2025 Maha Kumbh Mela in Prayagraj as a once-in-a-lifetime event taking place after 144 years due to a rare celestial alignment.

We cannot approve or disapprove the celestial aspect of the event, given that it pertains to the faith of millions of people, but this is also not the first time in the last three decades that such a claim has been made. 

In fact, a document published by the Adityanath government in 2023 and an audit report by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) considered the 2013 Mela in Allahabad as a ‘Maha Kumbh Mela’ and said that it was held after 144 years.

Birth of the Kumbh Mela

The largest congregation of human beings in the world, Kumbh Mela in Prayagraj is one of the biggest Hindu festivals and has existed for centuries. It involves large sums of funds, meticulous planning, security arrangements, infrastructure building and management of a gigantic makeshift tent city for almost two months during winter.

The founding myth behind the Kumbh (sacred pitcher) is the puranic story of the Samudra Manthan (churning of amrit, the nectar of immortality). 

Also read: Why Gandhi’s 1915 Kumbh Mela Reflections Matter in 2025

Hindus believe that when gods and demons fought over the sacred pitcher carrying the amrit, Hindu deity Vishnu – disguised as Mohini, an enchantress – grasped the pitcher from the demons and flew off to the heavens. 

However, as Vishnu carried the pitcher, a few drops of the amrit spilled at four places – Allahabad (today, Prayagraj), Haridwar, Nashik and Ujjain. Hindus believe that it took 12 “divine years” to carry the amrit to the heavens. 

A ‘divine year’ equals 12 human years, and so, the Kumbh Mela is held at these four sites every 12 years.

Prayagraj, where the Ganges, Yamuna and the mythical Saraswati meet to form a Sangam or holy confluence, is considered the site of the most important Kumbh gathering.

It is generally accepted and known that the Magh Mela is held annually in the month of Magh, the Ardh Kumbh (half-Kumbh) is held every six years and the Poorna Kumbh or Maha Kumbh are held every 12 years.

Politicisation of Kumbh Mela

In 2018, the Adityanath government changed the name of Ardh Kumbh to Kumbh, to scale up its significance, as part of the BJP’s saffron politics.

A year later, the government organised a Kumbh Mela in Prayagraj, which would be remembered for its heavy politicisation as Adityanath broke traditions to convene a meeting of his cabinet, usually held at the secretariat in the capital of Lucknow, on the ghats of the Sangam during the Mela.

Adityanath conducted a cabinet meeting in the Mela this year as well.

Also read: Maha Kumbh Stampede Was a Tragedy in Waiting

The BJP government has marketed the 2025 Maha Kumbh Mela as an event happening after a gap of 144 years. If that’s true, it means that the last such celestial event was held in 1881.

However, this theory appears to be filled with gaps. 

In 2023, six years after Adityanath started ruling UP, his government published a document titled ‘Guidelines for Managing Crowds at Events of Mass Gathering, 2023’. The 60-odd page document was published by the state disaster management authority and had a large, beaming photograph of Adityanath on the cover. 

Referring to the stampede at the Allahabad railway station during the 2013 Maha Kumbh Mela that was held under the rule of the Samajwadi Party, the document stated, “The 2013 event was considered a Maha Kumbh Mela, which comes only once every 144 years. It lasted 55 days and was expected to be attended by 100 million pilgrims, making it the largest temporary gathering of people in the world at that time.”

The ‘144 years’ debate

CAG’s performance audit of the 2013 Kumbh Mela also mentioned the gathering as a Maha Kumbh Mela (MKM), held for 55 days from January 14 to March 10 that year.

The CAG report said that the Melas, held in Allahabad (now Prayagraj) in the month of Magh (11th month of the Samvat calendar, January-February) are graded in the order of religious significance on the basis of periodicity.

“Maha Kumbh Mela (MKM) is held every 144 years, Purna Kumbh Mela (KM) every twelve years, Ardh Kumbh Mela (AKM) every six years and Magh Mela Mela every year on the banks of river Ganga and its tributary Yamuna,” the CAG report stated. 

‘Kumbh Mela-Mapping the Ephemeral Mega City’, an inter-disciplinary book published by researchers from Harvard University on the 2013 Maha Kumbh Mela, however, said that it was the 2001 Maha Kumbh Mela that was held after 144 years. 

“The Maha Kumbh, which occurs every 144 years, last took place in 2001 in Allahabad,” it said.

In his short book, The Kumbh Mela, senior British journalist Mark Tully, documented his experience of covering the 1989 Maha Kumbh Mela in Allahabad.

On page 12 of the book, Tully documents how the priests believed that the 1989 version of the Mela was being held after 144 years. 

“The pandits said that 1989 would be the most important Kumbh Mela for 144 years because of the particularly auspicious position of the stars and planets. I had read the pandits’ predictions and the official report on the preparations for the Mela, so I was very surprised when I arrived in Allahabad a week before the big bathe to find administrators, journalists, religious leaders and the local clergy all worried that the millions might not tum out this time,” wrote Tully.

A documentary on the 1989 Mela, produced by the UP information department, and available online, however, referred to the 1989 event as a Purna Kumbh.

No mention of 144 years on official sites

The official websites of the Prayagraj district and the 2025 Maha Kumbh Mela also do not mention anything about the event being held after 144 years, as projected by the government and members of the Akhara Parishad – the apex umbrella body of the 13 Hindu sects in India.

The Prayagraj district website says, “The Kumbh held every six years and Mahakumbh every 12 years at Prayagraj (Sangam) are the largest gatherings of pilgrims on this earth. The most recent Maha Kumbh Mela was held in 2013 and the next is due in 2025.”

Also read: Death, Stampede and the Pitfalls of VIP Culture at the Kumbh: A First-Person Account

The official website of the Maha Kumbh Mela 2025 says, “The Maha Kumbh Mela, a sacred congregation that unfolds every twelve years, is more than a spectacular gathering of millions – it is a spiritual odyssey that delves into the very essence of human existence.”

If the last Maha Kumbh Mela was held 144 years ago, in 1881, when the British ruled over the country, it would perhaps find a mention in their records. However, the gazetteer of Allahabad published by British officer H.R. Nevill in 1911, also does not refer to 144 years. 

The gazetteer says that the last Kumbh Mela was held in 1906 – which is 119 years before the 2025 Maha Kumbh Mela. 

“Every 12th year when the sun is in Aries, and the planet Jupiter is simultaneously in Aquarius, occurs a Kumbh, and on such occasions, a vastly greater concourse assembles,” the gazetteer said.

The claims about 144 years took a political turn when last week Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, while campaigning for the bypoll election in Milkipur in Ayodhya, took a jocular dig at the government.

“The Maha Kumbh is being discussed across the country and the world. It is supposedly being held after 144 years. But many of our enlightened journalists and those who understand astronomy and are knowledgeable about the constellations, must be knowing that every Kumbh comes after 144 years,” said Yadav.

Perhaps, it is time that the government and the akharas clear the air on this one.

Maha Kumbh Stampede Was a Tragedy in Waiting

Perhaps time has come to accept that our religious practices have to be reoriented in keeping with the times.

Faith in Shiva can move even Mount Kailash and the ocean can part for Moses, but faith cannot guide governments.

Faith has to be tempered while running the affairs of the state. Much before the onset of Maha Kumbh preparations, it was incumbent upon the Uttar Pradesh state administration to make an announcement for the devotees across the country, that the facilities were extremely limited for handling huge crowds. Hence, children and old people, the infirm and ill, should not come to the Sangam. Mahamandleshwars should have been advised to make an open appeal to the devotees to bathe at their nearest ghats and that it will earn them the same punya as bathing at the Sangam.

The Maha Kumbh, coming after 144 years, is very auspicious and was certain to attract huge crowds. The state ought to have been prescient of the risk and responsibility in managing and ensuring the safety and security of streams of devotees coming to Prayagraj. There was no question of allowing ministers and so-called VIPs, accompanied by posse of policemen and hangers on for their well-advertised and photographed baths. Rather, they should have set an example by publicising their rituals at the nearest ghat of their home districts.

It seems as if the political executive fell prey to the lure of converting crores and crores of devotees into voters. The arrangements were flashed all over as unique and best in the world. From the latest Artificial Intelligence (AI) enabled cameras to underwater drones, Maha Kumbh became the cynosure for all eyes lending an ethereal, sublime aura to the surroundings. Spurred on by the call of Ganga Mata and the publicity blitz, crores of devotees from all parts of the country set foot for the holy yatra – all to converge at the Sangam.

The evening before the Mauni Amavasya, anticipating a massive crowd to arrive for the snan, police officers announced at the ghats for people to go back after their bath. But quite a few remained and some slept off. Meanwhile the barricades for the devotees leading to the nose of the Sangam were straining to capacity hours before the snan. Roads to Prayagraj were jammed from all sides. An American blogger, with 1 million followers, wrote on social media that he was caught in a hold up for 19 hours. Other entries to the city faced similar fate.

Also read: Let Us Not Overdo this ‘Triumph of Faith’

Suddenly a rumour spread at the nose of Sangam and some desperate for an early dip broke through the barricades. The sudden onrush of devotees trampling on the sleeping devotees led to all hell breaking loose. It was too late to stem the tragedy at that point. Even the tragic loss of lives did not stop crores from taking a bath on the same day later. An influencer claimed a second stampede at Jhusi hours later.

Why is it that since 1954, when the first tragedy at Kumbh took place, it keeps appearing at regular intervals with the same sequence of events leading to loss of lives? Various commission reports, more or less, come to the same findings and yet hardly any lessons are learnt. In this particular case, the judicial commission should look into the following:

Magh Mela is held at Prayagraj every year, with every 6th year an Ardh Kumbh followed by a Maha Kumbh on the 12th  year. The traffic plan and contingencies are revised and updated every year. To have such a mishap then implies a serious failure of coordination and execution. Why were some pontoon bridges shut? Why were roads blocked? Circulating traffic rather than blocking was called for.

Why were invitations sent to such a large number of people? This seemed something new this year. Calling few observers is understandable but invitations to so many persons betray a religious and/or political agenda. Even corporate honchos were invited who could have easily looked after themselves.

Since the earlier Kumbhs, it was a tradition never to have VIPs on auspicious dates, nor to invite them on other days. The visit of the Union home minister, two days before Amavasya, of the defence minister before that and the Uttar Pradesh chief minister with his whole team later, should also have been avoided.

A thumb rule of such massive gatherings is to maintain scrupulously, a healthy egress-ingress ratio. This should have been considered by the Control Centre with the AI-enabled cameras and CCTVs at its command. The action needed to be taken at the borders and not where the sea of humanity is impossible to control.

Lastly, a closer look is required into the choice of officers for managing the mela. Is this a place to use your social media skills for personal publicity? Should a DIG giving commands on a loud hailer be captured on camera and displayed on social media? Posting in Kumbh leads to better assignments and these social media projections were perhaps directed towards this goal.

Perhaps time has come to accept that our religious practices have to be reoriented in keeping with the times. Can Kanwar Yatras go smoothly on city roads where already it is impossible for pedestrians to walk? No technology, manpower or skill can manage crowds of unmanageable proportions. Religious tourism, temple visits, and Kumbhs should be quiet, serene, soul cleansing and without rush or noise. But every religious place has faced a stampede or is waiting to happen because of impossible numbers. It is time to pause and think. The aim is to purify body, soul and home. As they say in Bihar, “Mann changa to kathauti me Ganga”.

Yashovardhan Azad is a former Central Information Commissioner and a retired IPS officer who has served as Secretary, Security and special director, Intelligence Bureau.