Religion

Tripping on Rituals: The Politics Over Use of Firecrackers in Kerala’s Religious Festivals

Kerala’s firecracker problem at its religious festivals, is characteristic of a larger political predicament the state finds itself in.

On October 28, more than 150 people were injured – eight of them seriously – in an accident involving fireworks at a temple in Kerala’s Kasaragod district. Some with serious burn injuries were on ventilator support at the time of writing this article.

Roughly eight years earlier, on April 10, 2016, an even more devastating mishap had occurred at the Puttingal temple in the state’s Kollam district, which left more than 100 people dead, hundreds injured and many houses damaged.

Sandwiched between these two incidents were remarks by a couple of ministers from the state government that amazed for its shortsightedness as well as political opportunism.

LDF ministers call safety regulations ‘irrational’

On October 21, 2024, onmanorama.com reported state revenue minister K. Rajan’s view that the central government’s latest directive on the use of pyrotechnics will affect the traditional display of fireworks at Thrissur Pooram, one of Kerala’s biggest temple festivals. He highlighted some new regulations – mostly dealing with the distance mandated between the public, fire-line, temporary sheds, fireworks site and facilities like schools and hospitals in the neighbourhood – as impossible to implement in Thrissur Pooram’s case for want of adequate space.

On October 23, a PTI report said that Kerala’s devaswom (temple affairs) minister, V N Vasawan had called the new regulations irrational and unnecessary and written to the Centre seeking suitable modifications.

Five days later, as news of the latest mishap in Neeleswaram, Kasaragod, filtered in, one wondered what the two esteemed ministers must be thinking. According to a PTI report on the Neeleswaram fireworks accident, the district collector said that as per a preliminary probe, the fireworks storage facility and the place where the firecrackers were burst, were close by. In other words, insufficient distance.

Kerala’s firecracker problem at its religious festivals, is characteristic of a larger political predicament the state finds itself in and which has been fuelling a distinct brand of politics. Kerala is a thickly populated state. Population density is high. Buildings and human dwellings are all over the place; almost. Close to the state’s forests and in its hills, density of habitation thins out a bit. Else, it is one urban to semi-urban stretch.

There should be no difficulty in acknowledging the need to respect safety regulations when it comes to big pyrotechnics displays – especially in urban and semi-urban environments – because the risk of damage to life and property is high. Sadly, in Kerala’s emergent political brew, common sense is easily suspended.

Heady mix of ritualistic religion and politics

A good example of it are big religious festivals. Thrissur Pooram is merely an example. The ministers were quick to highlight how it was impacted by the Centre’s new regulations and consequently demanded modification to rules. Faith in its inflexible, ritualistic avatar is ideal substratum to shape into election-winning politics.

This is why India loves the heady mix of ritualistic religion and politics. It ensures political parties that indulge the religious and ritualistic, a sticky following. It is also likely why the two Kerala ministers, despite them being a part of the Left Democratic Front (LDF) government, informed the faithful quickly about how the new regulations may impact the Pooram.

Two emergent issues will help put all this in perspective. Kerala temple festivals, showcasing elephants and massive fireworks displays, have always drawn fans and critics alike. Its fans, some of them strongly revering tradition, live in their own world of elephant-emperors and high decibel fireworks displays.

Critics of this tradition, quote animal rights and air and noise pollution. Thrissur Pooram has both a massive line-up of elephants and a finale composed of a large fireworks display. In April 2024, the year’s Thrissur Pooram was nearing its concluding phase and the annual fireworks finale, when an alleged misunderstanding between the police and the festival/temple authorities over managing the fireworks display, led to a brief suspension of proceedings.

Since the 2024 Lok Sabha elections were set to happen shortly and campaigning for it was already underway, the reaction to the incident was instantly political. Thrissur was seen as a constituency where the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may pull off a win. Its candidate, film actor turned politician, Suresh Gopi – he eventually won the election and is currently a union minister – was sighted arriving for discussions that night (following the festival’s disruption) in an ambulance, in a zone otherwise closed to traffic.

Gopi’s dramatic arrival was captured by television cameras. Both the brief suspension of festivities and Gopi’s alleged violation of traffic rules in place, became a controversy. Post election results, the controversy seemed to fade but it received a fresh lease of life when another controversy around the state’s additional director general of police (ADGP) and his alleged proximity to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), broke out.

Polarisation and BJP winning first Lok Sabha seat in Kerala

In LDF-ruled Kerala, the chief minister handles the home portfolio. It was alleged that the above-mentioned police officer had a role in the disruption of the Thrissur Pooram, which it was conjectured, may have polarised sentiments against the other political fronts in the fray and helped BJP secure its first parliament seat from Kerala.

Shortly after the ADGP-controversy broke, campaigning commenced in the state for one parliamentary seat (Wayanad) and two assembly seats (Palakkad and Chelakkara) as part of the November 2024 by-elections. By now, thanks to the alleged ADGP-link, the old Thrissur Pooram controversy was back in force. There were some amusing new angles too. With chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan saying that those claiming the Thrissur Pooram was disrupted were playing into the hands of the BJP.

The TV news of October 28 evening was all about whether the Pooram proceedings were actually disrupted in April or not. Kalangiyo (rendered turbid) athayo (or) kalangiyillayo (not rendered turbid)? – that was the question in Malayalam, channels went to town with. Meanwhile, union minister Suresh Gopi claimed he didn’t arrive in an ambulance (he even compared it to an illusion) only to be corrected by a BJP functionary who said Gopi travelled the last 100 meters or so in the ambulance.

All this, when people out on Thrissur’s streets the night of the Pooram finale, experienced the disruption and Gopi was caught on video cameras alighting from an ambulance. Gopi said that Kerala’s state police won’t be able to flesh out the truth. It was a task, for the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), he quipped. Many in the electorate would have found it hard to digest that such issues and comments have become part of Kerala’s political fare.

This brings us to the fundamental reason why such a juncture has dawned in Kerala, a state once thought to favour reason, science and rationalism and was home to progressive religious thinkers. Indeed, around a week before nomination papers for the latest by-elections were filed, Aluva in central Kerala hosted a meeting to signify the 100th anniversary of a famous all-faith gathering addressed years ago by the social reformer Sri Narayana Guru, considered by many to be the greatest reformer Kerala has seen.

Mahatma Gandhi’s great grandson, Tushar Gandhi, who spoke at the function, stayed in mind for disclosing his emergent preference for atheism given how religions have conducted themselves. In Kerala’s contemporary political scenario, the meeting in Aluva, caused few ripples. It was barely noticed.

Fact is, over the past several years, a quiet transformation has taken place in Kerala politics. From being an election environment featuring two leading political fronts – LDF and the United Democratic Front (UDF) – the state has moved to three fronts.

Starting out as a small presence and also contesting the region’s elections, the BJP has become a third front in the fray even though its success in assembly and parliament elections yet, have been just two seats won in years far apart. This three-front contest is a tricky game, widely seen as favouring the BJP, because votes opposed to the Right-Wing party get split while its own loyal core stays devoted to its agenda.

The BJP’s vote share has steadily risen in Kerala and with it, that part of the electorate standing by it, has become an important constituency everyone is forced to handle with kid gloves as anything aligned with ritualistic religion and faith has the luxury of acting unquestionable or countering calls for reform with whataboutism.

LDF ministers pandering to Hindu electorate

In October 2024, when the two LDF ministers highlighted the problem posed by the new pyrotechnics-regulations, they were probably both pandering to this hyper-sensitive portion of the electorate and positioning the LDF state government as being equally concerned about the Thrissur Pooram as the BJP.

That’s also when you get weird viewpoints like minister Rajan’s opinion that since schools are shut during the Thrissur Pooram, it shouldn’t matter if the distances mandated by the new regulations can’t be met. But what if powerful fireworks exploding near a shut school leaves the building with cracks and other damages? Aren’t students thus denied access to their school as good as students denied education?

Surely the new regulations merit some discussion and not outright rejection. That is the approach of responsible organisers. On October 30, the same minister was reported in the media promising all help to those injured in the Neeleswaram incident. By November 1, Suresh Gopi was in confession mode. The day’s Mathrubhumi newspaper had a front-page report on Gopi admitting that he had indeed travelled in an ambulance on that controversial day at the 2024 Thrissur Pooram.

As the smoke and dust around the Neeleswaram mishap settled down, comprehensive news reporting began to appear. On November 1, The New Indian Express carried a detailed report, which departing from the pattern in the media seen till then of sparing the earlier mentioned LDF ministers, wrote: “The letter written by Revenue Minister K Rajan to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, requesting to remove the stringent conditions imposed on fireworks display speaks volumes of our nonchalant approach towards human safety.’’

The article listed major accidents involving fireworks in Kerala from 1990 onward. It also mentioned about the recommendations of a panel headed by Justice P S Gopinathan (it probed the Puttingal temple accident), submitted in 2019 and since gathering dust.

Five days after the Neeleswaram incident, on November 2, the media reported that a victim of the tragedy, undergoing treatment in the hospital, had passed away.

Shyam G. Menon, is a freelance journalist based in Mumbai.

Central Hall: What is Wakf, Why It’s in the News Now, and Why You Must Know About it

In this episode of the Central Hall, Kapil Sibal and three experts trace the beginnings of the practice and discuss why it is the goal of the current government to weaken this system.

What is the Wakf? When did it start? Why do people know so little about it? What does the Delhi Sultanate have to do with it?

In this episode of the Central Hall, Kapil Sibal traces the beginnings of the practice. Wakf is land donated to Allah which used to be used for social purposes. Why is it the goal of the current government to weaken this system?

S.Y. Quraishi was the chief election commissioner. He was the administrator of Wakfs in several states and Chandigarh.

Legal scholar Faizan Mustafa is the Vice-Chancellor of Chanakya National Law University and the former V-C of the NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad. He was the founding V-C of the National Law University Odisha.

Kamal Faruqi is a chartered accountant and the spokesperson of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board. Faruqi believes in modernisation and women’s empowerment.

History Will Record the Helping Hand Many Judges Lent When Indian Secularism Was Being Demolished

Justice Chandrachud should know that the judiciary as an institution is much older than him and will outlast people like him.

It is reported that when our lordships were stuck in a judicial jam while trying to find a way to resolve the Babri Masjid case, god came to their rescue and showed them a bypass.

This is what Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud has revealed to the world. “Very often we have cases (to adjudicate) but we don’t arrive at a solution,” he told an audience in Maharashtra, adding: “Something similar happened during the Ayodhya (Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid) dispute which was in front of me for three months. I sat before the deity and told him he needed to find a solution…”.

We can imagine him sitting with folded hands in front of his god, urging him to give them a solution. This means that the decision given by Justice Chandrachud and his brother judges was not theirs, it was communicated through them by god himself. Till today people were only guessing about the authorship of the unsigned judgment. Now we know that it was dictated by god. The judges were merely the medium.

We must note that Justice Chandrachud did not ask his god to give him strength and wisdom to be able to find a solution, he asked him to find the solution for him. What he is claiming is that it was a divinely ordained solution that he and his brother judges merely penned in human language.

I think the CJI’s ‘revelation’ will have shattered the faith of many true believers – the millions of devout Hindus who believe the Supreme Court’s Ayodhya judgment of 2019 was sinful. It was a sin to destroy a religious place of others and then build a temple on that crime scene. Many devotees of Ram felt angry that this injustice was done in the name of their deity. They were hurt by the fact that the Vishwa Hindu Parishad was accepted as the ‘next friend’ or guardian of Ram, and that Ram himself was considered a perpetual minor who cannot take care of his interests and needed a guardian like the VHP.

Justice Chandrachud told his audience that he has been a religious person all along. We recently saw proof of this. He worshipped Ganesh in the presence of the prime minister. But what emerged from that image or video was that the main person offering pooja was the PM while the CJI and his wife played supporting roles by singing along with Modi and ringing the bell.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud at the latter’s residence to participate in a Ganesh puja. Photo: X/@narendramodi

Before that he had given proof of his religiousness during his Gujarat visit. He visited the temples of Dwarkadhish and Somnath with his wife and. His visit was recorded and widely broadcast. We know that a ‘personal’ visit would not have been a news headline and thus a topic of public discussion without his knowledge and permission.

During his visit to Gujarat he apparently got inspired by the sight of religious flags fluttering on the top of the temples. He said that he was reminded of the flag of Jagannath Puri on seeing the dhwaja above Dwarkadhish: “Just look at the universality of our country’s tradition, it binds us all. This flag has a special meaning for all of us. Above all of us (lawyers, judges, citizens) there is a unifying power, which is governed by the rule of law and the Constitution of India.”

It is possible that some people like Justice Chandrachud get reminded of the dhwaja of Puri when they see the flag above the Dwarkadhish temple. But is this the unifying tradition of this country? What is this power above all of us? Can that power be symbolised by a religious flag?

It is understandable that the prime minister frequently displays his religiosity in front of his voters, but if judges start doing this and start declaring that the source or inspiration of their decisions is their religion or god, then everyone will lose faith in the courts.

Also read: Justice Chandrachud Should Not Blame God for His Own Awful Ayodhya Judgment

Our judges made a mistake by taking the responsibility of “solving” the Babri Masjid case. It was beyond their capacity. The issue before them was to decide the ownership of the land of the Babri Masjid. They themselves accepted that the mosque had been standing on that land for centuries. It was a living mosque, prayers were being offered in it for 400 years. The court also accepted that there was no evidence that it was built by demolishing a temple. They did not consider it relevant either. It was also accepted that in 1949, idols of Hindu deities were secretly smuggled in the mosque in the dark of the night. According to the judges, this was a crime. Similarly, the act of demolishing the mosque on December 6, 1992 was also a criminal act. The judgement said this. But after accepting all this, they concluded that the land of the mosque should be given to the guardian or friend of Ram. That is, to the same people who, in the language of the court, had committed two crimes: once in 1949 and then in 1992. Their argument was that the repeated disturbances and crimes that those poor people were committing in the Babri Masjid prove that they were continuously staking their claim on it. How can this claim be rejected? Through judicial acrobatics of this kind, ownership of the land of the Babri Masjid was transferred to them. To those very people, who in the eyes of the court were guilty of double crime.

Did god, be it Ram or Shiva or Krishna, tell our CJI to engage in this sort of judicial craftiness? Surely what ordinary people could see – that the five judges were actually doing an injustice in the name of justice – would not have remained hidden from the eyes of an omniscient god?

That injustice was continued by Justice Chandrachud when he allowed the survey of the Gyanvapi Mosque by saying that it was necessary to satisfy the curiosity of the petitioners. Those poor people only wanted to know what was inside the mosque! Now puja is being done in the basement of the mosque and Muslims have almost lost ownership over a part of it. Was this decision also inspired by god?

In his story Panch Parmeshwar, Premchand fictionalises the popular belief that God resides in the panch, the head of the village council. And that he rises above worldly love, greed and fear to dispense justice regardless of personal cost. But this is not evident from the conduct of Justice Chandrachud and his brother judges. They are deeply entangled in worldliness. Soon after gifting the Babri Masjid’s land to the current rulers of India, one of them got Rajya Sabha membership. One got the post of governor. Are people wrong in speculating about the reason behind this gradual revelation of religiosity by the CJI? Some who still want to retain their faith in the judiciary are disturbed that the CJI chose the moment of elections (in Maharashtra) to talk about his decision leading to the construction of the Ram temple on the land of the Babri Masjid. The BJP has been claiming ownership of this order. Now the CJI attributes it to god himself. Who he is speaking for, is the question everyone is asking.

Justice Chandrachud should know that the judiciary as an institution is much older than him and will outlast people like him. Just as history has recorded the injustice committed by his father, a time will surely come when it will note his own moral weakness – and that of many of his brethren. Then it will be recorded that when the edifice of Indian secularism was being demolished, many judges lent their hand to the act of tearing it apart. Will Justice Chandrachud’s name be there? Is this what is worrying him when he wonders about how history is going remember him?

A Chief Justice Guided by God and a Legacy Besmirched

The modern Indian state’s grand principles of law and constitution cannot be decided by personalised divine inspiration.

Just when the legal fraternity and other concerned citizens were trying to figure out the style and substance of the Chandrachud legacy, the outgoing Chief Justice of India has himself provided an answer: he belongs, unoriginally, to the Shakeel Badayuni School of Jurisprudence, dating back to 1954.

As per a PTI story, date-lined Pune, published as a single column news on page number 11 of The Hindu on October 21, Chief Justice of India, D.Y. Chandrachud, told a gathering in his native village, Kanheri in Khed Taluka: “Very often we have cases (to adjudicate) but we don’t arrive at a solution. Something similar happened during the Ayodhya [Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute] which was in front of me for three months. I sat before the deity and told him he needs to find a solution.” Continuing in this candid vein, the CJI chose to reveal that he prays regularly. “Believe me, if you have faith, God will always find a way.”

Back to the Shakeel Badayuni School of Jurisprudence. Recall (or, better, Google) the 1954 Hindi film, Amar’s song, ‘Insaaf ka mandir hai yah bhagwan ka ghar hai.’ Filmed on the beautiful Madhubala and that personification of ordinariness Dilip Kumar, the song is an eloquent exhortation rendered soulfully by Mohammed Rafi, and put to music by Naushad. As poet Shakeel Badayuni saw it, a temple is not just a place for worship but a site of insaaf – righteous just conduct – and all those who chose to cross the threshold of the inner sanctum must remember that they are enjoined to persevere on the path of righteousness and justness, and those who ignore this injunction would invite the gods’ wrath.

In short: a watchful god is keeping an account.

That song was the encapsulation of the ethos of the early years after the Independence; our society could still distinguish the right from the wrong, the ethical from the unethical and the moral from the immoral. God was not yet pressed into the politicians’ sordid partisan battles. Like the hero in Amar who finally finds his way out of conflicting emotions and confusing choices – “himmat hai to aja ye bhalai ki dagar hai” – CJI Chandrachud seems to be telling us that he allows himself to be guided in his labours as a superior judge by god.

We need not allow ourselves to be detained by the consideration of our national commitment to a scientific temper and whether the CJI’s invocation of the usefulness of divine inspiration and guidance in a judge’s professional judgements and conclusions would influence an assessment of his legacy; but, any second year student at the National Law School in Bengaluru is bound to note that Justice Chandrachud does not look for enlightenment to the ancient philosophers Plato or Aristotle, nor to the medieval Christian fathers St Aquinas and St Augustine, nor to the modern gurus Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau, nor to Jefferson or Madison or modern American giants like Felix Frankfurter or Brandies, nor to any British constitutional luminary, nor even to any of his distinguished predecessors. Instead, he relies on personal inner dialogue and communication with god.

Law school students and faculty all over India can be excused if they find themselves somewhat bewildered by the CJI’s candidness, especially since he chose to contextualise one of the most consequential decisions the higher judiciary took since its founding in 1950 as guided by some kind of conversation with “the deity.” For generations, the law faculty professors have taught their students that the constitution of India was the one and only source of judicial wisdom and constitutional legitimacy. Now, the chief has muddied the intellectual waters. He seems to be suggesting that personal religion can be a reliable guide to judicial clarity.

Granted, everyone from the President of India down to the village patwari is entitled to her personal belief and religious predispositions; yet a modern democratic society, that too the one that is administered as per a constitution, incentivises a political culture that sees to it that professional conduct of all constitutional functionaries remains insulated from the dogmas and doctrines of their religion. That is why, periodically vigilant civil society groups and professional bodies warn us against any kind of sectarian contamination among public servants, from top to bottom. The judiciary, obviously, is not exempted from this expectation.

Admittedly, we live in the age of celebrity and we can understand that as the CJI, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud has often surrendered to the allure of public approbation. It requires both rectitude and certitude to resist the thrall of headlines. Nonetheless, it needs to be noted that he has not enhanced his professional reputation as a wise and sagacious legal mind. Even more disquieting is the demonstration effect of his candidness at his native village: every district judge will now feel emboldened to weave his or her religiosity into judicial pronouncements. As it is, very many members of lower judiciary any way feel inclined to anchor their verdicts and decisions in the prevailing majoritarian slogans and cliches.

In the end, back to Shakeel Badayuni’s admonition of a watchful god ensuring fairness and justice in human conduct would suffice for a society struggling to inch towards modernity and new ideas and legal institutions. The poet has a licence for his imagination; a judge of the Supreme Court has his oath to carry out the mandate of the constitution. The modern Indian state’s grand principles of law and constitution are not to be decided by personalised divine inspiration. Most of his admirers would feel not just disappointed but decidedly diminished that the CJI has so inexplicably chosen to go on record in his native village. A legacy stands besmirched.

Footballer Mehtab Hossain and Wife Moumita’s Durga Puja Celebrations Are ‘Different and Wonderful’

The humble Puja of this interfaith couple has become a symbol of unity and inclusivity.

Kolkata: It is a long held belief that Durga Puja is the heart and soul of Bengali culture. Former Indian national team footballer Mehtab Hossain and his wife Moumita set much in store by that sentiment. The inter-faith couple has set an example of communal harmony by hosting their first Durga Puja at their Kolkata home. Their celebration has become a symbol of unity and inclusivity, and has attracted visitors from all walks of life.

The couple lives in a flat in Kolkata’s suburb of Newtown. When The Wire visited the second-floor flat, Mehtab is in charge of welcoming and entertaining guests while Moumita was busy preparing the traditional khichudi bhog – an offering for the deity that is later shared by those praying. Moumita had a busy day ahead, because she was also going to prepare a biryani meal for friends and neighbours.

Despite the complexities of organising such an event, Mehtab and Moumita had created a warm and welcoming atmosphere. The flat is abuzz with activity. Three priests are also busy at work. Mehtab, familiar in a jersey, cuts a remarkable figure in a traditional Bengali dhuti and panjabi. Their puja has simple decorations made with gamchha cloths, and the idol is a humble one, but it has become a focal point for the community.

Mehtab and Moumita’s pandal. Photo: Joydeep Sarkar.

An East Bengal football club legend, who has also played for Mohun Bagan, Mehtab says, “My wife has long wished to organise a Durga Puja. Initially, I was unsure about the processes involved, but friends stepped in to help. My fellow footballers Arnab [Mondal] and Rahim Nabi are joining us with their families. Now our neighbours have also embraced the celebration. It feels different and also wonderful.”

Initially, the couple had planned a larger celebration but with protests raging against the R.G. Kar rape and murder and the junior doctors’ fast afoot, they decided to scale it down.

For Moumita, the goddess is a symbol of feminine power and women’s empowerment.

“We are demanding justice and also true definitions of freedom for women – we cannot just send girls to school and think that our job is done. This puja is a festival of unity, transcending religious boundaries. I also celebrate Eid with equal devotion. Harmony is the real joy, beyond any religious dogma,” adds Moumita.

Mehtab, who has represented India on the international football stage, also emphasises that this puja is more than a religious festival – it is a call for unity against social divisions.

“We want to build a society free from discrimination and where everyone can live together with justice. Our hope is that religious festivals will further strengthen the bonds between us,” Mehtab says.

Their neighbour Debashis Roy, who has been helping with the festivities, echoes this sentiment. “The incidents happening across India and in Bangladesh are also affecting us here. My friend Mehtab says often that we are privileged to have not grown up in such a toxic environment. I think this couple is a model of harmony and humanity,” Debashis adds.

Krishna Das, a dhak player from Murshidabad, is providing the musical backdrop.

“I play the dhak for both Muharram and Durga Puja. My profession is often about religious rituals, but true celebration lies in unity. Although the puja market is down this year, I’m happy to play for this family’s first puja. More people should learn from the example of this Muslim-Hindu family coming together,” says Das.

Gentle melodies of Bismillah Khan’s sitar and Salil Chowdhury’s songs fill the flat, in a departure from everything else in the world.

Translated from the Bengali original by Aparna Bhattacharya.

With the Return of the Goddess, R.G. Kar Outrage Acquires a Familiar Sequence

Like the rituals that usher in the goddess, the politics of protest had developed its own order of things.

The festival has begun. The mood is not sombre; it is upbeat. In most of the over 5,000 sites where the Durga Puja will be celebrated across Kolkata, the idol of the goddess, her four children and the vanquished demon, have been installed. Some of these have been inaugurated by chief minister Mamata Banerjee.

Given the call by a variety of social media activists that Durga Puja 2024 should not be celebrated with the usual frenzy, which includes keeping scores on pandal-hopping, it is extraordinary that Banerjee was not heckled when she inaugurated the pujas. Nor did anyone put out a call to boycott the pujas she did inaugurate.

She is not forgotten, but the tragedy of the trainee doctor who was brutally raped and murdered in her workplace at the R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital no longer seems to dominate the public mood. The pandals that have incorporated the tragedy in subtle and crude ways are a reminder of the pledge by tens of thousands of the public, especially women, that justice must be delivered, the night must be reclaimed and the corrupt “system” that has a stranglehold on medical colleges and the health infrastructure needs to be overhauled.

In a few pandals, the goddess holds the lifeless body of the trainee doctor, reflecting the shock, horror and outrage that engulfed the city, the state and India. These are not necessarily the hugely expensive “theme” pujas and elaborate installations that take years of work to put together and months of planning and implementation by sculptors, artists, image makers, designers, light and sound experts, pandal makers and organisers.

On the one hand, she has become an elusive presence, a wraith. On the other, protests led by women against local police have become the norm since August 9, the latest victim being an underage student in Mahishmari in South 24 Parganas, underscoring the shift in public response, albeit limited, to sexual violence of one kind, rape and murder.

Outrage has acquired a familiar sequence. Local protests are followed by political actors from the opposition engaging in confrontations against the police to drive home the message that Banerjee’s government is anti-people, anti-women, corrupt and incompetent. And then Banerjee calls for a death sentence for the perpetrators following a speedy investigation and trial.

Like the rituals that usher in the goddess, the politics of protest had developed its own order of things. Even though the calendar of politics in West Bengal has been changing in recent years, to be precise, ever since the BJP decided to instrumentalise the Durga Puja to serve its Hindu majoritarian and communally divisive agenda, distracting the general public from its annual celebration of the festival is unpopular.

If the protests by the BJP continue through the pujas, it would mark a significant break with tradition. The chances of the BJP succeeding seem small, because shoppers have returned, the roads are clogged with office goers and pandal hoppers, the city is bright with LED lights in spectacularly creative displays and the race to snare prizes has begun. Banerjee has reason to heave a sigh of relief, because Bengalis and Kolkata have returned to normal, letting her off the hook.

The pujas have always been a break, after which the new political season begins. By the looks of it, this year will not be significantly different.

Also read: The R.G. Kar Protests Conquered Fear. But Have They Done Much Else?

Contemporary concerns, events that shock and thrill the public, have become themes for the intensely competitive race to win prizes and attract the largest crowds of pandal hoppers. The 2012 gang rape and murder of a physiotherapy intern in a bus in New Delhi, the 1993 earthquake in Latur, the 2023 Chandrayaan-3 lunar mission, the gruelling trek of over ten crore migrant workers during COVID, basilicas, temples, public monuments including the Taj Mahal and Qutb Minar, railway disasters, folk culture, the recreation of villages from Rajasthan and Gujarat, pavilions designed to create consciousness about the environment and climate change have all been incorporated in the Durga Puja.

The goddess has been visualised in different forms, traditional and experimental; an image in the mind of her maker. In 2023, the dark goddess, stripped of majesty, was installed in a pandal that declared “Hote Chai Na Uma,” which translated is a negation of her gender, her vulnerability, her divinity. The pandal was an intensely disturbing exploration of gender violence, in its multiple forms, from domestic captivity, trafficking and prostitution to being the object of lust imagined as predatory vultures eyeing their prey.

The dialogue between the public and the puja emerges in the complex design of the installations. For instance, the Purbachal Shakti Sangha puja has a resplendent goddess in the style of the famous Queen Victoria as Empress of India sculpture in the garden of Kolkata’s landmark Victoria Memorial, surrounded by photographs and sculpted pieces of men who once ruled India and the men who fought to oust them.

The Purbachal Shakti Sangha puja. Photo: By arrangement.

In the multiple and simultaneous dialogues between them there is a stunning quiet and dark corner, like a bottomless pit. A stark mask-like face looks out from the darkness; she is the R.G. Kar doctor. The pedestals topped by compacted blocks of debris that can be found on the streets reflects the bits and pieces, the leftovers of existence. The artist explained the corner as a quiet zone, where viewers could stand and grieve as well as reflect on the tragedy that has dominated public consciousness for weeks.

The awarded and acclaimed visual artist, Partha Dasgupta, has curated the installation, with the imperious goddess with a baby Ganesha in her lap, reigning over her realm, flanked by three of her four children done in the style of Greek marble sculptures. The theme is colonialism in conversation with freedom fighters and post-colonial India.

The concept is complex as the mostly men in the photographs represent different lineages of the confrontation with empire, from Tilak, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Khudiram Bose and on to Gandhi, whose presence is marked by books lining a tall bookshelf made in ceramic by Ashish Chowdhury.

The photographs by Bijoy Chowdhuri are a marvellous chronicle of times past and the time when the bronze sculptures were pulled off their pedestals and replaced by sculptures of the men and women leaders who participated in the freedom movement.

The art and the complex ideas breathing life into the complicated design of the pavilions is an open invitation to the public to find meaning, interpreting it in different ways, because the interpretation is not dictated by the artist. By creating a separate enclave within a larger concept, Dasgupta and the organisers have made the R.G. Kar doctor, the city and every protestor and dissenter, in other words the political and the social, an integral part of the Durga Puja, as sacred ritual and as secular celebration.

In doing so, the curator has allowed the viewing public to decide what it will see and how it will do so, including the secretary of the Purbachal Shakti Sangha, Nirmal Mukherjee, who emphasised that the puja, its art and its design were ephemeral; the permanent was the anticipation of the arrival of the deity; it signified her return every year in a new form.

The Durga Puja as celebration and festival, before and after its acquisition of the World Heritage tag bestowed by UNESCO, is integral to West Bengal’s life and economy. One estimate put together by the Forum for Durgotsab, an umbrella organisation of community pujas, indicates that the festival involves transactions that add up to a staggering Rs 40,000 crore, or around 3% of the state’s domestic product. It keeps businesses, especially small businesses and trade going, and the marginalised like hawkers, street food vendors, suppliers of flowers required for ritual, including garland makers, afloat.

This is where the puja, the turbulence and the political combine and recombine in different ways. The mood is ephemeral, a gap in time from the routines of daily living, much like the art. Each year the puja is celebrated, but that celebration is located within a context. This year, the context is the R.G. Kar doctor.

Shikha Mukherjee is a Kolkata-based commentator.

‘Free Coaching, Meals, Healthcare’ Behind Arrests for ‘Unlawful Conversion’ in Uttar Pradesh

At least two of these cases were lodged on the complaints of Hindutva activists.

New Delhi: The allure of free coaching for the civil services, free meals and treatment of illnesses – these are the charges levelled in three recent cases in Uttar Pradesh where police have booked people for allegedly converting Hindus to Christianity through unlawful means. At least two of these cases were lodged on the complaints of Hindutva activists.

On October 2, police in Rampur district arrested four persons under UP’s anti-conversion law for allegedly trying to lure Hindu boys and girls to convert to Christianity by exposing them to Christian prayers at a coaching centre. Police said they arrested Himanshu Max, the manager of the coaching centre, in Khata Chintman village, along with a teacher Ashutosh and two other men. Max is a native of Uttarakhand.

Bhim Singh, the complainant in the case, said he had been studying at the centre for three months. In his complaint to the police, Singh, also a resident of Uttarakhand, alleged that the coaching centre would get poor Hindu girls and boys admitted through the allurement of free food and coaching for civil services examinations.

Singh alleged that Max and others tried to lure them to convert to Christianity by promising them free education and employment at par with their educational qualifications.

In the FIR, seen by The Wire, Singh also alleged that the manager and teacher at the centre took classes for civil services only for 30 minutes to 1 hour per day. The rest of the time, he alleged, was spent on teaching about the Bible and Jesus Christ and “praising the Christian faith,” calling it the best religion.

Every Sunday, they would hold a prayer meeting in a hall where along with the students, poor men and women from the neighbouring areas were also invited, said Singh. He alleged that the accused persons has converted some poor Hindus to Christianity through a number of allurements.

Superintendent of Police Rampur Vidya Sagar Mishra said that two persons were named in the FIR but two more names came up during investigation, after which all four persons were arrested.

In Ghaziabad, police lodged an FIR on September 29 under the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021 on the complaint of a Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) member Mohit.

He alleged that a pastor would visit the area from Delhi and was part of a group of people who were unlawfully converting Hindu people to Christianity on the pretext of getting their illnesses treated. Mohit alleged that on September 29, a Sunday, 30-40 Hindus had assembled at the Ekta Public School and that they were being converted to Christianity through the recital of the Bible.

Ghaziabad police also arrested five persons, for alleged unlawful conversion and deliberate and malicious acts to outrage religious sentiments, after a Hindutva activist accused them of carrying out religious rituals associated with Christianity inside a house for the purpose of converting poor Hindus. The FIR was lodged on September 24 at the Nandgram police station on the complaint of Naveen Singh, the city convenor of the Dharm Jagran, who said that he got to know about the alleged conversion from a Bajrang Dal activist Pankaj.

Singh alleged that when he, along with his activists and some locals, barged into the said house in Sevanagar area, some outsiders who belonged to the Christian community were busy with Christian prayers in the presence of the entire family. He alleged that he found material linked to propagation of Christian faith inside the house and that this “left no doubt” in their minds that conversion was going on.

Police said that the accused persons would encourage poor and illiterate Hindus to convert by alluring them with money and cure for illnesses.

The five persons who were arrested were identified as pastor Gerald Matthews Massey, Ravi Kumar, Ashish Massey, Rohan and Deepak Massey.

Photo: The four persons arrested in Rampur on the charges of unlawful conversion. Source UP Police

Did Tirupati Devotees Consume Non-Vegetarian Laddus?

Despite Chandrababu Naidu’s political allegations, all evidence points toward the use of plant-based adulterants rather than animal fats.

Since Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu alleged on September 18 that animal fat was used in preparing the famous Tirupati laddu during Jagan Mohan Reddy’s time in government, a burning question has emerged: Did crores of devotees unknowingly consume non-vegetarian laddus?

The allegation sent shockwaves through the devotee community, raising both spiritual and health concerns. Neither the NDA government nor the Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams (TTD), the trust managing the temple, has provided a satisfactory answer to this pressing concern.

This convenient equivocation has sparked widespread confusion in traditional and digital media, particularly on social platforms where misleading and concerted communal narratives are being actively propagated, fuelled by the Hindutva ecosystem. Circulating images of unverified lab reports, purportedly proving the use of animal fat in the ghee for laddu preparation, have lent several questionable narratives a veneer of scientific legitimacy.

Despite this, dairy scientists have independently clarified that the fatty acid profile is more consistent with plant or vegetable oils. Furthermore, the show cause notice issued to AR Dairy Food Private Limited only alleges adulteration with plant-based oils, citing the presence of β-sitosterol – a plant sterol – rather than animal fats.

TTD’s conflicting press conferences

Two separate press conferences by the TTD executive officer referenced the same National Dairy Development Board CALF report, which revealed ghee adulteration with plant-based oils rather than animal fats. CALF is the Centre for Analysis and learning in Livestock and Food.

However, executive officer J. Shyamala Rao drew different inferences from the report in each conference – initially identifying vegetable fat adulteration, but later citing dangerously low ‘S’ values suggestive of animal fats. Dairy scientists clarified that the fatty acid profile was more consistent with plant oils like coconut and palm oil. Meanwhile, ghee traders confirmed that plant-based adulteration is common, as cheaper oils are often used to cut costs, making animal fat adulteration unlikely.

On July 24, J. Shyamala Rao held a press conference to address concerns about the laddu’s quality. He revealed that an National Accreditation Board for Testing and Calibration Laboratories (NABL) test had uncovered one supplier providing ghee adulterated with vegetable fat. As a result, one of the five suppliers was blacklisted for failing to meet quality standards. Action was taken against another company, with show cause notices issued to two suppliers in total.

At the same press conference, Rao acknowledged that TTD currently lacks a device for testing ghee quality, though plans are in motion to acquire one soon. He highlighted ongoing challenges in procuring raw materials and ghee for the laddu prasadam. To bolster quality control, TTD has formed a committee of dairy experts – dubbed the “Ghee Committee” – comprising Dr. Mahadevan from Bengaluru, Dr. Surendranath, Dr. Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy from Hyderabad, and professor Swarna Latha. This committee’s primary task will be to assess the ghee’s quality, with a particular focus on its aroma and overall integrity.

Lab tests revealed significant adulteration, but rather than animal fats, the tests suggested the use of cheaper vegetable oils, complicating Naidu’s allegation.

On September 20, J. Shyamala Rao held another press conference two days after Naidu’s allegations about the quality of ghee supplied to the temple. Following complaints about the poor quality of laddus, TTD had sent ghee samples to the NDDB in Gujarat for analysis. The results revealed that four out of 10 tankers from Tamil Nadu-based AR Dairy Food Private Limited – one of TTD’s five contracted suppliers – were highly adulterated. This led to the rejection of these shipments and the blacklisting of the supplier.

Citing the NDDB report, Rao highlighted that the ghee’s ‘S’ value – a key quality indicator – was alarmingly low at 19.72, far below the required standard of 98.68 to 104.32 indicating it contained dangerously high levels of foreign fats, including fish oil, beef tallow, and lard, as revealed by the lab tests.

Also read: How the Tirupati Laddu Lent Itself to Politics

Analysing fatty acid profiles and adulteration claims

Interestingly, the NABL report Rao referenced in the July 24 press conference is the same NDDB-CALF report he mentioned in the September 20 press conference. The NABL is India’s primary accreditation body for laboratories. The NDDB, established by an Act of Parliament, operates under the Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry and Dairying. NDDB’s CALF in Anand is a multidisciplinary analytical laboratory. In 2013, CALF received ISO/IEC 17025 accreditation from NABL, validating its competence and reliability.

The Wire has obtained access to this five-page NDDB-CALF report (plus annexure). The report details the results of a chemical analysis conducted by NDDB CALF Ltd. on a ghee sample labelled “TN02BB 2070”.

The analysis revealed key findings about the ghee’s fatty acid composition and adulteration tests, marked with # in the report. The Free Fatty Acid (Oleic Acid) level was 0.440%, well below the FSSAI maximum limit of 2.000%. Milk Fat content measured 99.618%, surpassing the minimum requirement of 99.500% set by IS 3509:1966. The Butyro Refractometer reading of 43.400 fell within the acceptable range of 40.000–44.000. Adulteration tests yielded negative results for both the Baudouin Test (no sesame oil detected) and the Mineral Oil Test (no mineral oil contamination found).

However, the analysis identified several fatty acids outside the specified ranges: Lauric Acid at 11.713% (permissible range: 1.500–4.000%), Palmitic Acid at 39.462% (exceeding the 38.000% upper limit), and Linoleic Acid at 5.538% (acceptable range: 0.500–3.500%). Other parameters showed a Moisture Content of 0.124%, well within the maximum limit of 0.500%. The Saponification Value of 241.952 exceeded the specified maximum of 235.000, suggesting the presence of fats with lower molecular weights than expected.

Understanding ghee composition and adulteration

A dairy scientist based in Canada, speaking to The Wire on condition of anonymity, confirmed that analysing the fatty acid profile can help assess the possibility of ghee adulteration with animal fat. “While animal fats, particularly beef tallow or pork lard, have distinct fatty acid compositions, the report does not provide conclusive evidence to either confirm or rule out this type of adulteration,” she said.

Expanding on the report’s inconclusive findings, she explained, “Lauric acid, commonly found in tropical oils like coconut oil, was detected in high amounts, making plant oils a more likely adulterant than animal fats. Similarly, palmitic acid, which is common in both dairy and animal fats, exceeded the permissible limit. However, this alone does not specifically indicate animal fat adulteration, as palmitic acid could come from either source.”

She further explained, “Ghee, derived from cow’s milk, is rich in short-chain fatty acids like butyric acid. The report shows that butyric acid was below the limit of quantification (LOQ), which could raise suspicions. However, if animal fats were present, we would expect to see more significant differences in other key fatty acids, such as stearic and oleic acids.”

“These two fatty acids are common in both animal and dairy fats. Stearic acid at 9.614% is within the expected range for ghee (8.000–19.000%), which suggests there is not a high amount of animal fat, as tallow and lard have higher stearic acid content. Oleic acid at 26.302% also falls within the expected range for ghee (19.000–32.000%).”

“The Reichert-Meissl Value (RM) is 29.010, well above the minimum limit of 24.000. While a low RM value could indicate the presence of non-dairy fats, such as animal fats, the high RM value here suggests that the sample contains a significant amount of dairy fat. The Polenske Value is 1.700, within the range of 0.500–2.000. This value helps distinguish animal fats from dairy fats, and the result does not raise any red flags for animal fat adulteration.”

Show Cause Notice: Allegations of Plant-Based Adulteration

The Wire also obtained access to the show cause notice issued by the TTD to AR Dairy Food Private Limited on July 27. The notice cites the lab test report from NDDB CALF Ltd. dated July 23, 2024.

The show cause notice does not accuse AR Dairy of adding animal fats to the ghee. Rather, it alleges adulteration with plant-based oils, citing the presence of β-sitosterol – a plant sterol. This evidence points to the addition of vegetable fats, not animal fats. The abnormalities in the fatty acid profile, particularly the high levels of Lauric and Linoleic Acids, also align with the use of vegetable oils such as coconut or palm oil, rather than animal fats.

The show cause notice raises objections on three parameters: saponification value, presence of β-sitosterol, and milk fat purity. “The saponification value of 249.644, which is outside the permissible range, suggests the presence of non-milk or foreign fats, indicating adulteration. Additionally, the high β-sitosterol value of 167.895 mg/kg, which should be absent in pure cow ghee, strongly indicates possible adulteration with vegetable oils, as β-sitosterol is a plant sterol commonly found in plant oils,” Velugoti Padmanabha Reddy told The Wire.

Reddy is the vice-chancellor of Sri Venkateswara Veterinary University, Tirupati, and a distinguished veterinarian, and renowned dairy and food safety researcher with over 35 years of multidisciplinary professional experience.

Also read: Explained: Chandrababu Naidu, the Tirupati Laddu, and Why the Fat Is in the Fire

He emphasised that the milk fat content was 99.618%, exceeding the required 99.5%. “Achieving 100% purity is virtually impossible,” he explained. “The standard for ghee is 99.5% milk fat, with the remaining 0.5% allowance for moisture and vitamins. In this case, the moisture content was a mere 0.124%, well below the permitted 0.5% – a clear indicator of good quality in that aspect.”

The show cause notice clearly does not accuse AR Dairy Food Private Limited of adding animal fats to the ghee. Rather, it alleges adulteration with plant-based oils, citing the presence of β-sitosterol – a plant sterol. This evidence points to the addition of vegetable fats, not animal fats. The abnormalities in the fatty acid profile, particularly the high levels of Lauric and Linoleic Acids, also align with the use of vegetable oils such as coconut or palm oil, rather than animal fats.

Misinterpretation of results: The complexity of ghee testing

When asked about EO Syamala Rao’s claim that the ghee’s ‘S’ value was dangerously low at 19.72, Reddy explained that these values come from highly sophisticated tests. “The fatty acid test is extremely complex and typically reserved for research, not routine analysis. It’s also quite expensive,” he noted.

“The ‘S value’ actually refers to the separation value. In chromatography, when you have a sample with, say, 25 acids, these compounds separate and travel at different rates, indicating their nature. It’s not saponification, but separation. Many people are misinterpreting it as the saponification value,” he clarified.

He cautions that these sophisticated chromatographic tests can produce false positives due to trace amounts of foreign substances. “With such advanced chromatographic separation, the chance of false positives at these levels is quite high. That’s why annexure-1 outlines the conditions under which these false positives might occur,” he explained. “These cutting-edge testing methods can be incredibly sensitive, often detecting minute traces that don’t necessarily affect the product’s overall quality or safety.”

Furthermore, he elaborated: “Consider this analogy: if someone claimed that breast milk contains pesticides, would you believe it? In reality, pesticides can be present in extremely minute quantities. Sophisticated chromatography tests might detect these trace amounts. Most people would dismiss the idea of pesticides in breast milk. However, if you send a sample to a high-tech laboratory for chromatographic testing, they might detect traces of pesticides, microplastics, or heavy metals. Does this mean breast milk is contaminated? I believe they’re essentially taking a minuscule finding and blowing it out of proportion.”

Ghee traders weigh in

The Wire also reached out to multiple ghee traders who confirmed that ghee is one of the most adulterated substances. “Ghee is generally mixed with vegetable oils or vanaspati for two reasons,” Nirbhay Doshi, a former ghee trader from Ahmedabad, told The Wire. “First, they’re usually cheaper than animal fats like beef tallow or fish oil. Second, while animal fats might maintain a similar flavour and texture, the aroma is a dead giveaway. Fish oil, in particular, can be easily detected by its distinct smell in the ghee.”

The Ghee Committee’s draft report, submitted to the TTD executive officer in early September and first accessed by news organisation South First, acknowledges sensory testing as crucial for quality control. This method assesses the ghee’s organoleptic properties—aroma, flavour, and texture. However, the report also highlights this approach’s inherent subjectivity.

“It’s virtually impossible for ghee adulterated with animal fats, especially fish oil, to pass TTD’s sensory testing, given the institution’s experience and carefully selected team,” Prof. Reddy told The Wire. “The aroma of the ghee is so well-known to both TTD and devotees that even the slightest change would raise suspicion.”

When asked about reassuring the millions of devotees, he categorically stated, “There’s no need to worry. TTD’s practices are safe, and devotees can have full confidence in them.” Despite Naidu’s political allegations, all evidence points toward the use of plant-based adulterants rather than animal fats, offering some relief to devotees concerned about the sanctity of their offerings.

Explained: Chandrababu Naidu, the Tirupati Laddu, and Why the Fat Is in the Fire

Although frequently lauded for this secular credentials, this is not the first time that the leader heading TDP, an NDA ally, has raked up religious sentiments.

Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu’s claim that animal fat was used in preparing sacred Tirupati temple laddus has sparked a political uproar, leading to yet another battle of words between the ruling Telugu Desam Party and Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy’s YSR Congress.

The controversy has traversed state’s boundaries and has become fodder for the Hindu Right to pin down its opponents through an emotionally-charged campaign on social media.

Naidu’s remarks, made during a celebration of the NDA regime’s 100-day milestone, have elicited strong reactions from religious leaders, political parties, and the temple’s management. The allegation has touched a nerve in the state’s religious sensitivities, prompting both the Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress to call for a thorough investigation. The YSR Congress Party has accused Naidu of stirring controversy for political gain.

Lab report

A lab report from the National Dairy Development Board (CALF) in Anand, Gujarat, has become the centerpiece of this controversy. Circulating on social media, the report purportedly indicates the presence of animal fat in the Tirupati laddus. Initially, Hindutva-adhering social media participants shared the report, and it quickly gained traction. Even established commentators like Sumanth Raman disseminated the document.

The Wire accessed the eight-page report and confirmed that the widely shared image was the annexure on the final page. The report suggests possible adulteration in the ghee used to prepare the laddus. It mentions that when S-values (a chemical measure) deviate from normal, foreign fats may be present, including fish oil and beef tallow.

However, the report is inconclusive, as identifying specific fats like beef tallow would require further testing. While the lab results suggest adulteration, they do not definitively prove the presence of animal fat.

YSRCP reaction

The YSR Congress Party reacted vehemently to Naidu’s allegation. Senior YSRCP leaders accused him of playing “dirty politics” with the sanctity of the Tirumala shrine. Y.V. Subba Reddy, a former TTD Chairperson, denounced Naidu’s comments as malicious and dangerous to the faith of millions of Hindus. Reddy offered to take an oath before the deity, challenging Naidu to do the same if he truly believed in his accusations.

Bhumana Karunakar Reddy, another former TTD Chairperson, expressed deep anger, calling Naidu’s remarks an attack on the Hindu community itself. He emphasised that the Tirupati laddus are prepared by Srivaishnava priests with no interference from TTD officials, defending the long-standing traditions of the temple. Both leaders condemned the allegations as an attempt to malign the YSRCP government and destabilise religious harmony in the state.Since the NDA government came to power, winning 161 out of 175 seats in the Andhra Pradesh assembly in June 2024, TDP leaders have never missed an opportunity to remind the electorate – ad nauseam – that the previous five years of YSRCP tenure were nothing short of a monumental failure.

Since rekindling his alliance with Modi, Naidu appears to have adopted elements of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s strategy of blaming his predecessor. Naidu made the statement about “animal fat” being used in Tirupati laddu prasadam in a seemingly cavalier manner, overlooking the deep reverence and sentiment that people of all religious denominations hold for the Tirumala deity, known as Balaji in North India.

His latest remark in a series of attacks that Naidu and his aides have made against YSR Congress ever since the TDP came to power is also the latest instance of TDP’s oblique canvassing against Reddy’s faith (Reddy is a practicing Christian) Even during the election campaign, TDP attempted to stoke Hindu emotions by leading a rumour campaign that Christians were favoured over other communities during Reddy’s regime.

History of ‘adulteration’

This is not the first time concerns about adulteration in Tirupati laddus have surfaced. In the past, issues involved vanaspati, a vegetable fat – particularly, the Dalda brand – rather than animal fat. According to TTD officials and a committee report, consignments found to be adulterated with plant fats were rejected, and the suppliers blacklisted.

A notable incident occurred when TTD blacklisted a vendor after discovering that 20,000 kg out of a 68,000 kg ghee consignment was substandard. TTD executive officer J. Syamala Rao emphasised that each ghee consignment undergoes rigorous lab testing, including wet chemistry analysis, to ensure quality. While past adulteration cases involved vegetable fats, Naidu’s claim about animal fat was unprecedented and left temple officials in shock.

TDP reaction

Speaking with The Wire, TDP spokesperson B. Pattabhi stated, “There have been previous complaints of adulteration, and testing revealed the presence of animal fat. This is why the chief minister made the statement with full seriousness.”

When it was noted that the report he shared with The Wire provided no definitive evidence of the adulterating material being animal fat or beef tallow, he responded, “The mere possibility of beef tallow as an adulterant is enough to cause alarm and highlight Jagan Reddy’s anti-Hindu sentiments.”

When questioned about the discrepancy between the inconclusive evidence provided and the serious nature of the Chief Minister’s statement, especially given his position, Pattabhi responded, “If someone is accused of a crime, they are a potential criminal. So what’s wrong with naming them?”

When asked why the chief minister chose to emphasise animal fat rather than palm oil or rapeseed oil, which are more commonly used as adulterants, Pattabhi stated that Naidu’s ‘secular’ credentials should not be questioned.

Naidu’s ‘secular’ credentials

Naidu has long been recognised for his political adaptability. As the late human rights activist Dr. K. Balagopal once observed, “Naidu can speak IT jargon in Cyberabad, middle-class jargon in Kukatpally, and communal jargon in the old city of Hyderabad.” This sharp observation highlighted Naidu’s political acumen and versatility, particularly evident during his role in the 1999 NDA election campaign, a period marked by heightened nationalistic fervor following the Kargil War.

Speaking to The Wire, Congress’s national coordinator for Telangana, Sridhar Ramaswamy, said, “Even during the late YSR’s first term from 2004 to 2009, there were absurd rumours claiming that Sonia Gandhi was taking instructions from the Pope in the Vatican to convert Hindus to Christianity, and that she had entrusted this task to YSR, who was himself a Christian. I remember some even alleging that YSR was planning to hand over three of Tirupati’s seven hills to churches. This was before the rise of WhatsApp and social media. So, this communal narrative of forced conversions to Christianity is nothing new in Andhra.”

In 2021, Naidu accused Chief Minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy of betraying Hindus by using his official position to promote religious conversions in Andhra Pradesh. During a visit to Ramatheertham, where a Ram idol was desecrated, Naidu claimed this was the 127th attack on Hindu temples since the YSR Congress Party took power, blaming these incidents on Jagan’s administration and its alleged indifference to Hindu religious sentiments.

Naidu didn’t stop there. He further accused Reddy of allowing widespread Christian conversions under his administration and neglecting to protect Hindu places of worship. Naidu repeatedly criticized Jagan’s personal faith, highlighting that as a Christian, the Chief Minister had failed to prevent desecrations at Hindu temples, including the incident involving the Lord Rama idol at Ramatheertham.

Later, while addressing an executive party meeting, Naidu directly contrasted his faith with that of Chief Minister Reddy, saying:

“Venkateswara Swamy is my dear god, whereas your dear god is Jesus Christ. If you win the elections, you’ll go to Jerusalem, but when I win, I’ll go to Venkateswara Swamy (Tirupati). You keep the Bible by your side. There’s nothing wrong with that, but if there are attacks on Hindu temples and Hindu deities, I dare you!”

Religious ‘sensitivities’

Why, then, did Naidu make this allegation, and what is he aiming to achieve?

“Before engaging in political debates, we must first establish the truth through legal channels, not through political rhetoric. As a devotee, I want the truth to emerge from a thorough investigation, not from political posturing. While politics may be forgotten tomorrow, hurt sentiments can last a lifetime,” K. Nageshwar, professor and senior political analyst, told The Wire.

Nageshwar argued that the government should have pursued proper legal procedures before making any public statements. “What investigation is actually underway? Who is leading it? What is the prima facie evidence? Has an FIR been filed at the Tirumala station? Who are the accused, and what steps are being taken?” he questioned. “These are serious concerns,” he emphasised. “It’s surprising that Hindu organizations, like the VHP, have not raised this issue. This clearly has the potential to denigrate the Hindu religion in the public’s view,” he added.

Highlighting the potential risk of a law-and-order situation, especially when the issue is politicized, Nageshwar remarked, “While the political aspects are important, we must also address the systemic failure at play. This issue goes beyond politics and impacts society as a whole, particularly in terms of law and order. This isn’t just a case of adulteration, like say in the hotel industry—it involves religious sensitivities, and if people believe it, the consequences could lead to severe unrest.”

Regarding the actions being taken, B. Pattabhi informed The Wire, “The state vigilance department is currently investigating the matter. Although no cases have been filed yet, we expect that FIRs will be registered and arrests made in the coming days.”

Meanwhile, NDA partner Pawan Kalyan, deputy chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, who is credited with bringing the TDP and BJP together, expressed deep concern, calling for stringent action and a national ‘Sanatana Dharma Rakshana Board’. He urged for a nationwide debate involving various stakeholders to address temple-related issues and protect Sanatana Dharma from desecration.

He was responding to a Hindutva X handle called Hindu IT Cell, which appealed for immediate action, claiming “Hindus are deeply hurt and disturbed.”