Number of Women in Police Force Rises, but Falls Well Short of Mandated 33% Target: Govt Data

The low representation of women is particularly glaring in the country’s top premier investigation agencies such as the Central Bureau of Investigation and the National Investigation Agency.

New Delhi: Although the number of women in the police force across the country went up by 16.5% in the year preceding January 1, 2020, the representation of women in the force remained abysmally low at 10.3% of the overall police personnel. This is way behind the mandated 33% target set by the Centre.

These figures are from the Data on Police Organizations, 2020, released on Wednesday, December 30, by the Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPRD). The available data is calculated until January 1, 2020.

Of the total 20,91,488 personnel in the police force, the strength of women is 215,504, constituting 10.3% of the uniformed service.

The number of women officials in the central armed police force, widely known as the paramilitary force, is 29,249, accounting for just 2.98% of the total number of 9,82,391 personnel.

Also read: From Reel to Real Life, Challenges Faced by Women in Police Are Manifold

It has clearly emerged from the data that the top investigating agencies of the country, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the National Investigation Agency (NIA), have a dismal representation of women, indicating the presence of a strong glass ceiling in the country’s premier security agencies.

While the NIA has just 37 women officials in its fold, constituting 4.64% of the total strength of 796, CBI has 475 women officers in various wings, which is 7.96% of 5,964 personnel as of January 1, 2020.

Citing earlier reports of BPRD data, the Deccan Herald observed that there is an inclination towards engaging women police only in situations such as security checks and other specialised duties concerning women. It further noted unless women are assigned “mainstream roles” in the police stations, there would not be much of an impact in the representation of women in the force.

“Senior women police officials had also earlier said in a survey in 2014 that they were given less important posts just because they are women,” the Deccan Herald quoted women police officials as saying.

On the other hand, the number of Scheduled Caste (SC) police officials stands at 3.01 lakh, occupying ranks in the range of constable to deputy superintendent of police, in the state police forces. The figures for Schedule Tribe (ST) and Other Backward Classes (OBC) police officials are 2.42 lakh and 5.19 lakh, respectively.

Meanwhile, the data states that West Bengal, Punjab, Bihar, and Jammu and Kashmir have the maximum numbers of people getting police protection, while the all-India figure reduced by nearly 9% in 2019.

As Centre Transfers Two Chief Justices, Outgoing AP HC Judge’s Order Lifts Veil on the Murky Deals

Justice Kumar – who retires on Thursday – inferred that by these transfers, the cases pending against CM Reddy might be delayed and the monitoring by the SC might hamper for the time being.

On Thursday, the Centre notified the appointment of Andhra Pradesh high court Chief Justice Jitendra Kumar Maheshwari as the Chief Justice of Sikkim high court, and the Sikkim high court Chief Justice, Arup Kumar Goswami as the Chief Justice of Andhra Pradesh high court.

Although these two appointments were a result of the recommendations of the Supreme Court collegium on December 14, they coincide with a controversial order passed on Wednesday by Justice Rakesh Kumar of Andhra Pradesh high court, who retires on Thursday. The coincidence is not without significance, as in his order, Justice Rakesh Kumar not only deplores the role of the Supreme Court’s collegium in acquiescing to the Executive, but the inability of the judges of the higher judiciary – on the verge of their retirement – to resist overtures from the Executive in order to secure post-retirement sinecures.

Justice Rakesh Kumar’s order was in connection with his refusal to recuse from hearing a challenge to the auction of State land. The recusal plea was moved by the state government, on the ground that Justice Kumar might have disqualified himself because of the observations he allegedly made against the state government while hearing another case.

Although Justice Kumar had asked the state government counsel to come prepared to answer why the court could not arrive at a finding that constitutional machinery in the state had failed, that was in another case, which was duly stayed by the Supreme Court. Justice Kumar, however, denied stating in this case that there is breakdown of constitutional machinery in the state, and that the bench would hand over the administration to the Centre, as alleged by the state through the additional advocate general, Sudhakar Reddy.

Justice Kumar concurred with the view that the state government’s false statement in this regard was derogatory and prima facie contemptuous, and directed the high court registry to issue show cause notice to the state government for the same. Justice Kumar also directed the registrar-general of the high court to initiate criminal prosecution against Reddy for perjury.

Also read: Justice Rajindar Sachar’s Autobiography Is a Glimpse Into How Close Law Is to Politics

“Judiciary under attack from persons in power”

Opinions may differ whether Justice Kumar ought to have responded the way he did, beyond offering reasons for refusing to recuse, as prayed by the state government in a given case. As Reddy claimed that the state government’s recusal application was based on the media reporting of the judge’s observations while hearing the case, threatening him with contempt proceedings and criminal prosecution for perjury may seem disproportionate response from the bench.

However, Justice Kumar’s observations – which appear extraneous to the facts of the case before him – must be understood in the context of his impending retirement and his feeling of helplessness to uphold the majesty of the court. As he mentions, “Now-a-days, a very disturbing trend has developed in our system. If one is influential, powerful, i.e., both in money and muscle, he feels that he is having every privilege to do anything as per his convenience and to the peril of system or poor citizen”.

Referring to the Supreme Court’s stay of his order asking why the high court could not arrive at a finding that constitutional machinery has failed in the state, Justice Kumar observed that one could draw an adverse inference against the acts/excesses by the police in the state.

Justice Kumar referred to the state government’s recommendation to abolish the legislative council in the state only because it disagreed with the assembly’s decision to establish three capitals and its action against the state election commissioner, because he was not proceeding as per its wishes. Justice Kumar alleged that the state police virtually indulged in a practice to protect the accused in FIRs registered following complaints by the high court registry.

Justice Kumar expressed his apprehension that bureaucrats of the state have been emboldened after “apparent success of the chief minister of the state” in addressing a letter to the Chief Justice of India (CJI) S.A. Bobde and making it public. In his letter, the chief minister, Jaganmohan Reddy, made serious allegations against Justice N.V. Ramana of the Supreme Court, chief justice of the Andhra Pradesh high court, and a number of sitting judges of the high court.

Justice Kumar pointed out that the chief minister was an accused in more than 30 cases, of which the Central Bureau of Investigation is investigating at least ten cases. “In those cases, where chargesheets have been filed long back, there is an allegation that he took several crores of rupees as bribe and committed serious offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988, and other offences”, Justice Kumar observed.

“Surprisingly, though cases are pending since 2011 and onwards, till date, in none of the cases, charges have been framed. Is it not a mockery of the system?” he asked.

Justice Kumar also questioned the mysterious silence of the CJI over the chief minister’s letter to him, by saying “we are not aware as to whether any contempt proceeding for such an action has been taken or not by him; but, it is a fact that recommendation has been made on December 14, 2020, by the collegium of the Supreme Court for transfer/appointment of chief justices, which includes transfer of Chief Justice of AP high court to Sikkim high court and transfer of Chief Justice of Telangana high court to Uttarakhand high court”.

Also read: Restoring Public Trust in the Indian Judiciary Calls for More Scrutiny, Not Less

A disturbing trend?

After noticing the apparent link between these two events, Justice Kumar observed: “Whether by this act of sending unceremonious letter to the CJI, the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh will get final relief or not, but fact remains that he succeeded in getting undue advantage at the present moment.”

Justice Kumar inferred that by these transfers, naturally, the cases pending against the chief minister might be delayed and the monitoring by the Supreme Court might hamper for the time being.

“Similarly, by the transfer of Chief Justice of AP high court, the government of Andhra Pradesh is bound to get undue benefit,” he added.   Justice Kumar underlined the need for transparency in the transfer of high court judges or its chief justices, saying “after all, they are also holding constitutional post like members of the Supreme Court Collegium”.

Many may question Justice Kumar’s propriety in giving details of the CBI and Enforcement Directorate (ED) cases in which the chief minister is an accused, and the other cases in which he is alleged to have committed offences under the Indian Penal Code. Thus, he said there are 11 CBI cases, six ED cases, and 18 IPC cases against the chief minister. Of these in six or seven cases, he said, the state police submitted closure report, stating that they were false or mistake of fact.

He even alleged that the director general of police of the state is functioning as per the dictate of the government, and not in upholding rule of law. He claimed that he was constrained to record these facts because his impartiality was questioned by the state on the eve of his retirement.

Turning his ire to post-retirement sinecures for the judges as the reason for the judiciary coming under a cloud, he said, “If we start to restrict our expectation of reassignment/re-employment at least for a period of one year after retirement, I don’t think that any political party, even party in power can undermine the independence of judiciary and we may be in a position to uphold the majesty of law without being influenced by anyone.”

Justice Kumar concluded that those in power in the state are now seeking to attack the Supreme  Court, after succeeding to attack other institutions such as legislative council, state election commission and the high court.

Considering the hard-hitting order delivered by Justice Kumar, it is possible that it may be recalled or set aside to avoid any embarrassment to the Supreme Court. But the allegations and insinuations which Justice Kumar made in his last order can help one to unravel the murky deals being made behind the curtain to resolve the gang war in the state, with repercussions in New Delhi.

US Vaccinations in 2020 Falling Far Short of Target of 20 Million People

According to CDC data, only 170,000 people in long-term care facilities received a shot as of December 30 even though 2.2 million doses were distributed for US residents.

Only about 2.8 million Americans had received a COVID-19 vaccine going into the last day of December, putting the United States far short of the government’s target to vaccinate 20 million people this month.

Shots are reaching nursing home residents at an even slower pace than others first in line even though they are most at risk of dying of the virus.

Only 170,000 people in long-term care facilities received a shot as of December 30 even though 2.2 million doses were distributed for residents, according to data released from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

About 14 million doses of Pfizer’s and Moderna’s vaccines have been distributed to states so far, federal officials told reporters on Wednesday, shy of its goal to ship 20 million doses this month.

As late as early December, officials maintained they would have 40 million doses available this month, enough to vaccinate 20 million Americans with a two-dose regimen.

On December 4, FDA commissioner Stephen Hahn told Reuters that vaccinating 20 million Americans by year-end was realistic, depending on the vaccination campaign.

Since then, officials have said they are committed to making enough doses available without commenting on targets for actual vaccinations as it has become clear that inoculations are falling short of the number of doses distributed.

“The rapid availability and distribution of so many doses – with 20 million first doses allocated for distribution just 18 days after the first vaccine was granted emergency use authorisation – is a testament to the success of Operation Warp Speed,” a US department of health and human services spokesperson said in a statement. Doses that have been allocated but not distributed will ship in January.

The government has said that for every dose shipped, it is keeping a second dose in reserve as well as a safety stock, which would bring the total number of vaccine doses closer to 40 million.

Also read: Cooperation Made the Vaccines, but Capitalism Will Extend the Pandemic

Even as the number of doses distributed neared the goal of reaching 20 million people, the pace of actual vaccinations has been far slower than anticipated, according to CDC data.

“The federal government has distributed the vaccines to the states. Now it is up to the states to administer. Get moving!” US President Donald Trump tweeted.

Local public heath officials told Reuters that the lack of federal funding for vaccine distribution has prevented them from hiring needed staff.

“We know that it should be better and we are working hard to make it better,” Operation Warp Speed chief adviser Dr. Moncef Slaoui said on a media briefing.

US vaccinations of the country’s 21 million healthcare workers began on December 14. Inoculations of the country’s three million nursing home residents, who are also in the first priority group, shortly followed.

Some 51 million US frontline essential workers, like fire fighters, police, and teachers, as well as people over 75 should be next to receive a vaccine, a CDC advisory panel has recommended.

(Reuters)

Eight Core Industries’ Output Contracts 2.6% in November

Barring coal, fertiliser and electricity, all sectors – crude oil, natural gas, refinery products, steel and cement – recorded negative growth in November 2020.

New Delhi: Contracting for the ninth consecutive month, the output of eight core infrastructure sectors dropped by 2.6% in November, mainly due to decline in production of natural gas, refinery products, steel and cement.

The production of eight core sectors had recorded a growth of 0.7% in November 2019, data released by the commerce and industry ministry showed on Thursday.

Barring coal, fertiliser and electricity, all sectors crude oil, natural gas, refinery products, steel and cement recorded negative growth in November 2020.

During April-November, the sectors’ output dropped by 11.4% as compared to a growth of 0.3% in the same period of the previous year.

The output of crude oil, natural gas, refinery products, steel and cement declined by (-)4.9%, (-)9.3%, (-)4.8%, (-)4.4%, and (-)7.1%, respectively, in November this year.

On the other hand, coal and electricity sector output grew by 2.9% and 2.2% during the month under review.

Fertiliser sector growth stood at 1.6% as against 13.6% in the same month last year.

The eight core industries account for 40.27% of the IIP.

In Photos: The Events Which Shook India’s National Capital in 2020

The city of Delhi began 2020 in a blaze of protests and is ending the year similarly.

As Delhi entered the year 2020 with citywide agitations against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Register of Citizens (NRC), the northeast of the city witnessed communal violence that shook it to its very core in February, leaving several dead, injured and homeless.

Then, while the world was learning about a new virus, in India, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the most stringent nationwide lockdown, with four hours’ notice, putting the life of many migrants in limbo. The virus took its toll not just on patients but on the essential workers who kept things running at one of the most collectively difficult times this year.

A few months later, the Centre hastily passed three agricultural laws amid the pandemic, which brought the country’s farmers to the streets, leading to one of the largest protests in the world at Delhi’s borders.

The Wire encapsulates in ten images what the National Capital witnessed in 2020.

Women hold an anti-CAA poster against Union home minister Amit Shah in New Delhi. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

Demonstrators hold the national flag at Jama Masjid during a protest against CAA and NRC. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

Bilkis Dadi along with other women sitting at the Shaheen Bagh protest site. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

Desecration of Islamic holy books at a mosque allegedly by Hindutva mob during the Delhi riots. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

Delhi was in the thick of protests against the CAA and NRC. While the city was still reeling from the burden of human losses and damage caused by the northeast riots, a virus changed it for the worse.Deserted Connaught Place in the mid-noon during the coronavirus-induced nationwide lockdown. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

Migrant workers hitchhiking towards Bihar from Uttar Pradesh, after a nationwide lockdown was announced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi with only four hours notice. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

Every apartment in Gurgaon and Noida deployed the security guards with thermal scanners to take the body temperatures of people entering the premises. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

A patient named Ali, who succumbed to SARS CoV-2, is being put to rest by a health worker in New Delhi. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

Soon, a new protest gained ground at the city’s borders. This time, farmers set up camps on blocked highways leading to the city, demanding the repeal of three controversial laws affecting them.

A photo taken during the farmers’ protest at one of the Delhi borders. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

Protesting farmers stay put amid Delhi’s harsh winters. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

All images by Shome Basu.

Virtual Meets, a China Problem, Domestic Issues: 2020’s Highlight Reel for Indian Diplomacy

New modes of interaction this year brought a large shift to most diplomats’ roles. Officials, accustomed to having a packed travelling case at all times, found that they had not logged a single air mile this year.

New Delhi: In the extraordinary year of 2020, India’s external landscape was largely shaped by crises from two fronts.

Just as India faced the COVID-19 pandemic which brought its economy to its knees, New Delhi grappled with its most serious border conflict with China in over four decades.

From South Block’s reworked aid strategy to India’s re-balanced relations with great powers and neighbours, both these factors were at the top of the mind for Indian policymakers.

Along with these tides of international politics, Indian diplomats had to also deal with the public airing of diplomatic concerns due to domestic policies. This year was punctuated with countries – including the US – and senior UN functionaries expressing their apprehension on the fallout from various subjects – from the Citizenship Amendment Act, Kashmir, arrests of activists and then finally, the farm laws issue and protests.

Here is a review of the main trends in Indian diplomacy in 2020.

The Big ‘C’

Between 2014 and 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had gone on 59 foreign trips. In the sixth year of his prime ministership, he did not make a single outgoing visit.

Modi’s first foreign trip was to be to Brussels for the annual India-EU summit and then to Dhaka for the birth centenary celebrations of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Both were cancelled just a week before the scheduled date over fears arising from COVID-19.

As countries locked down, diplomats had to reinvent their craft. In a world where key breakthroughs take place on the side-lines and ‘pull-asides’, this year has proven to be the end of an era for foreign offices worldwide. Officials, accustomed to having a packed travelling case at all times, found that they had not logged a single air mile this year.

Other leaders are visible in the screenshot with PM Modi at the virtual SCO Summit on November 10, 2020. Photo: PTI

The new age of online diplomacy began with an initial dependence on Zoom. But, with the rising tide of security concerns over the platform, most foreign ministries, including the MEA, eventually opted for in-house tech solutions.

Summits essentially became souped-up webinars, with strict protocol adapted for the online world. The extraordinary G-20 summit, hosted by Saudi Arabia on COVID-19, was the first major global meeting in the online summit, but it was just the start.

It took the United Nations a few months to get the systems in place. However, eventually, even sensitive Security Council meetings were held online and votes were sent through emails. The UN General Assembly held its plenary virtually, as did all multilateral groups from the IMF to FATF to ASEAN.

Will (hopefully) vaccinated world leaders get back for their annual jamborees in 2021? No doubt. Despite the convenience of teleconferences, leaders need to ‘size’ up each other to establish the oft-abused term, ‘personal chemistry’. However, foreign travel may not be as prolific as before, with a hybrid of flagship summits co-existing with virtual meetings in the future.

Besides the operational changes brought to diplomacy, the first appearance of COVID-19 in China meant that the national response was layered with geopolitical tension.

India had put early restrictions on travellers from China by cancelling existing visas, which led to the Chinese ambassador to ask for its review in February.

Medics screen Indians who arrived in New Delhi from Wuhan on February 2, 2020. Photo: PTI

A major part of the work burden for the MEA was acting as the coordinator between various government agencies to facilitate people’s movement through walled-off borders. India stopped all international commercial air traffic on March 22, that left thousands of foreign nationals stranded.

Foreign governments were ready to charter special flights to take away their citizens. However, the main challenge had been to corral and bring in foreigners through multiple locked state borders to the main airport.

While India had organised some special flights from China’s Hubei province, Italy and Iran in March, it took about two months to get the pieces to fall in place for the Vande Bharat mission to start from May 8 officially. With the passengers having to buy their tickets, there were complaints of steep fares and other logistical snafus. There was immediate heartburn that Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) cardholders were not allowed on the flights.

Also read: Vande Bharat Mission: My Experience From New York to New Delhi

However, the most challenging COVID-19-related emergency was one which took place immediately before lockdown. In March, the home ministry called for sweeping arrests of foreign Tablighi Jamaatis for allegedly attending a ‘super-spreader’ gathering and violating visa conditions.

The MEA had to deal with the diplomatic fallout as it was the only communication channel for foreign missions to get information about their arrested nationals. It took months for several countries to get the final tally of citizens put behind bars. While most of them, on the advice of the Indian government, decided to plead guilty to be allowed to leave the country even when the trial was on, several stayed on to fight the charges. Nearly all courts have issued judgements that their arrests had been against the law.

While MEA headquarters was fighting the fire, Indian missions abroad had to also cope with their drastically changed job profile. Major Indian missions had to turn into procurement hubs for various equipment required to combat the pandemic – from masks and testing kits to ventilators.

The Indian embassy in China quickly became the focus of the procurement mission with special cargo flights organised to Chinese cities. It was an uphill task with all foreign governments desperate to secure their own supplies. The Chinese also put in tighter regulations amidst complaints about quality. India also saw concerns about rapid anti-body test kits from China, which led the Chinese embassy to intervene into damage control.

Bihar elections

Volunteers pack masks, sanitisers and other essentials for polling officers at a COVID Protection Kit Packaging Centre, ahead of Bihar Assembly polls. Photo: PTI

The Chinese viewed the supply of COVID-19-related equipment as part of their strategy to overcome the setback in their public perception after the emergence of the coronavirus in Wuhan. With its domestic manufacturing infrastructure bouncing back faster than any other country, China went around the world bearing gifts of equipment and medicines.

Early into the pandemic, US President Donald Trump became an enthusiastic advocate for the use of malarial drug hydroxychloroquine and claimed that he had started to take it to stave off COVID-19. With India being the largest manufacturer of the drug, South Block saw this as an effective diplomatic instrument. India first put restrictions on exports of HCQ, which it stated was part of a stock-taking exercised.

Also read: What’s up With Hydroxychloroquine?

After Trump himself called for lifting these controls, the MEA announced that it was deciding on a case-by-case basis on supply requests from foreign countries. While many countries, including the US, purchased the medicines, India also provided it on a grant basis to countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia.

On its efficacy – India washed its hand early. “We are only meeting the demand. It is entirely up to the receiving countries what they want to do with the HCQ that they import from India…,” said a senior MEA official in April.

India’s attempt to project its leadership on fighting COVID-19 meant that Modi even went on multilateral platforms that had gathered dust for several years. Modi chaired a SAARC summit on the pandemic and even attended a Non-Aligned Movement meeting for the first time as Indian prime minister.

The northern neighbour

At the start of the year, external affairs minister S. Jaishankar stated that he was “reasonably sure” that China shared the view that it was “very important” for the two giant neighbours to find “equilibrium and understanding on the key issues which effect each other”. “The challenge would not be [on the lines of] ‘do you get along with each other’ or ‘not get along with each other.’ We have to get along with each other,” he said at the Raisina Dialogue on January 15, adding that the challenge was on what “terms”.

When Jaishankar said those words, the Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to India was only two months old. The relationship still had friction, but the leaders’ consensus would be enough to keep away any big surprises. Or so New Delhi believed.

The year had not started auspiciously with China convening the second informal meeting of the UN Security Council on Kashmir in January. On the way to Pakistan, a Chinese ship was seized at Kandla port in February with a ‘mis-declared’ item that could be used in ballistic missiles. The ship went on its way, but without the item.

In April, India revised foreign direct investment policy to curb “opportunistic takeovers or acquisition” of Indian companies due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The rules stated that any entity of a country that shared a land border with India had to invest only under the government approval route. While many countries could fall under this category, it was pretty clear that it was aimed at Chinese investment.

The new rules were primarily aimed at non-resident entities from countries that share a land border with India. This includes China and other nations such as Nepal, Bhutan and Myanmar. The Chinese embassy objected, terming it a violation of “WTO’s principle of non-discrimination”.

File photo of Pangong Tso lake. Photo: Shome Basu/The Wire

A month later, in early May, the first clashes took place in eastern Ladakh. However, the gravity of the situation was not clear in media reports. The army chief General M.M. Naravane and the Ministry of External Affairs had even characterised them as routine clashes, which occur due to the lack of a settled border.

The news of the death of 20 Indian soldiers during a violent hand-to-hand fight at the Galwan Valley was the lightning bolt that brought the news to the front pages and prime time of Indian media. It was the first time that lives were lost at the Line of Actual Control since 1975. The Chinese never acknowledged any fatalities, but it was apparent that they had moved far beyond their traditional patrolling lines on the LAC.

For the first time, China lay public claim to the Galwan Valley, which could provide dominant positions to over the strategic Darbuk-Shyok-Daulat Beg Oldi (DSDBO) road that connects Leh to the Karakoram Pass.

There was another round of publicly-known confrontation in September when firing took place at the LAC. India had claimed that it has taken up defensive positions to occupy peaks on its side of the LAC.

Outside the military realm, India banned mobile applications of Chinese tech companies, including the highly popular TikTok. At a UN human rights commission session, India asked China to address “concerns” about Hong Kong. Ruling party leaders called for higher engagement with Taiwan.

Meanwhile, there were meetings and phone calls between the two countries at high levels of the government. The foreign and defence ministers met in Moscow, while the special representatives also spoke with each other. There were also multiple rounds of talks between military commanders and the foreign office-led mechanism, known as WMCC. There were also joint statements released at various levels.

But as 2020 slips away, there is still no disengagement on the ground.

After the Indian prime minister claimed there had been no intrusion into Indian territory, the official line has been “attempted transgressions” by China, but no long time occupation. This is a bit inexplicable, as Indian soldiers have not been able to go on their usual patrolling patterns on the LAC for months.

Since September, the Indian foreign ministry’s leadership has described this conflict as the most serious since 1964 and claimed that diplomacy was the only way out.

In a lecture on October 31, Jaishankar acknowledged that the relationship is under “severe stress”. “To restore normalcy, (border) agreements between the two countries must be respected scrupulously in their entirety. Where the Line of Actual Control is concerned, any attempt to unilaterally change the status quo is unacceptable. The relationship cannot be immune to changes in the assumptions that underpinned it”.

In the last weeks of 2020, Indian Air Force chief Air Chief Marshal R.K.S. Bhadauria articulated the Indian security establishment’s overwhelming focus on China. “Our most important national security challenge is firstly to understand China, their possible game plan and the deepening and evolving Sino-Pak relationship”.

An Indian Air Force (IAF) chopper flies over the Ladakh region amid the prolonged India-China standoff, in Leh, Monday, Dec. 14, 2020. Photo: PTI

How the two ‘C’s shaped the rest of India’s external engagement

One of the key aims of Indian government strategists to understand China’s latest conflict has been to find out the motivation for Beijing to give the green light to allow thousands of soldiers to pour into eastern Ladakh. A certain answer may not be possible, but the inkling is that Beijing may have been attempting to punish India for its growing closeness with the United States.

The sharply polarised international environment has led all countries to revise their external outlook – and India is no different.

The physical meeting of the ‘Quad’ foreign ministers at Tokyo was significant in a year when most such conferences had gone virtual. It was followed by Australia’s participation in the Malabar naval exercises. Many observers looked at this as the nascent militarisation of the Quad, which was also how Beijing viewed it. Chinese state councillor Wang Yi criticised the ‘Quad’ as the “Indo-Pacific Nato”.

This year, India signed military logistics agreements with Japan and Australia. This means that New Delhi now has this basic foundational pact with all members of the Quad.

A new ‘buzzword’ that has emerged due to the pandemic has been “resilient supply chains,” first emanating from western capitals. India has also embraced this term, wholeheartedly.

As the November presidential elections loomed larger, the Trump administration’s rhetoric became more vitriolic, as divisions between the United States and China became more sharply drawn.

There were signs that even the European Union was moving closer towards the US assessment about China. India noted that EU’s “revived interest” in Indo-Pacific had strengthened engagement.

But, history never travels in a straight line. On December 30, EU and China agreed in principle to an investment treaty after seven years of negotiations, despite US concerns. The incoming Biden administration had called for a less unilateral approach towards confronting China. However, it may not be an easy path due to Beijing’s deep geostrategic networks.

This is very apparent in India’s neighbourhood, where even a friendly government – in Maldives and Bangladesh – cannot put a big dent in Chinese presence.

While China did suffer a setback on account of the emergence of COVID-19 in Wuhan, it aggressively pushed back and went around countries in South Asia with offers of assistance, medicines and vaccines.

But, it has not been easy going. In Bangladesh, there is a dispute over the funding of the late-stage trial of Sinovac. During the India-Bangladesh summit in December, India has promised to provide three vaccines at a “friendship price”, according to the Bangladesh foreign minister.

This reflects the broad picture in most South Asian countries, where India and China continue to jostle for influence through various instruments – from foreign aid to vaccines in the post-pandemic scene.

Even if India’s policy response to a development in the neighbourhood does not seem to have a visible link to the pandemic this year, Indian calculations would likely have looked at China’s looming presence. India had no objection when the Maldives decided to sign a defence agreement with the United States, in sharp contrast to its position six years ago.

When relations with Nepal dipped low over territorial disputes this year, there was speculation in a section of Indian media about a Chinese angle due to Prime Minister K.P. Oli’s previous stance. There was a thaw in ties in the fourth quarter, with Indian foreign secretary making a long-awaited visit to Kathmandu.

Also read: Map Issue or Development?: Nepal-India Ties Remain Under Cloud of Agenda Setting

China’s political activity in Nepal again picked up after Oli announced the dissolution of the House of Representatives, which caused a virtual split in the ruling Nepal Communist Party. For a change, however, India would rather have the spotlight on China to fuel the narrative that Beijing is micro-managing events in Nepal.

Consequences of controversial domestic policies

In the first few months of 2020, the international fallout from India’s policies on Kashmir and the CAA were still being felt.

Bangladesh prime minister Sheikh Hasina publicly said that the citizenship amendment act was “unnecessary”. The act, approved by parliament in December 2019, provided for fast-track citizenship for six minority non-muslim religious communities from Bangladesh, Afghanistan and Pakistan.

A slew of senior Bangladeshi officials had also cancelled their visits to India, which raised eyebrows.

Representative image of an anti-CAA protester at Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh on January 14. Photo: PTI

The European Parliament was scheduled to vote on a draft resolution submitted by five political groups against the CAA in January. After European lawmakers agreed to defer the vote, India hailed it as the victory of “Friends of India” over “Friends of Pakistan”. The deferred vote was scheduled after the annual summit of India and EU in March. Due to the COVID-19 situation, the summit finally took place in the virtual mode in July.

In the second week of January, MEA took the first batch of foreign envoys to Kashmir, which had remained out of bounds to foreign nationals following the change in constitutional status in August 2019. Following 11 European envoys’ visit to Kashmir in the second batch, the European Union stated that while the Indian government has taken some positive steps to restore normalcy, restrictions on the internet and mobile services should be “lifted swiftly” and detained political leaders released.

In February, Kashmir again figured when a UK labour member of parliament Debbie Abrahams was deported on arrival at Indira Gandhi International Airport.

The District Development Council elections in December were projected as a sign of return to normalcy, with the Indian foreign secretary briefing foreign envoys and raising the spectre of Pakistan-sponsored terror attacks. For the first time, foreign journalists were allowed inside Kashmir – albeit in an organised trip – after one and a half years.

During US President Donald Trump’s state visit, the worst riots that the Indian capital had seen in decades were taking place about 20 kilometres from his hotel. It elicited only a passing clarification: that Trump did not bring up the topic during discussions with Modi.

Security forces patrol in a riot affected area in New Delhi, February 27, 2020. Photo: Reuters/Rupak De Chowdhuri

While Trump remained silent, there was a steady drumbeat of criticism from US lawmakers, US Commission on Religious Freedom, and a parliamentary debate in the UK parliament. The Indian government largely dismissed all these concerns, describing the UK junior foreign minister’s comments as “irresponsible”.

India summoned the Turkish and Iranian envoys over highly critical comments by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Iran’s foreign minister Javed Zarif. When the Organisation of Islamic Countries condemned the Delhi riots, MEA spokesperson urged the body not to make “irresponsible statements” at this “sensitive time.”

Meanwhile, Indonesia summoned the Indian ambassador and major civil society organisations there vocally protested against the Delhi riots. Photographs of violence against Muslims had gone viral on Indonesian social media.

The Indian government always cited Modi’s concerted courtship of Gulf kingdoms as a successful foreign policy story. Therefore, when newspapers in the region started to report on Indians who were losing jobs due to their offensive social media posts, it started to cause concern.

The matter had peaked earlier when Arab intellectuals active on social media started to give attention to Islamophobic posts, which amplified certain reportage on Indian private television channels on the Tablighi Jamaat controversy. This led multiple Indian missions across the region to caution the Indian community to remain vigilant against “malicious attempts to sow discord”. Indian ambassadors had to issue statements when it became clear that some of the posts were from fake accounts.

Also read: At ‘Government Request’, Twitter Blocks Tweet by BJP MP Tejasvi Surya

Besides, India had to also face frequent criticism from UN organisations, including independent experts in the body, on the proposed implementation of CAA, crackdown on protesters and even the negative aftereffects of the suddenly announced COVID-19 lockdown on migrant workers.

In March, UN human rights commissioner Michele Bachelet filed an intervention application in the Supreme Court against the CAA, which she had earlier described as “fundamentally discriminatory”. India asserted that a third party had “no locus standi”.

Two months earlier, an UN-appointed expert had filed an application seeking to assist the Supreme Court “in the spirit of amicus curiae” on the obligations of countries under international law in a case challenging the deportation of Rohingya people from India.

When the pandemic was spreading at top speed in Asia, UN human rights chief had highlighted that many governments, including India, were suppressing criticism of government policies in the name of “fake news” over coronavirus. The criticised nations immediately released a joint letter complaining that Bachelet should be playing “a responsible role”.

A police officer wields his baton against a man as a punishment for breaking the lockdown rules after India ordered a 21-day nationwide lockdown to limit the spreading of coronavirus disease (COVID-19), in New Delhi, March 25, 2020. Photo: Reuters/Adnan Abidi

Across the pond, the head of the influential US Congress’s House foreign affairs committee also expressed concern that the Indian government was targeting journalists “who criticise its handling of COVID-19”.

Both the US and the UK also made noises after the international human rights group Amnesty International closed down its offices, claiming that it was impossible to operate due to harassment from Indian authorities.

Also read: Amnesty International India Shuts Down, Blames Government’s ‘Reprisal’

Just as it started, the year ended with Indian foreign ministry attempting to dismiss concerns about another series of protests.

While the Modi government and western countries have often hailed the “living bridge” of a large diaspora, it has also meant that Indian domestic policies have a spillover impact in those countries.

Last year, the change to Kashmir’s status and passage of CAA had led to lawmakers in the UK and the US receiving representations by their constituents to raise the matter. There were demonstrations held outside Indian embassies and high commissions.

The protests against three farm laws led by farmers from Punjab and  Haryana had a similar trajectory. This time due to the concentration of Punjabi diaspora in Canada, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was the first foreign leader to support the right to peaceful protests. India even summoned the Canadian high commissioner to protest his remarks, but Trudeau reiterated his stance.

Also read: Why Justin Trudeau Is Supporting Protesting Farmers in India

After raising the matter with his Indian counterpart, UK foreign secretary Dominic Raab also explained that Indian politics were not just India’s internal matter anymore due to the presence of the diaspora. There is already a letter campaign planned by several UK parliament members asking Prime Minister Johnson to raise it when he visits India to be the chief guest at Republic day celebrations.

While western countries and their organisations do bring up human rights concerns in India at regular intervals, it is not likely to put India in the doghouse, with Washington and other capitals focused singularly on the Chinese threat.

For example, in April, USCIRF recommended that India be listed by Trump administration as a “Country of Particular Concern” due to the deterioration in religious freedom. Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, however, did not accept this proposal.

Four Factors That Make the Farmers’ Agitation Unlike Any Other

The biting winter of dissent has reminded many of the protests that took place a year ago, against another contentious law which had been ramrodded through parliament.

Mohali: The government and the protesting farmers’ unions reached consensus on two of the four demands on December 30 – almost a month after the farmers’ blockade of Delhi’s borders.

Unions welcomed this climbdown by the government, but the most contentious demand – the repeal of the three farm laws – is scheduled to be discussed once again on January 4. With this, lakhs of farmers, agricultural labourers and their allies have braced themselves to usher in the new year from the streets amidst a sweeping cold wave in north India.

The biting winter of dissent has reminded many of the Shaheen Bagh protests that were taking place, a year ago, at the same time, in New Delhi, against another contentious law which had been bulldozed through the parliament. The permanent sit-in, the songs and dances, and the community kitchens of the farmers’ morcha are deeply evocative of the anti-citizenship Bill protests of last year.

For many Punjabis, the protests are resonant of the brutal December in Sikh history when the four Sahibzaadas (sons) of the tenth Sikh guru, Gobind Singh were killed in the Battle of Chamkaur. Across Punjab, their martyrdom is remembered each year. The last week of December is observed as the ‘Shahidi parv’ or martyrdom week.

To mark the martyrdom week this year, Punjab’s protesting farmers held up posters of the 22 farmers who have lost their lives protesting against the government’s new laws and declared them martyrs as well.

Also read: How Different Are the Ongoing Farmers’ Protests From Those of Colonial Times?

The story of the Sahibzaadas – two older ones who were mutilated, and the younger ones, who were bricked alive, along with Mata Gujri Kaur, the mother of Gobind Singh, who was imprisoned at the ‘Thanda Burj’ or the cold tower, and Bibi Sharan Kaur, a 16-year-old, from a town near Chamkaur, who secretly tried to give a proper funeral to the older princes but was caught and thrown into the pyre alive – is a story which is passed to the young in every Sikh household. Such stories are also helping many stay warm at the borders of New Delhi.

Agitating farmers are not only braving the biting cold but also aggressive state surveillance and arrests in Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh. This, in addition to the water cannons and tear gas shelling which they endured a month ago along with the slander hurled at them by social media spin artists.

As they brave through, the farmers’ have also provided a reality check on four things.

1. Federalism is prime

When the agitation first began in Punjab, it began with a loud call from farmers’ unions that the Centre had no business interfering with a state subject matter. The constitutional validity of the move continues to be a matter of debate among legal experts. On September 27 this year, when the 30-odd farmers’ unions held a Punjab-wide strike, the seeds of this movement were sown. At the time, Darshan Pal, who is now at the forefront of negotiations with the Centre had told The Wire that the BJP’s disregard for the federal structure has laid itself bare. He believed that not just an average Punjabi but every citizen of the country would soon stand against BJP’s trashing of Indian federalism and democracy. Even during talks with the government, one of the main contentions of the farmers’ unions has been this attack on federalism.

Farmers take part in a protest against the newly passed farm laws on the outskirts of Delhi, India, December 17, 2020. Photo: Reuters/Anushree Fadnavis

2. A political movement without politicians

The farmers’ unions have successfully maintained a distance from major political parties. For the Bhartiya Kisan Union, this is not new. Historically, the BKU has always acted as a pressure group, against any government of the day. Professor Kesar Singh Bhangoo, an economics professor at the Punjabi University met this correspondent in Patiala recently. He said that farmers’ groups have realised that big politicians of the region, like Prakash Singh Badal, who come from farming backgrounds, have shifted their interests out of it, and their support is merely lip service – for the sake of their politics.

Also read: Hit By Indebtedness and Suicides, Punjab Farmers Worry New Laws Will Make Things Worse

Many senior journalists in Punjab are also of the view that once the furore over the laws subsides, the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) could rejoin the NDA, which they had quit after pressure from farmers. Bhangoo believes that soon after the source of power and income of the politicians shifted out of agriculture, their interest moved away too. Right now, the political parties are trying hard to get some footage but are failing. Nevertheless, political parties are supporting the movement from the sidelines. This is helping the unions more than it’s helping the political parties.

3. Information dissemination is power

The so-called mainstream media coupled with the BJP’s IT cell has received the biggest reality check. The farmers’ movement has highlighted their irreverence and irrelevance. It started with the boycott of ‘godi media (lapdog media)’. Posters in Gurmukhi, Hindi and English, stuck on tractors and trolleys, with ‘godi media go back’ written on them, were one of the biggest takeaways for anyone who had visited the protest site.

Zee News’ claim that those who were protesting were Khalistan separatists did not hold water, ultimately because the Centre itself continued to pursue talks with the agitating farmers. Moreover, anyone who had visited the protest site would know that the farmers present there were not only from Punjab but several Indian states, some as far as Kerala. Those who made the incendiary remark, in the five-second clip played on Zee News, were never seen after that.

Soon, Twitter labelled  IT-cell head Amit Malviya’s attempts to ‘mislead’ the nation as ‘manipulated media’. This was the first time such an action was been taken by Twitter in India. The fact that Twitter’s first such action was against the ruling party’s IT-cell, speaks volumes about the credibility of the BJP’s media and information front.

Viral picture of a policeman swinging a baton at a farmer during farmers’ protests. Photo: Instagram/Choudharyravi

All of the above scenarios prompted the creation of a parallel mode of information dissemination, run by farmers from the ground. On Twitter, Tractor2Twitter acted as a counter to the government-run IT-cell’s hashtags. The joint farmers front, which is negotiating with the government, also started official social media channels to telecast their daily press briefings because other media channels were not. Parallel to this, a group of like-minded people launched a physical, print newspaper – Trolley Times. People behind all three initiatives have said the same thing: ‘the media is not showing the truth’. Hence there was a need for the farmers to own the means of production for information.

Also read: From CAA to Farmers’ Protest, the Changing Colours of the Hindutva Activist With Pulwama Tattoo

4. A food security issue

Certain sections of the middle class, at least in Punjab, believe that the costs of food items will skyrocket if large-scale contract farming and hoarding of food grains by agri-business companies are allowed. They’re with the farmers in this agitation but nothing has been said by the government on this concern so far. The middle-class of Chandigarh gathered at the posh Sector-17 earlier this month. They said they were joining the movement because they believe that the new laws will lead to food price inflation.

Apart from this, one of the contentions of the agricultural labourers is that the public-distribution system, a direct result of government procurement from the mandis, will be hit if the mandi system eventually collapses. This will be a big loss to the livelihood of many. Several economists and agricultural experts predict that the government may even amend the National Food Security Act, 2013, as they stop procuring from the mandis.

Even after a month, with no likely resolution in sight, the movement is gaining momentum each day, as five borders of New Delhi remain completely sealed by agitators indefinitely.

Cattle Smuggling Case: CBI Searches Multiple Locations in West Bengal

The agency had arrested an alleged kingpin of the cattle smuggling racket in West Bengal and two BSF officials in connection with the case.

New Delhi The CBI, on Thursday, carried out searches at multiple locations in West Bengal including the premises of TMC leader Vinay Mishra, considered close to chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee, in connection with the cattle smuggling case, officials said.

The agency has also issued a look out circular against Mishra to prevent him from leaving the country, they said. The CBI is conducting searches at two premises of Mishra in Kolkata among other locations, they said.

The agency had arrested an alleged kingpin of the cattle smuggling racket in West Bengal and two BSF officials in connection with the case.

The CBI had done a preliminary enquiry which showed that cattle smuggling was rampant along the India-Bangladesh border which is allegedly aided by some corrupt officers of the BSF and Customs receiving illegal gratification from smugglers, they said.

The agency has gone full steam on the cases related to West Bengal with Director R.K. Shukla asking the team probing Saradha and related ponzi scam to complete filing of all the FIRs before January, 2021.

The state is going for assembly elections in 2021.

‘Tool to Hound Political Opponents’: Mehbooba Mufti Writes to ED, Urges it to Follow Due Process

The former J&K CM has alleged that the ED has been summoning a large selection of people connected to her and seizing their tech devices.

New Delhi: Former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti has written to the director of the Enforcement Directorate, expressing concern that the Central investigation agency is being used to target her, her family and politics.

The letter, a copy of which has also been marked by the People’s Democratic Party chief to the secretary in the Department of Revenue and to the Union Home Secretary, is titled ‘ED’s Roving Inquiries’. In it, Mufti alleges that the ED has been summoning various persons from Kashmir, possibly in connection with the case numbered ECIR/16/HIV/2020.

She wrote that the “only common thread connecting these persons” appeared to be their acquaintance to her, her family or her politics in one way or another. “The questioning of these persons is also focused on myself, my personal, political and financial affairs; my late father’s grave and memorial, my sister’s finances, home construction, my brother’s finances and personal affairs etc.,” she added.

The letter sent by Mufti to the ED.

Mufti, who was kept under detention for a long period by the Centre following the reading down of Article 370 in the state in August 2019, also referred to how “not very long ago, a key person of the PDP, who has now been returned successful by the people of Kashmir in the DDC elections, Waheed Para was arrested by the NIA in what appears to be a non-existent case around the dates of the elections.”

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) in late November had arrested the People’s Democratic Party’s youth wing president Waheed-ur-Rehman Parra in connection with a purported case related to militancy in Jammu and Kashmir.

Mufti has been vocal since her release. Her party has joined the People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD), an alliance of seven parties in Jammu and Kashmir which seek the restoration of the erstwhile state’s special status. In the letter, she further wrote that on the eve of the DDC election results, several of her relatives and party leaders were also kept in unlawful detention by the state administration.

Mufti added that “the use of the Enforcement Directorate against political opponents is not an unknown device for a party in power at the Centre.” In her tweet announcing that she has sent his letter, she writes, the ED is an “agency being weaponised as a tool to hound political opponents by the ruling party.”

“I wish to notify you that as a responsible citizen and politician, a former chief minister and member of Parliament, and the daughter of one of the most illustrious public personalities in this country, I am ready and wiling to face any questioning by any agency. But I will insist upon the legitimacy of the process,” she wrote.

Mufti also alleged sustained electronic surveillance. She said: “I have understood that mobile phones and personal digital devices of some of the persons summoned in connection with the aforesaid ECIR have been seized by or at the behest of the ED, or by intelligence agencies coincidental with the summons issued by the ED.”

Highlighting Section 21(2) of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, 2002, Mufti also reminded the agency about the “constitutional right to privacy, the right to democratic politics and indeed the right to due process” of the parties concerned.

She added, “This is further to put you on notice that if you intend to question me or examine my electronic or digital devices, or those of the members of my family, you shall only do it in the presence of myself or my representative and under the supervision of an impartial/judicial authority.”

Finally, Mufti cautioned the ED that “if there is any breach of what I consider to be the norms of law, good conduct and constitutionalism, I shall not hesitate to take the matter up legally and politically.”

Earlier this week while addressing party workers in Srinagar, Mufti had accused the BJP government at the Centre of employing investigating agencies like the National Investigation Agency, Enforcement Directorate and the CBI to suppress and intimidate political opponents.

A fortnight ago, ED had attached assets worth Rs 11.86 crores of another former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister, Farooq Abdullah, in connection with the Jammu and Kashmir Cricket Association (JKCA) money laundering case.

The ED attached three of Abdullah’s houses at Srinagar, Tanmarg and Sunjwan and land owned by him in four different places in the state. The ED has claimed that between 2006 and 2012, Abdullah took advantage of his position in the JKCA, made illegal appointments and then gave the appointed people financial powers in order to launder JKCA’s funds.

Abdullah’s son Omar had called the ED’s allegation “baseless” and had expressed wonder as to how ancestral property could be seen as proceeds of “crime”.

Abdullah too had reacted strongly to the allegations and claimed that he would not bow before the politics of Bharatiya Janata Party. “They think Farooq Abdullah will bow before them. I will only bow my head before my god and no one else. He is my creator. They are trying to induce fear, but they do not know Farooq Abdullah. I am the Sher-e-Kashmir’s (National Conference founder Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah) son,” he said.

Like Mufti, Farooq and Omar Abdullah too had been put in detention by the state administration in 2019 following the removal of special status of the state.

Andhra Pradesh HC Chief Justice Maheshwari Transferred To Sikkim

Chief Justice of the Sikkim high court Justice Arup Kumar Goswami, meanwhile, has been posted to the Andhra Pradesh high court to replace Justice Maheshwari.

New Delhi: Chief Justice of the Andhra Pradesh high court Justice Jitendra Kumar Maheshwari was on Thursday transferred to the Sikkim high court as its new chief justice.

Chief Justice of the Sikkim high court Justice Arup Kumar Goswami, meanwhile, has been posted to the Andhra Pradesh high court to replace Justice Maheshwari, separate law ministry notifications issued on Thursday said.

The SC collegium had recently recommended to the government the transfer of four chief justices (CJs) of high courts including Andhra Pradesh high court’s Chief Justice Maheshwari to the Sikkim high court, weeks after chief minister Jagan Mohan Reddy had complained to the CJI about the state’s top judiciary.

In an unprecedented move, the Andhra Pradesh chief minister, on October 6, had written to the Chief Justice of India (CJI) S.A. Bobde alleging that the state high court was being used to “destabilise and topple his democratically elected government.”

The law ministry also notified the transfer of Justice Satish Chandra Sharma, judge of the Madhya Pradesh high court, as a judge of the Karnataka high court. Another notification said Justice Joymalya Bagchi, judge of the Calcutta high court, has been transferred as a judge of the Andhra Pradesh high court.