Category: Gender

Live-in Relationships And the War Against Women’s Agency

Two critical developments took place in India in January 2025, so-called, ‘for women’s safety’ – the Uttarakhand UCC mandating registration of live-in relationships and a Rajasthan high court judgement denying a live-in couple police protection.

If you are a woman who would like the government and courts to protect you from crimes, you will have to purchase one of those GPS tracking ankle bracelets which will constantly relay your movement to the nearest police station, file monthly forms about which areas you travel to, which people you meet and upload an hourly selfie. 

This is, of course, for your safety. Don’t you want to be safe? Oh, you want safety and you want the government to exhaust its precious resources in protecting you but you can’t even concede a little “freedom”? Freedom is a western construct and, yes, it is true that the Supreme Court and the Indian Constitution say you should have it but you know there are limits to freedom also; you can’t have absolute freedom.

The aforementioned paragraphs are not completely true yet, but we are close. Allow me to explain.

Two developments took place in India in January 2025 in the context of live-in relationships.

  1. The ‘rules’ of the Uniform Civil Code passed by the Uttarakhand government – which are not uniform at all but that’s another discussion – came into effect on January 2, 2025. 
  2. In a judgment passed recently, the Rajasthan high court, in the context of a couple in a live-in relationship approaching the court for safety, proceeded to shame and patronise women, and then frame this registration business for live-in relationships as something necessary for the safety of women and their rights. There is also a concern for “children”.

The socio-political-personal context

Before launching into a critique of the Uttarakhand law or the Rajasthan high court judgment, it is critical to point out some facts to remind ourselves of some ground truths to see these with some clarity.

Families in conservative societies, such as India, fundamentally and constantly act to diminish and control women across all stages of their life. What a woman should wear, should she work or not, when and who she should marry, what career choices are permitted etc are common discussions. 

This diminishing aspect is largely framed to signify that men are a threat, and that this is a means to protect you – a woman – from that threat. But this is only one part of the story. The second part is more important, and one that many well-meaning people miss when they urge everyone to teach boys/men to do better.

A belief system

There is a near-unanimous belief in conservative societies such as India, one that is disguised in many ways, and something most Indians, including those in power, believe but don’t say explicitly. If they say it, they say it in a way which is deceitful enough to offer plausible deniability.

The belief is that women are inferior to men; they will always be inferior. They are tainted and are at high risk of causing their benefactors shame unless someone takes ownership. 

Men, acting through families, courts, legislative assemblies and so on, must own women, keep them in line, prevent them from sinning and causing shame. When they succeed, they are able to psychologically mutilate women also by convincing them that they are bearers of shame, sinful by virtue of their existence – that they are someone who needs to be watched.

Also read: Not in the Name of Gender Justice: Reflections on Uttarakhand’s UCC

Since women are property, the other, the enemy, must not be allowed to steal this property. Who this other is depends on who you are speaking to. However, the other is dehumanised and women are just property – there is no relationship possible here. Love, intimacy, desire, friendship, community? Not applicable. 

The other can only loot the property and conquer. This must be avoided at all costs. 

These beliefs are regressive, primitive and cruel. They are smartly kept hidden under the veneer of what looks like a functioning society with institutions, malls, etc. It is true that there are pockets in India which are an exception to this rule. 

It is also true that there are various manifestations here – in some families, there is no restriction on clothes or work but even that is seen as a concession and not a rightful freedom.

This is not to engage in polemic or hyperbole – these are dull facts of the lived reality of women in India. 

Now, with this context in place, let us understand the Uttarakhand UCC and the Rajasthan High Court’s judgment. Let’s start with the law. 

UCC: A large-scale medieval surveillance

The Uniform Civil Code (UCC) of Uttarakhand Act, 2024, a law enacted by the Uttarakhand government, makes it mandatory to register live-in relationships from the date of its “commencement” – and makes the failure to do so an offence. 

  1. To register, one has to inform the government about all their previous live-in relationships or marriages, regardless of whether they were registered or not. Basically, they want your dating history.
  2. If either of the “registrants” is less than 21 years of age, their parents are informed. 
  3. The registration requires a certificate from a priest. 
  4. An application for registration, or for the “termination of live-in” relationship, results in an enquiry from the registrar, who consults religious leaders, local police stations, “community heads” and others. This registrar can also consult his own “sources” without disclosing their identities to the applicants.
  5. If either of the partners is married to someone else, a live-in relationship cannot be registered.
  6. In fact, as per Section 378 (1) of the Act, say you are residents of Kerala, in a live-in relationship, visiting Uttarakhand for a friend’s wedding or on a work trip. You are legally obligated to report your relationship to this registrar, or risk prison and/or fine.

The most obvious critique here is that of these requirements being illogical or absurd and that part is self-evident. 

When does a live-in relationship “commence”? Is it a live-in relationship if two individuals sharing a flat, who began purely as flatmates but have slept together and share a deep bond, don’t want to give a name to it?

Which young person living in Indian cities even knows who their “community head” is? The provision which makes non-registration an offence, basically converts the entire state – and soon country, with many BJP states mimicking this – into a surveillance squad. This is reminiscent not only of 1930s Germany but also of medieval Church-controlled Europe, with the entire citizenry tasked with the noble duty of reporting sexual/relationship deviance and turning against each other. 

This is hell on earth for people in non-married partnerships.

There is also the forbidding of people in marriages entering a live-in relationship. Sometimes couples separate without getting a divorce but stay friends while pursuing other relationships. Sometimes divorces are prolonged and last for years and during this time couples find other companionship. 

The government basically wants people in prolonged, contested divorce to not have any other companionship. For what good?

The ‘logic’ behind the law

The ”logical” defence is that women in live-in relationships claim maintenance – what about the children from such relationships etc. This is easily countered: various high courts, as well as the Supreme Court have already, in many judgments, decided what has to happen in such cases. Problem solved. 

Those judgments understand “choice” and “consent”. They don’t unveil the largest community surveillance in the history of humanity. 

They did not launch a large-scale invasion on privacy, demanding that women sit in front of babus and narrate their sexual histories. 

No, because that would be a lecherous babu’s fantasy – a permit raj for connection and intimacy.

Also read: Uttrakhand’s Uniform Civil Code Is a Mere Extension of Highly Controlled Lives Indian Women Lead

To argue logic or look for logic is to miss the point. The Uttarakhand law mandates a 16-page form, Aadhaar details and an OTP-linked enquiry. 

What is the first thought anyone would have? 

It is easier to get married. It really is. As long as you are both from the same religion, at least. 

The impulse behind such laws sees anything except a parent, religion and government sanctioned intercourse as sinful and immoral. That is its primary motive.

Rajasthan high court: A defender of the constitution or society?

The Rajasthan high court judgment is peppered with weakly, disguised shaming of live-in relationships with observations like:

“Not a crime or sin though socially unacceptable in our country”

“Does not amount to offence though perceived as immoral”

“Though it is considered immoral by society and not accepted by public at large”

Which society? Which public? Does the public in Meghalaya consider it immoral or unacceptable? What about the public in Goa, Kerala or Tamil Nadu? Is it the case in Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata or Bengaluru?

Is the definition of ‘society’  the value system espoused by the most regressive collective of people? Do people in courts and legislative assemblies swear by the constitution or by what is considered unacceptable by the public at large?

The Rajasthan high court went on to patronise women unabashedly. It observed: 

“…status of women in such relationship is not of wife and lacks social approval or sanctity” 

and also,

“…women in such relationships are found to be sufferers”

What is the status of a wife? As the law stands today, a ‘wife’ in India suffers because they cannot prosecute marital rape, even when he kills her in the process  but women in live-in relationships can. 

As per the National Family Health Survey 5 (2019-21), “Among married women aged 18-49 who have ever experienced sexual violence, 83 per cent report their current husband and 13 per cent report a former husband as perpetrator.”

Whose status is better then, a person able to prosecute sexual violence against them or one who is not able to?

In the eyes of the Uttarakhand government and the Rajasthan high court, women are not adults capable of making choices. Women cannot come to court if there is a child whose rights need to be protected, as the Supreme Court already allows them to.

To remedy this, the Uttarakhand government and the Rajasthan high court want to unleash surveillance and harassment against every unmarried person in the country. 

The Rajasthan High Court has called live-in relationships a western idea which India is “slowly opening its door to”. The irony is that the court stating this in response to a couple coming to it seeking police protection fearing threat to their life and liberty. 

However, the court says the police are too busy and “dozens” of petitions are being filed. 

If someone’s life and liberty were in danger, it is the job of the police and courts to protect it as per the contract a citizen has with the state. The failure of the state and the courts cannot be used as an excuse to uphold rule of law, and to unleash moral policing.

It is unsurprising that the court sees Indian civilisation as static. The courts may do well to understand that policing sexuality and intimacy is also a western concept – one from the medieval ages.

The chief motive

Let us now come to the second, most important, motive behind these laws and judgements. 

If a Hindu woman tries to marry a man from another religion, especially Muslim, under the Special Marriage Act, the couple – often just the groom – is violently beaten up. 

The families are threatened and often forced to call off the marriage. What choice do those individuals have? Perhaps they could have lived and loved in peace, without marriage. However, that “loophole” must also be closed. 

It is already happening: while the government claims that the information is “encrypted”, Bajrang Dal “leaders” claim they have access to the information and are already “checking it”.

Is it surprising that these courts and legislative assemblies haven’t just said that interfaith marriage is banned. It will save so much time, won’t it? However, then the mask would come off. 

The masquerade of a functional democracy with the rule of law has its uses. Perhaps, it is time for us Indians to once again echo Varun Grover and say “Hum kaagaz nahin dikhayenge (We won’t show you our papers)”. 

Dushyant Arora is a lawyer and research consultant based in Mumbai.

How Women Vote: Looking Beyond Ballot Paper in Bhilwara and Sirohi Districts of Rajasthan

This is an excerpt from an edited volume titled ‘Seeking the Questions: Field Notes from Rural India’, a selection of 25 research reports by the student interns with the National Foundation of India.

Introduction

The Rajasthan Panchayat Act was enacted in 1953 and the Rajasthan Panchayat Samitis and Zila Parishads Act were enacted in 1959 to decentralise power, that is, to have a three-tier structure of local self-governing bodies at district, block and village levels. The 73rd Amendment of the Constitution of India in 1994 gave Panchayat Raj Institutions (PRIs) constitutional status, it also mandated the reservation of one-third of seats for women in PRIs such as Gram Panchayats, Panchayat Samitis, Zila Parishads; Rajasthan Panchayati Raj Act (RPRA) of 1994 defined their functions, powers, and responsibilities. Later, Rajasthan Panchayati Raj Rules, 1996 were incorporated there under. The Rajasthan Panchayat Raj (Amendment) Bill, 2021, was introduced in the Rajasthan Assembly on Feb 25, 2021, amending the RPRA, 1994.

Objectives

Book cover: Seeking the Questions: Field Notes from Rural India, edited by Anuradha Raman, Bijoy Basant Patro and Biraj Patnaik. Source: NFI

  1. To understand the voting behaviour of women living in rural areas.
  2. To understand how efficiently the Elected Women Representatives (EWRs) have been running the office.
  3. The role of education, traditions and Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) present in the state behind women participating and representing in such a way.

Research questions

  1. The factors considered by women behind voting for a particular party or candidate. How independent have women been while voting for a party/ candidate?
  2. The factors which helped or hindered women from representing (contesting and holding the position) in the elections at the panchayat level.
  3. The role of NGOs in assisting the women by training them so that they conduct the office at their best.

Respondents and their background

To meet the demands of the research, people from diverse professional fields specially those who work at ground level were interviewed like Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) mates, Anganwadi teachers, Ward Panch (including Upa- Sarpanch), Sarpanch, Gram Saathins, Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) workers, Female health worker (mahila swasthya karyakarta), Sachiv, Delegate (Panchayati Samiti), Ward Parshad, Government School Teachers and Principals, Booth Level Officers (BLOs), Block Development Officer (BDO), Pradhan, Jilla Pramukh (Zila Parishad).

The sample consists of 105 voters (both women and men) from various communities like Berva, Bhil, Brahmin, Chippa, Gameti, Gharasiya, Gurjar, Jaiswal, Jat, Kaanchi, Kataria, Kumar, Lohar, Mali, Pathan, Prajapat, Rajput, Regar, Saalvi, Sen, Sultar, Suwalka, Vaishnav, Valmiki, and Vyas. Ten Focussed Group Discussions (FGDs) at various different sites like MGNREGA sites, parents of students studying at an education centre run by Jan Chetna NGO, women at a panchayat office, working women at one of the respondent’s homes and one FGD with ASHA workers and female health officer were conducted giving insights into how things work at the ground level.

Findings and Discussion

When it comes to political participation, women and men were found to be equally interested in exercising their vote, that is, reaching the polling booth and clicking on a button on the Electronic Voting Machine (EVM). The practice of voting holds large importance for these people as they go on saying, ‘‘vote dena dharam hai, vote ko ghar pe thodi rakhenge, vote dena hi hai chaahe kisi tarah ka chunav ho, bina kaam ka kyun gamaayenge, ek vote se bhi haare-jaate, vote karne se hi hum nagarik kehlate hain, vote dene se jeetne wale toh khush ho jayenge’’, etc.

Also read: What Does It Say About India’s Democracy When EVMs Overshadow Key Polls Issues?

At one of the FGDs at a MGNREGA site, respondents shared how the representatives become inactive after assuming office, a usual case about the working of elected representatives, ‘‘ek din haath joda, paanch saal hum ko jodna pad raha hai (they will fold their hands for one day asking for votes, after which we have been folding our hands for five years requesting them to work).”

“Voting is mandatory”, this sentence has been socially embedded into the minds of the people, and the old voters hardly missed the opportunity to vote. One of the reasons behind it can be the “ease of transportation” as few respondents revealed that some party people send vehicles to the localities of the voters which not only pick the voters and take them to polling booths but also drop all of them back to their respective places once they cast their vote without charging a single rupee.

Almost all of the married women voters got their voter ID after moving to sasural with the help of local Booth Level Officers (BLO) who are teachers at the nearest government school.

The right to vote is exercised in many ways by women, namely, exercising it at the individual level, that is, voting for the party/candidate the voter wishes for and secondly, exercising it at the collective level, that is, voting to the party/ candidate after discussing it with fellow voters or without participating in any kind of discussion as such and voting to the party/ candidate only because the voter was told by her spouse/ the family members at her sasural, or the following the fellow villagers, or one is obliged to vote for them because the voter comes from a particular caste/community or religion. Women have been exercising their right to vote but not on their terms. Married women following the traditional gender roles have been confined to four walls of the house and are not allowed to work (professionally) outside. During an FGD in Palra panchayat, ASHA worker Meena Sharma said “Aurat ko Lakshmi bol ke sasural le aate h, fir Bai banate hai, wo Lakshmi Bai ban jaati hai (a woman is brought to in laws house calling her as Goddess Lakshmi, then make her a maid, she turns into a Lakshmi Bai).” Since women lack exposure of the outside world unlike men who work outside, and it is unlikely that women discuss politics when they meet fellow women. It was found that women hardly attend any party campaigns.

ONE FAMILY ONE VOTE (OFOV): Most of the respondents revealed that all of the family members in their family vote for the same party/ candidate. Raipur block’s resident and two time elected (and served) male ward panch said, “there should be unity at home and members of the family should vote for the same party, otherwise outsiders will say hume bolne se pehle ghar ka chalao, sab ka same party mein vote karwao (first make your family members to vote for the same party before teaching us what to do)” and, “log bolenge ki ghar pe do alag party hai (people say his house supports 2 parties).”

When asked, who leads this unity at his home, he replied, “ghar pe badha hu toh meri hi chalni chaave (since I am the eldest in my home, the rest of the family members obey my words)”.

Looking Within the Ballot Paper

A few respondents did not disclose/hesitated to disclose their voting choice, while some disclosed with pride. When we look at the voting behaviour of women in the last elections (Vidhan Sabha 2023, Lok Sabha 2024, Panchayat elections 2019), almost all of the respondents have been voting for the same party (some for x party, some for y party, etc.) for ages now. Very few have voted for different parties and rarely people have voted for independent candidates. The people have been voting for one particular party because its party symbol resonates with their lives or simply, it is the duty of the voter to vote for it since they follow a particular religion. Many of the employed women voters vote for a particular party assuming they will provide them with better incentives, and better salaries if they come into power.

Proportion of women who disclosed their political choice

Women who disclosed/didn’t disclose their political choice (in %). Source: National Foundation for India

Looking Beyond the Ballot Paper

An Anganwadi teacher stressed the importance of being a working woman which lets her know about the outside world and informs her voting choice. Many of the women who have been voting under the influence of their family members were pressured to vote for a particular party. While some did admit it, many did not.

The one-sided political discussions at home

In most cases, the couple discuss politics with each other irrespective of the election time while some discuss only before the commencement of elections, others do not. In almost all of the cases, in the sasural, the married women are not supposed to talk in front of her sasur (father-in-law), jeth (elder brother of husband), sometimes even with her saas (mother-in-law). At one of FGDs held with 10 women, when asked about the environment at their home on the eve of the voting day, a woman shared laughingly what her husband told her “jaldi jaake line mein khade ho jao, nahi toh line lambi ho jayegi (get in the queue early, otherwise the line/ queue will become longer).”

Surprisingly, many of the women voters could not exactly name the candidate representing the political party they voted for, they were only aware of the party symbol and the party’s name. Most of the women were not aware of the option None Of The Above (NOTA) while few of them were told/educated about it by the local BLO, family members, and by fellow women. Many of them could not name more than two political parties in India.

Familiarity of respondents with NOTA in EVMs

Respondents who are familiar with NOTA option in EVMs. Source: National Foundation for India

Women understand the idea of secret ballot

Some of the women revealed that they vote for the party/ candidate they wish to despite being told or pressured by their family member(s) to vote for the different one. They went on to say, “Since it is a secret ballot and their family members will not be there to cross-check whether she was voting for the party she was asked to or not”, while another woman said, “Suno sabki, karo manki (listen to all, do what your heart says).” 

When it comes to the political participation of women, empowerment managed to bring more women into politics on paper but not their voices, or opinions. The previous panchayat election was held in 2019, followed by the years of COVID lockdown, giving the representatives less time comparatively to solve the issues of the panchayat. The panchayat office conducts at least two meetings with its ward members, preferably on the 5th and 20th of every month. They discuss the complaints given by the villagers like insufficient drinking water, poor functioning of street lights, installation of handpumps, CC road, infrastructure in government schools, etc.

Also read: Women Voters, Welfare Schemes and Star Campaigners: The Prime Factors in Sambalpur Lok Sabha Contest

The seats are reserved for candidates coming from different communities and genders. Often, the holistic development of the panchayat and the welfare of all communities is ignored, but when a person from a marginalised community comes into power whose area’s development has been neglected will be looked after during his/ her tenure.

A few reasons why women have been contesting (and serving) the elections are:

  1. They want to work for their village, for their panchayat and many times, get full support from the people.
  2. Some married women were compelled to contest by the family, especially the male members because for that particular position in that particular election, only a woman (coming from a particular community) can contest for that post (ward panch/ sarpanch), making the situation a blend of class, caste, and gender. This is followed by the family campaigning for the woman and after she has won, her new responsibility is to only sign the documents and sometimes to attend panchayat meetings, otherwise, it is the woman’s husband or father-in-law who does her job, he assumes both the power and the position at the office. The familiarity factor plays a major role here, for instance, a male candidate who has already served as ward panch/ sarpanch is familiar with the people, and the functioning of the panchayat system. This makes the task easier for him while making the woman contest, that is, she contests in the name of her husband, and his previous work. A female respondent in Raipur tehsil who is currently serving as Up-Sarpanch (deputy sarpanch), recalling the 2019 panchayat elections said “pati ke naam se khade thay, tho jeet gaye (I contested in the name of my husband, so I won)’. Many of the EWRs could not answer the questions put to them, as they were less mindful of the affairs of their village/ panchayat. They were already busy being a homemaker and would prioritise the latter over the panchayat/ward’s work. They had vague knowledge about the working of the panchayat system, the responsibilities of a ward panch/sarpanch, and the candidacy criteria to contest elections. When asked whether they would like to contest again, half of the inactive EWRs clearly said yes while the active EWRs were aspiring to contest for higher positions like sarpanch, delegate, etc.

The panchayat meetings within the panchayat office are not efficient. In most cases, there is no direct interaction between the men and women representatives, women ward panch do not utter a word, and while wearing the ghoonghat (veil) they do not express themselves in their own workplace. The rigid gender roles and expectations trap women.

Most of the married women, as young girls have pursued some sort of education in their early years – some quit because they lacked interest in studies, and some were forced to quit either to help family members at home, to look after household chores, agricultural field work or simply because the secondary school and senior secondary school is far away from home. Remembering her school days, Rekha Kumari, Sarpanch of Nichlagarh, Abu Road shared an anecdote of her time when she started going to school a bit late, “Log bolte thay, ab ladki badi ho gayi, ab kya karegi padh ke, baad mey sasural hi jaayegi (people said, now since the girl has grown up, what will she do by studying, later she has to go to sasural).”

Seasonal employment can be observed all across Rajasthan as men usually migrate to other states in search of work. The Rajasthan government gives reservations to women to work as mate at MGNREGA sites. The Rajasthan Grameen Aajeevika Vikas Parishad (RGAVP) or Rajivika, an autonomous society established in 2010 by the Rajasthan Government employs mostly women (from girls attending college to middle-aged working women). This enables women to not only be financially independent but also teaches them about the functioning of the various institutions, thereby giving them the broader picture and exposure. These young and passionate women working with Rajivika have their own scooters on which they travel to longer distances to conduct meetings with Self Help Group (SHG) women, with Elected Women Representatives (EWR), etc. and spread awareness.

NGOs like Foundation for Ecological Security (FES) and Jan Chetna also employ youth in various fields like education, health and nutrition, etc. FES is the foundation of sustainable and equitable development. It is committed to strengthening, reviving, or restoring, where necessary, the process of ecological succession and the conservation of land, forest and water resources in the country.

Sarmi Bai ji is currently serving as Delegate of Abu Road panchayat samiti. She started working with Jan Chetna organisation even before contesting elections. The organisation every year trains many women like her after recognising the potential in them. After receiving the training, she not only contested panchayat elections for the ward panch post but also won. She went on to win as Sarpanch from Nichlagarh panchayat, Abu Road and currently serving as Delegate under Panchayat Samiti since 2022. After becoming Sarpanch in 2010, she went on to meet American former president Barack Obama in Mumbai, which made the headline “President se president ki Mulaqat (President meets President)” in the newspapers the next day.

During her tenure as delegate, she collaborated with women from Rajivika to bring Annapurna Rasoi (Annapurna Kitchen), to Nichlagarh panchayat, got hand pumps installed for the panchayat, worked on CC roads, built chabutra (a place to rest), built washrooms, emphasised on girl education. Sarmi Bai ji is also the brand ambassador of Sirohi district’s ‘Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao’ (save the daughter, educate the daughter) campaign. She recently gave her 10th class exams proving there is no age limit for learning.

Another former EWR, Navali Gharasiya has also been associated with Jan Chetna organisation. She has been to Australia to attend international meetings where she shared the platform with women of her kind from different countries. As ward panch of Kyariya panchayat, Abu Road, she worked on girls’ education, got a record number of handpumps installed in her tenure, etc. Things like cleanliness, roads and lights everywhere, etc in Australia caught her attention and she worked on implementing the same in her panchayat after coming back to India. She questioned the widow discrimination, and child labour. She went on saying, “jo bhi jeetega, mudde tho uthana padega (whoever wins, issues will have to be raised).” In Rajasthan, girls are encouraged to drive bikes, unlike in other states. This not only makes them independent but also motivates them to choose tougher tasks. A resident of Negariya Kheda Panchayat, working as a vehicle driver himself, expressed pride as a resident of Rajasthan where young girls and women are encouraged to ride motorcycles.

The women who have smartphones and know how to use them, spend most of their leisure time listening to bhajans, and using WhatsApp and Instagram.

Empowerment programmes, education, and awareness campaigns can help women participate as leaders. By taking these steps, we can promote inclusive governance and ensure that women are heard.

Sneha Vankudothu is a research intern under the Abhijit Sen Rural Internship Programme (ASRI) with the National Foundation of India.

How Asma Jahangir Inspires

In a world where divisions often seem insurmountable, stories like Asma’s and the legacy of shared cultural values remind us that the fight for justice is not about borders, but about humanity.

Growing up in Gorakhpur, a city that has become synonymous with the rise of Hindutva politics and the political ascendancy of Uttar Pradesh chief minister Adityanath, I never imagined how a film, Veer-Zaara, would shape my worldview and spark the passions that drive me today. Released at the turn of the century, Veer-Zaara became a cult classic ad deeply ingrained itself in the hearts of many in my generation. While many remember the film for its romantic narrative – a grand love story of sacrifice – it made a lasting impact on me thanks to its depiction of Samia Siddiqui, a human rights lawyer who, much like Asma Jahangir, fights for justice and freedom in the name of human dignity. 

I have rewatched Veer-Zaara at almost every stage of life. But it wasn’t until later, during my law studies, that I probably started relating profoundly with its themes of love, human rights and justice. As a law student at Delhi University surrounded by Hindutva student groups, I was perturbed by questions of where my life was headed. In that vacuum, I found myself drawn to the theatre.  I began working as an actor with one of Delhi’s largest theatre groups – an experience reminiscent of Asma Jahangir’s own brief stint with acting, which she shared in her 2018 BBC interview The Life and Loves of Asma Jahangir. It was in that same year, 2018, that Asma passed away at the age of 66. The tributes opened up the stories of her life to me and I began to appreciate her legacy and its connection to the work that I wanted to pursue. 

I fondly remember the opening scene of Veer-Zaara, in which Samia Siddiqui passionately declares, “Azadi har kisi ka paidaishi haq hota hai aur ye haq dilana mera kaam hai (Freedom is every person’s birthright, and it is my job to ensure they get it).” Little did I know at that point that the quote shall become the cornerstone of my participation in the world of human rights. As I ventured further into human rights law, especially in the field of prisoners’ rights, I could not ignore how my own journey began to mirror the struggles Samia Siddiqui faced in the film.

The poster of ‘Veer-Zara’.

Asma’s tireless work as a lawyer and activist must have had an impact on so many young minds like me. Her determination to provide legal aid to marginalised communities, her fearless pursuit of justice even at the risk of her own safety, and her unrelenting efforts to bring peace to South Asia made her a global symbol for human rights. I came to understand that Asma’s legacy was not just about the battles she fought for individual clients but the broader fight she waged for justice, freedom, and human dignity – values I shared.

One of the most striking aspects of Asma Jahangir’s work was how she seamlessly integrated patriotism with human rights. Her deep sense of justice was rooted in her love for her country, yet her fight transcended borders. As a staunch proponent of peace between India and Pakistan, Asma dedicated herself to bridging the chasm of hatred that divided the two nations, constantly advocating for human rights regardless of nationality or religion. This blend of patriotism and human rights advocacy felt both radical and necessary, especially in the current climate where human rights defenders in India are often labeled as “anti-national” simply for speaking out against injustice. 

The lessons from Asma’s life have continued to inspire me, especially as I reflect on how human rights work is often marginalised or vilified in today’s political climate. It’s all too easy for governments to frame defenders of human rights as enemies of the state. Yet, Asma’s legacy demonstrates how deeply interwoven the struggles for human rights and nationalism can be – how love for one’s country does not have to mean blind allegiance to oppressive forces, but rather a commitment to improving it for the betterment of all. 

Asma Jahangir (1952-2018). Photo: Wikipedia/CC BY 2.0.

I find myself thinking often of another figure who carries forward Asma’s legacy – Nandita Haksar, an Indian lawyer and human rights campaigner whose work similarly fuses the essence of nationalism with human rights. Much like Asma, Nandita believes that the emancipation of marginalised people – whether they are part of the working class, religious minorities, or political dissenters – can only be achieved through solidarity and collective struggle. Her activism, grounded in both Indian nationalism and principles of internationalist struggles and global solidarity , shows us that the fight against fascism and for human rights is not limited to one country or one struggle but is a shared, global fight for justice. 

When I think back on my journey, the connection between the fictional world of Veer-Zaara and my own path as a prisoners’ rights lawyer is poignant. Both worlds speak of love, sacrifice, and the unwavering commitment to justice. But beyond the surface, there is a deeper, more profound message – the shared struggles of women, the fight for freedom, and the common values that unite people across borders, cultures, and histories. 

Asma Jahangir’s life may have ended, but her work and spirit continue to guide those of us who have pledged to carry the baton of human rights forward. Her influence is part of the broader, shared cultural values that have long connected India and Pakistan – values of secularism, equality, and justice. In this way, Asma’s life and work are not just a tribute to one woman’s extraordinary courage, but a call to all of us to carry on her fight, in whatever way we can, for the betterment of our communities, countries, and the world. 

In a world where divisions often seem insurmountable, stories like Asma’s and the legacy of shared cultural values remind us that the fight for justice is not about borders, but about humanity. And it’s this fight that continues to inspire me as I work to defend the rights of prisoners, just as Asma Jahangir fought for the voiceless in the past era.

Vertika Mani is a human rights lawyer and activist working with Defenders Bureau on prisoners rights at Supreme Court, currently serving as Secretary, People’s Union for Civil Liberties, Delhi.

‘We Will Stay on the Streets’: 6 Months After R.G. Kar Doctor’s Murder, Family Vows to Fight

The family has been running from pillar to post for a reinvestigation into the crime. The Supreme Court has turned down their plea for urgent hearing.

Kolkata: Six months after the brutal rape and murder of a young doctor at Kolkata’s R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital, her parents continue to seek justice, even as the Supreme Court has dismissed their plea for a reinvestigation and expedited hearing. The court’s decision, which the family claims reeks of political interference, has sparked statewide protests and renewed demands for accountability.

On Monday, February 10, the deceased doctor’s mother spoke to The Wire, reflecting on the emotional toll of marking what would have been her daughter’s 32nd birthday on Sunday, February 9. “This year, she wasn’t here for her favourite kheer. We will stay on the streets until those who took her from us are punished,” she said, her voice trembling.

Supreme Court

“The Supreme Court delayed this case, and while we respect its verdict, we fear powerful political forces are at play,” she added. 

The parents alleged that despite their appeals, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) failed to thoroughly probe the rape and murder, granting bail to two accused while ignoring evidence implicating others beyond the primary convict, civic volunteer Sanjay Roy. Their lawyer, Karuna Nandy, pled in court for urgent hearings, citing a “lack of oversight” in the CBI’s work. However, Chief Justice Sanjiv Khanna rejected the plea, stating no urgency was warranted.

The next hearing is slated for March 17.

RSS

From the very beginning, this case has been mired in accusations of political manipulation.

Last week, the family met Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat in Kolkata. According to the family, Bhagwat offered vague assurances, stating he would “try” to help after hearing details through “sources.” Last August, Bhagwat called the murder “condemnable” but pledged support for Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s decisions – a stance that drew scepticism. Union home minister Amit Shah also did not meet the family despite their requests during his last visit to Kolkata.

“We’ll keep fighting through every channel,” the father said. “We’re not affiliated with any party, but this government’s actions forced us onto the streets.”

Silent marches

On February 9, thousands across West Bengal joined silent marches, health camps, and candlelight vigils to mark the doctor’s birthday and the six-month anniversary of her killing. 

“We respect the Supreme Court’s verdict, but it’s clear a powerful political group is manipulating the process. We won’t give up. On Sunday, lakhs across the state protested. From Kolkata to North Bengal’s Bangladesh border, people rallied. This has reignited our resolve,” said Subarna Goswami, a leader of the doctors’ movement.

Meanwhile, the family’s attempts to organise a health camp in their former neighbourhood – where their daughter grew up – were blocked by administration. 

“They cancelled our permission, but locals held the camp elsewhere,” the father said. “They demand Sanjay Roy’s execution in court but obstruct our efforts. What kind of twisted politics is this?”

Meanwhile, Trinamool Congress launched a doctors’ wing on February 8, vowing to counter “anti-government propaganda.” Minister  Shashi Panja, heading the wing, warned, “The government is monitoring doctors who neglect duties to protest.”

Translated from the Bengali original by Aparna Bhattacharya.

Less Than 1% of Global Funds Reach India’s LGBTQIA+ Causes: Study

International funding, while crucial, cannot replace the need for homegrown support, the report said.

Mumbai: Supreme Court’s 2018 decision to decriminalise homosexuality was a landmark moment. The recognition of the transgender community’s rights under a new law furthered the cause for equality. Despite this, the journey towards equity for LGBTQIA+ communities has been long and challenging in India, fraught with setbacks, systemic exclusion and marginalisation.

Despite some progress on the legal front, legislative action, political representation and access to adequate resources haven’t made the desired progress.

On February 4, Godrej Industries Group, Radhika Piramal and Keshav Suri Foundation, in collaboration with Dasra, a philanthropic and strategic impact organisation, announced a Pride Fund. The fund, with an initial corpus of Rs 2 crore, was announced following a report that studies the condition of the LGBTQIA+ community and how very little philanthropic work has been done for the community. 

In the first phase, 50 NGOs working in queer spaces across India were identified. After a structured evaluation, 22 of them were shortlisted, with eight selected for multi-year funding. These organisations were chosen for their “long-term vision, community impact, and ability to create lasting change”. The funding it guaranteed for three years. 

Less than 1% of global funding for LGBTQIA+ issues

The report suggests that India receives less than 1% of global funding for LGBTQIA+ issues, and the situation is further compounded by the fact that only two of India’s top 50 philanthropic givers explicitly prioritise LGBTQIA+ issues. The systemic exclusion and invisibility of these communities is a harsh reality, often overlooked in mainstream development discussions, it states.

The lived experiences of LGBTQIA+ individuals are anything but monolithic. And these experiences, the report says, are shaped by “intersecting factors such as class, gender, ethnicity, caste, tribe affiliation, religion, and other identities”. The remnants of “colonial conservatism” and ingrained “socio-cultural prejudices” continue to force queer communities to the margins of society.

The study notes that in the face of adversity, civil society organisations (CSOs) have been at the forefront of supporting LGBTQIA+ communities, amplifying grassroots perspectives, and providing vital services. These organisations, it says, have been instrumental in pushing for legal and formal equality and responding to the unique challenges faced by intersectionally marginalised LGBTQIA+ groups. 

The 72-page study looks at the role played by the CSOs in addressing gaps in institutional services, including healthcare, education, livelihoods and access to justice. Over 57% of nonprofits working with LGBTQIA+ communities, the study finds, are service providers and field-builders. Another 53% focus on grassroots settings. 

The rise of queer leadership

There is also an important shift in the landscape, the rise of queer leadership, the study has found. Over 50% of nonprofits working with LGBTQIA+ communities in India are queer-led. The change, the report shows, is being driven by those who understand the lived experiences of these communities firsthand. The study conducted with the hope to boost investment for the cause calls the queer-led leadership a “positive development” and says investing in these organisations is essential to ensure long-term socioeconomic dividends for queer communities.

The funding landscape remains a significant challenge, the findings state. Despite the growth of the movement, access to resources remains limited. Only 43% of nonprofits working with queer communities are eligible for international funding, and 59% of funding for LGBTQIA+ causes comes from international sources. This heavy reliance on external funding poses risks to the sustainability and autonomy of queer organisations in India. Moreover, a lack of domestic funding continues to hinder progress. 

“For years, Indian companies have spent crores on weddings and lavish celebrations. It’s time they invest in ensuring queer people can access the same basic rights and dignities,” Piramal, executive director of VIP Industries Ltd, said at the fund launch in Mumbai. She further added that “LGBTQIA organisations are running on fumes. The Pride Fund aims to raise resources and awareness for queer-led NGOs that work tirelessly on the ground for the community.” 

International funding, while crucial, cannot replace the need for homegrown support, the report has suggested. India, with its 18% share of the global population, receives only a minor share of global LGBTQIA+ funding. This highlights a significant gap between the resources available and the on-the-ground needs of queer communities. 

The study stresses on the point that while judicial action – like the NALSA judgment of 2014 and the decriminalisation of homosexuality – has been transformative, the legislative landscape remains largely shaped by the judiciary, and action by the executive is still in its infancy.

The lack of a clear and comprehensive legislative framework leaves queer communities vulnerable to systemic harm and discrimination. The absence of openly queer political leaders in India’s political sphere further exacerbates this issue, the study says. It also makes a case for the need for an official data on the queer population, as without these numbers it is difficult to push for essential legislative changes.

This report, the collaborators say, is both a tribute to the resilience of LGBTQIA+ communities in India and a call for urgent action. CSOs, queer leaders and allies must come together to bridge the gap in resources and representation, it states. 

Where Are the Women? Exploring the Decline of Female Engineers and IT Professionals

Experts noted the multifaceted nature of market dynamics, which has led to more women enrolling in Natural Sciences.

Mumbai: Despite steady growth in women’s enrollment in higher education in India, a disparity persists between engineering and technology-related courses and other disciplines. Between 2013-14 and 2021-22, female enrolment in undergraduate courses has increased by 46%, and by 55.5% in postgraduate courses but enrolment in Engineering degrees has fallen 1.35% for undergraduate courses and by 43% for postgraduate courses, government data show.

Female enrolment in undergraduate commerce courses has grown 42% between 2013-14 and 2021-22, and enrolment in undergraduate Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences has grown 15%, show data from the All India Survey of Higher Education (AISHE) in 2013-14 and 2021-22. Though female enrolment grew 23.4% in IT and Computer for undergraduate courses, it dropped by 27.4% for postgraduate IT courses.

Experts noted the multifaceted nature of market dynamics, which has led to more women enrolling in Natural Sciences and Medicine but not in Engineering and in Information and Technology for post graduate courses.

“The AISHE shows an increase in student enrollment in science fields,” says Shweta Gaur, engagement manager at Sattva Consulting, a global impact and CSR consulting firm in India. She highlighted the growing need for skilled manpower in the industry, which has led to greater parental encouragement for girls to pursue science, particularly in southern states like Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, where up to 75% of girls pass grade XII with science. She added that societal aspirations often mirror the career choices of upper-class women, influencing broader acceptance of women in these sectors.

Addressing the question of why women tend to gravitate toward Natural Sciences or Medicine rather than Engineering, Devika Oberai, former policy analyst with The Quantum Hub, and co-author of a brief on “Women in STEM: Challenges and Opportunities in India,” explained: “It largely comes down to perceptions. From a young age, societal conditioning dictates what girls can or cannot do, influencing their later choices, such as in 11th or 12th grade.”

Union government initiatives to encourage STEM

Gaur explained that government initiatives, such as gender budgeting introduced in 2019-20, have significantly invested in boosting girls’ participation in science to address the shortage of skilled workers.

The Atal Innovation Mission has taken substantial steps to extend the reach of Atal Tinkering Labs (ATLs) to rural and underserved areas, with nearly 57% of the 10,000 ATLs established in rural areas, according to a government response in the Lok Sabha in November 2024. 

The National Education Policy (NEP) reinforces STEM education by asking that states provide “adequate resources and support systems, including trained teachers, computer labs, and skill labs,” as per a report from Sattva Consulting in April 2024.

The report adds that the Rashtriya Avishkar Abhiyan (RAA) under Samagra Shiksha aims to nurture inquiry and creativity in science and mathematics through hands-on learning, mentorship by higher education institutions, and activities like teacher circles, children’s clubs, and olympiads. 

Also read: For Farmers, Women, the Poor and the Youth, Budget 2025-26 Offers Only Symbolic Changes

“In Southern India, particularly in states like Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, there is a higher uptake of science by girls in schools. Nearly 100% of schools offer science in grades 11 and 12, and over 75% of girls pass grade 12 with science,” Gaur explained. “This indicates that many girls choose science, with 75% successfully completing it.” 

Tamil Nadu has established 100 mobile labs and trained 710 STEM facilitators under the Vanavil Mandram scheme for students in grades VI to VIII, noted the Sattva Consulting report. Andhra Pradesh has policies that support STEM education for girls, including school kits, financial aid, smartboards, and admission to Indian Institutes of Information Technology (IIIT) based on grade X results, with 70% of its higher secondary girls enrolled in STEM programmes, compared to the national average of 32%.

In Haryana, the ‘Main Bhi Curie’ programme, a collaboration between SwaTaleem Foundation and the state government, aims to spark interest in STEM among girls in Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya schools. 

Assam has trained 1,000 teachers at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) at Guwahati to improve STEM teaching methods, while Uttar Pradesh partnered with Khan Academy to enhance Math skills for over five lakh students in 48,000 schools. Delhi’s Schools of Specialised Excellence focus on high-end skills for students in grades IX to XII. 

STEM education is more expensive 

A 2020 report by the World Bank on global trends in the participation of women and girls in STEM found that even though tertiary graduation rates are higher among women than men, women are less likely to undertake studies in STEM fields, particularly Engineering, Computer Science and Physics. 

Experts say STEM education becomes inaccessible to women due to the financial investment it requires. “In situations where resources are scarce, education is prioritised for male children over female children, due to the perceived notion that investing in the male child’s education will yield future returns,” as per a SATTVA Knowledge Institute report from June 2023. 

STEM education involves a practical aspect to its learning, that necessitates access to specialised equipment, laboratory facilities, and advanced technology, the report says. The report also shows that the cost of pursuing STEM subjects in higher secondary schools in urban areas is 139% higher than the cost of studying humanities. Similarly, in rural areas, STEM education is 58.5% more expensive than humanities.

IndiaSpend reached out to S.K. Barnwal, additional secretary in the education ministry, regarding the government’s measures to promote women in STEM and the steps being taken to increase women’s participation in Engineering and IT. We will update this story when we receive a response. 

Women discriminated against in STEM jobs

Women are also less likely to enroll in STEM courses, because of the possible future career trajectory. 

Globally, women comprised 29% of the STEM workforce in 146 nations evaluated in the Global Gender Gap Report (2023), even though women made up 49%, or almost half, of the total employment across non-STEM occupations. Women earn 15-30% less than men in STEM, a gap attributed not to skills but to men’s greater confidence in negotiating salaries, as noted by a Stanford University study.

The transition from graduation to the workforce in India reveals a troubling trend, with only 29% of women who graduate in STEM courses joining the STEM workforce, found the 2023 Sattva report. 

Workplaces characterised by rigid working hours, lack of flexibility, and insufficient childcare provisions pose significant barriers for women, exacerbated by gender-blind policies that fail to address their unique needs, as per the IWWAGE policy brief 2024. 

As many as 76% of women felt that their co-workers believed men had a genetic advantage in Science and Math, 77% felt that there were double standards when it came to training opportunities for women workers, and 81% perceived a bias in performance evaluations, as per the Key Global Workforce Insights report of manpower company Kelly Services. 

Compounding these challenges is the dual burden of household responsibilities and workplace commitments, which remains a significant obstacle to career advancement, even for middle-class women who have access to domestic staff, as managing household help is also seen as their responsibility according to the IWWAGE policy brief. 

Oberai of IWWAGE explains that many workplaces fail to offer essential benefits like maternity leave, childcare facilities, and flexible work hours – critical factors that have been shown to increase women’s participation in the workforce. Additionally, she noted that wage disparities, where men are paid more for the same work, further diminish the incentive for women to remain in these fields.

The issue is compounded by a lack of female role models, as fewer women occupy leadership positions, making it difficult for others to envision a path forward. “If you don’t see women at the top, you don’t know how to make it there yourself,” Oberai points out.

Also read: What Muslim Women Face Every Day at Work

Small, everyday barriers contribute to limiting women’s participation, career growth, and trajectory in male-dominated fields, Oberai said. For instance, she said, networks are important for accessing opportunities. “Many job openings aren’t posted on job boards or LinkedIn – they’re shared in specific circles, conferences, or meetings,” Oberai said. “If you’re not part of those conversations, you don’t even know about the opportunities.” 

IndiaSpend reached out to Minister of State for Labour and Employment Shobha Karandlaje and Rupesh Kumar Thakur, joint secretary at the women and child labour division, regarding the discrimination that women face in STEM jobs and steps taken by the government to reduce discrimination. IndiaSpend will update the story when we receive a response. 

Impact on industry 

The labour shortage that the Asia Pacific will face by 2030 is estimated to rise from 12.3 million to 47 million at an annual opportunity cost of $4.238 trillion, as referenced in the UNDP Report 2024.

Sona Mitra, director of Policy and Research at IWWAGE, pointed out that excluding women from these professions undermines economic growth. “We’re sidelining 50% of the population from contributing to the national economy and the growth process,” she argued, advocating for fair representation.

Mitra also stressed the injustice of assuming women can’t excel in these professions. “This is not only unfair but also economically unjust,” she noted.

A diverse workforce leads to better decision-making, increased innovation, and improved productivity. 

In addition, Oberai explained that the absence of women in policy-making spaces diminishes the likelihood of creating gender-responsive or gender-sensitive policies. “In workplaces focused on innovation, having women involved means that products, like apps, are more likely to address barriers women face,” she said. “For instance, when Bumble was designed, the feature that allows only women to send the first message was a gender-sensitive component aimed at preventing harassment.”

Mitra added, “If we don’t have enough women in STEM occupations, we fail to break occupational segregation and stereotypes, which continue to bias against women.”

This story was first published on IndiaSpend, a data-driven, public-interest journalism non-profit.

For Farmers, Women, the Poor and the Youth, Budget 2025-26 Offers Only Symbolic Changes

The government continues its big-ticket capital expenditure spree, pouring money into infrastructure while social spending remains a fraction of its overall expenditure.

A lot was being expected from the Union government and the finance minister in their first full year budget in the third term. 

This was broadly because there was hope that a roadmap would be proposed for structural change and boosting growth, through consumption and private investment – which has been all weakening over the last eight years, particularly since the demonetisation days of 2016. 

The offered fiscal vision in this budget fails in addressing that.

With public debt at nearly 80% of GDP and interest payments eating up a quarter of government revenue, the government stuck to a fiscally cautious script. This is a fiscally tight budget, with an aiming of hitting a fiscal deficit target of below 4.5% by 2026-27. No surprises there – since the finance minister has stuck to the old tune of keeping to fiscal consolidation targets. This time though, it comes at the cost of boosting growth. 

In remaining fiscally conservative, the budget missed the opportunity to make bold bets for the short term while delving too much either into the past or the future. Agriculture sector simply got a headline push, with the Prime Minister Dhan-Dhaanya Krishi Yojana targeting 100 underperforming districts​. 

Taxpayers saw some relief, with those earning up to Rs 12 lakh now exempt from income tax​ under the new tax regime. Note that the Rs 12-lakh limit is not an exempt limit but simply a rebate, requiring all to file income tax regardless of how much they earn. A person earning even one rupee over the Rs 12 lakh rebate would be required to pay the complete tax levied on other lower slabs as well. There isn’t much for the higher upper-middle income group, who, combining all surcharge, would still have an effective tax rate of roughly 39% on earning more than Rs 30 lakhs per annum.

Moreover, any multiplier effect of a marginally higher disposable income for less than 30-31 million of the overall workforce is a drop in the bucket. Its macro-growth impact may hardly be realised in any noticeable margins and despite much brouhaha in the mainstream media, the “middle class tax break” further depends on where any disposable income is saved. 

As per the Economic Survey, if 77% of those receiving direct transfers are spending 44% of that on food and more than 31% on loan repayments and essential services, the actual growth dividend of this “saving” from changed tax slabs (with effective rates almost the same) will be very limited, combined with a higher inflationary tax and GST-imposed burden which has been gripping the liquidity landscape for middle-income groups. 

On trade policy and combating excessive government regulation on trade, the government offered a rationalisation of the custom duties and import restrictions, with tariff cuts announced on products like synthetic flavours, solar panels, and certain vehicles. These hint at external pressures. These steps are very well being viewed as a move to appease global partners before the prime minister’s upcoming state visits​, especially to the US.

We also need to closely assess whether the Union government has genuinely addressed the needs of marginalised communities, particularly the poor, youth, farmers, and women, who were central to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s electoral messaging. 

The short answer to this is: to a very limited, marginal extent. 

Overall, nothing substantive comes out of the budget for these respective communities who have been reduced to electorally critical groups for a government which is known for using the Budget as a medium to appeal to voters for upcoming state and union elections. This budget’s overt focus on Bihar remains a case in point. 

In appearing to sound comprehensive, the 2025-26 budget speech also outlined 10 key areas to drive these objectives, including enhancing agriculture, MSMEs, employment, and innovation. The budget claims to empower the poor, youth, farmers, and women while promoting balanced regional growth. But it does not deliver on this.

This government celebrates a dip in urban unemployment to 6.4%, but – let’s be honest – this is barely movement from 6.6% in the last quarter. More troubling is the kind of jobs being created, as economists like Arvind Subramanian have recently pointed out. 

Most of the new employment is in low-wage and informal sectors which offers little security or upward mobility​. The economy needs 78.5 lakh new non-farm jobs every year to keep up with the workforce, yet there’s no clear roadmap to get there​.

MSMEs which are undisputed backbone of employment with over 23.24 crore workers should be thriving. Instead, they are drowning in delayed payments and credit shortages. Despite all the talk of supporting small businesses, fundamental issues remain unsolved​.

The government’s focus on gig work and entrepreneurship as employment solutions by giving them health insurance and ID cards, though important, feels more like a way to dodge real labour market reform than a serious job creation strategy. 

Source: Union Budget 2025-2026.

Empowering the poor: Credit and livelihoods

A key highlight of the budget is the expanded credit access in form of guarantees for the micro and small enterprises (MSMEs). The government has increased the credit guarantee cover from Rs 5 crore to Rs 10 crore, unlocking an additional Rs 1.5 lakh crore in credit over the next five years. This move is expected to empower small businesses, promoting entrepreneurship and job creation at the grassroots level. 

Another development is the introduction of customised credit cards with a Rs 5-lakh limit for micro-enterprises registered on the Udyam portal, which, only if effectively implemented, could significantly enhance financial inclusion for small entrepreneurs who often face challenges in accessing formal credit. 

Additionally, the extension of the PM Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana may help ensure the continued provision of free food grains to over 80 crore people for another five years. The budget seeks to also allocate financial assistance for education, offering loans up to Rs 10 lakh with interest subvention for students from low-income families. The actual disbursement process of funds for these and the implementation timeline of this remains a big question, as seen for other rural and low-income welfare schemes too.

On agriculture: Do farmers benefit?

The budget falls short of addressing the need for higher Minimum Support Prices (MSP) and additional procurement mechanisms, which are crucial for ensuring farmers’ income security. 

The government’s broader strategy focuses on enhancing agricultural productivity through advanced farming techniques, fostering sustainable practices, and expanding irrigation infrastructure to reduce crop wastage and increase output. 

It introduced the Pradhan Mantri Dhan Dhanya Krishi Yojana, aimed at boosting productivity, promoting crop diversification, and enhancing post-harvest storage at the panchayat and block levels. The programme shall target 100 districts with low agricultural productivity, aiming to improve infrastructure and provide better access to resources in struggling regions. While these efforts reflect a long-term vision for agricultural sustainability, concerns persist regarding immediate financial relief for farmers. 

Moreover, facilitating access to both long-term and short-term credit for farmers is a key component to ensure their financial well-being. The rural prosperity initiative is also introduced to further support these efforts, aiming to uplift rural communities and stimulate overall agricultural development.

Women: Access to credit versus systemic barriers

A significant announcement is the Rs 2 crore term loan scheme for five lakh first-time entrepreneurs who are women, or from the Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes. This initiative aligns with efforts to bridge gender or societal disparities in financial access. According to an IFC report (2022), 90% of female entrepreneurs in India have never borrowed from formal financial institutions, highlighting the need for such targeted interventions.

Additionally, the expansion of Saksham Anganwadi and Poshan 2.0 to cover eight crore children, one crore pregnant mothers, and 20 lakh adolescent girls reflects a marginally targeted approach to improving women’s and children’s health. By ensuring sustained nutritional support, particularly for lactating mothers and adolescent girls, this initiative has the potential to drive long-term improvements in community health outcomes. This comes at a time when India performs at the worst possible level on various nutritional access pillars and indices. 

While increasing access to agri-credit is a positive step, addressing systemic barriers within the announced and existing schemes, and on issues such as workplace inclusion, safety, and labour force participation remains crucial. India’s ranking in the Global Gender Gap Index suggests that economic empowerment for women requires a multifaceted approach beyond just financial support.

Social sector spending

The government talks a big game on social welfare – education, healthcare, rural development – but does the budget back it up?

On paper, social sector spending has increased, but when measured against inflation, population growth, and the actual needs of citizens, the numbers start to look less generous.

Total net receipts for the centre are estimated at Rs 28.37 lakh crore, while total expenditure stands at Rs 50.65 lakh crore, signalling continued fiscal constraints​. The government may boast about keeping the fiscal deficit at 4.4% of GDP, but at what cost? When interest payments alone swallow nearly a quarter of total revenue, what’s left for genuine welfare spending?

Take education – an area where India desperately needs improvement. The budget allocations suggest a push, but in real terms, funding struggles to keep pace with rising student numbers and the infrastructure deficit in government schools​. 

Healthcare tells a similar story: expanding medical education and cancer care centres are welcome moves, but public health funding as a percentage of GDP remains abysmally low. Rural development programmes see a modest uptick, yet high unemployment and rural distress raise questions about whether these schemes are enough to move the needle.

Meanwhile, the government continues its big-ticket capital expenditure spree, pouring money into infrastructure while social spending remains a fraction of its overall expenditure. The balance between long-term economic growth and immediate welfare needs is crucial – but is this government tilting too far toward optics-driven mega-projects while leaving social security an afterthought?

It would appear so – reflecting a confused and politically motivated economic ideology that lacks a clear vision for securing growth and development for all.

‘Nari Shakti Is an Empty Slogan, Budgets Have Ignored Women’s Needs’

Spending and budgetary allocations on areas that would benefit women – skilling, food security and so on – have decreased.

In this episode of ‘Budget 2025: What’s at Stake?’, renowned economist and professor Ritu Dewan talks about how the government’s claims about “empowering” women and “Nari Shakti” are in fact empty slogans, while in fact spending and budgetary allocations on areas that would benefit women – skilling, food security and so on – have decreased.

This series is a collaboration between the Centre for Financial Accountability and The Wire.

‘Treat LGBTQI+ With Dignity’: NBDSA Orders Removal of 3 Videos of Sudhir Chaudhary’s News Shows

Activists Indrajeet Ghorpade and Utkarsh Mishra had filed three complaints against three programmes featuring Chaudhary in 2023, at the time when the Supreme Court was hearing and delivering the equal marriage rights case.

New Delhi: The News Broadcasting and Digital Standards Authority (NBDSA) has taken a dim view of anchor Sudhir Chaudhary’s comments on the LGBTQIA+ community in news shows and stated that the community must be treated with dignity.

Activists Indrajeet Ghorpade and Utkarsh Mishra had filed three complaints against three programmes featuring Chaudhary in 2023, at the time when the Supreme Court was hearing and delivering the equal marriage rights case. Two were aired on AajTak and one, on India Today.

In an order on January 27, 2025, the NBDSA said that it found Sudhir Chaudhary’s commentary “violates the dignity of the people to say the least.”

It said they were in violation of NBDSA’s guidelines related to reporting court proceedings, defamatory content and decency.

It ordered Chaudhary to act more maturely and asked Aaj Tak to delete the violating sections from the programmes.

“A well-informed person like the anchor, that too of a national channel, is supposed to respect those rights (of LGBTQI+ persons) which even the law recognises. In this context, it has to be emphasised that even the persons belonging to this community are to be treated as normal human beings and, more importantly, with due dignity,” the NBDSA said.

In the AajTak programme, Chaudhary said that LGBTQ+ marriage is an issue of the western World. An AI-generated image of a person who is half bride and half groom were shown. Chaudhary asked the viewers to imagine their child bringing home a person like this.

He also said that demand for marriage rights is only from specific elite sections of the society.

The NBDSA has ordered Aaj Tak to remove the video. It also found Aaj Tak in violation of hate speech, neutrality and impartiality principles and guidelines.
In two other programmes (here and here), Chaudhary interviewed Union home minister Amit Shah and former law minister Kiran Rijiju and asked them questions about equal marriage rights. The NBDSA asked Chaudhury to show more maturity.

“Supreme Court ka jo bench hai woh kaafi naye naye logics leke aa raha hai ki kyun ye hamare desh mein hona chahiye (the Supreme Court bench is bringing pretty new logic on why this should happen in our country).”

“Solicitor General ki Supreme Court mein abhi chal nahi rahi hai. Aisa lagta hai Supreme Court mann bana chuka hai ki woh chahta hai aisa (The SG is unable to convince the SC. It’s as if the SC has decided that it wants this).”

Referring to the then Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud, he said, “Ye desh kisi ke baap ka nahi hai aur kuch log isse chalane ki koshish kar rahe hai (This country doesn’t belong to anyone’s father and some people are trying to run it as such).”

He also said that during the case hearings, the CJI said to the SG, “Yahan wahi hoga jo mai chahunga (Whatever I want will happen here)”.

“The NBDSA closes this complaint with an advisory to the anchor to show more maturity in future while conducting such programmes. NBDSA further directs the broadcaster to edit the video of the said broadcast by removing the aforesaid portions within 7 days of the Order,” it said.

Indian Courts Are Still a Long Way From Acknowledging Women’s Right to Autonomy

The pervasiveness of patriarchal notions regarding women’s autonomy and their right to self-determination often insidiously make their way to judicial proceedings and determinations.

Court proceedings are, in many ways, an elaborate performance. The courtroom is the stage, judges and lawyers are the actors while laws and rules of procedure are the tools within the framework of which the script can be written. However, every once in a while, the actors break character. 

The script is tossed, the actors succumb to their urge to act with abandon and without the limiting conformations of the script. The case described below was one such instance.   

The Bombay high court was hearing a petition filed by the adoptive father of a 27-year-old woman seeking the termination of her 21-week pregnancy. The petition was filed in her name with the father signing the petition acting as her guardian or “next friend”, based on the claim that she was mentally ill. 

The order passed on the first date when the matter was heard refers to the pleadings in the petition which clearly stated that the woman did not wish to terminate the pregnancy and the father was therefore constrained to file a writ petition seeking such a direction from the high court. 

No person can file court proceedings on behalf of another competent adult, even if they claim to be acting in their interest. The possible harms that could arise from this are so self-evident that they do not need further elaboration. 

While the Bombay High Court Rules allow exceptions in the case of minors and persons of unsound mind where a “next friend” can file a petition on behalf of such a person, they also require an affidavit to be presented along with the petition, stating that they do not have any interest directly or indirectly adverse to that of the minor or person of unsound mind.  

Further, the person has to be adjudged as being of unsound mind or must be found by the court, upon inquiry, of being of unsound mind. 

No such affidavit appears to have been filed in the present case. The father’s interests were clearly adverse to that of the woman since he sought the termination of her pregnancy which she wished to continue. There was no adjudication by any authority that the woman was of unsound mind. 

On the authority of a woman

The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1981, requires the consent of the pregnant woman to terminate the pregnancy. If the woman is “mentally ill”, which is defined as “a person who is in need of treatment by reason of any mental disorder other than mental retardation”, the consent of the guardian is to be sought. 

The Madras high court in V. Krishnan v. G. Rajan alias Madipu Rajan [(1994) 113 Mad.L.W. 89 (DB)] has clarified that this provision is not to be interpreted to mean that the consent of the woman herself is immaterial. Rather, the consent of her guardian is to be additionally sought. 

The Bombay high court ought to have dismissed the petition at this stage itself, since it was filed in contravention of the rules of procedure without authority of the person on whose behalf the reliefs had been claimed and further, the MTP Act did not allow the termination of a pregnancy without the consent of the woman. 

However, far from doing so, on the first date when the matter was taken up, the court constituted a medical committee to undertake an evaluation of not the woman, but the foetus. 

The reason for emphasising this is that it established at this stage itself that the woman’s refusal to file the petition or to terminate her pregnancy, which is specifically noted in the order, did not matter. 

The court would decide what was best for the foetus in the womb. Interestingly, this order, and all the ones that followed, refer to the woman as a “would-be mother”. 

Perhaps without realising it, during the proceedings in court, the judges referred to the 27-year old woman as a child. 

Concerned about the woman’s privacy being violated, the order passed on this date also directed the registry to mask the woman’s name and that she should be referred to as “XYZ, c/o her father (by legal adoption)”. 

The report of the medical committee noted that the foetus was healthy and there was no congenital anomaly. As far as the woman is concerned, the report stated that she had a borderline intellectual disability. Curiously, the report then notes that the psychiatry department suggested the medical termination of pregnancy from a “psychiatry point of view”. 

The woman’s views about the pregnancy or her consent for the termination of the pregnancy do not find any place in this report. 

On the next date when the matter was taken up, after noting the report of the medical committee and several prior medical reports including a psychiatric evaluation,  the court observed that the woman only had a mild intellectual disability which did not make her mentally ill or a person with a mental disorder or mental retardation. 

The story should have ended here, and the petition should have been dismissed (perhaps even with exemplary costs).

However, the court kept the petition pending and directed the father to have an interaction with the “male counterpart” with whom she had a relationship (which led to her pregnancy) to explore the possibility of marriage. 

In exact words, the court directed the father to “initiate some steps to have an interaction with the said man, and find out whether he is already married and if not, whether he is inclined to marry the daughter of the Petitioner”. 

Prior to this, the father was chided for filing the petition but not because it was against the express wishes of the woman. The court inquired rhetorically whether a woman with below average intelligence did not have the “right to be a mother” and whether a foetus with a beating heart did not have the right to life. 

Note that even at this stage the court was not concerned about the woman’s decisional autonomy and her right to decide what was best for her, but was concerned with her “right” to be a mother and the alleged right of the foetus to survive. 

On the next date, the advocate representing the father informed the court that there was a possibility that the woman and the man may marry and accordingly sought instructions to withdraw the petition.  The court was satisfied. 

The woman would now become XYZ c/o the male counterpart. The court allowed the withdrawal of the petition on instructions.  

Reproductive right under Article 21

In the last decade there have been innumerable judgments of various high courts and several judgments of the Supreme Court emphasising the right to reproductive autonomy. This has followed from the recognition of the right to make reproductive choices as a facet of the right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution of India. 

The facts of this case also bear a striking resemblance to the first significant judgment of the Supreme Court recognising reproductive rights under Article 21 – Suchita Srivastava v. Chandigarh Administration [(2009) 9 SCC 1]. 

Nineteen-year-old Suchita Srivastava, who was an inmate in a state-run shelter home in Chandigarh, was pregnant. Although she wished to continue with the pregnancy, the state administration filed a petition in the High Court of Punjab and Haryana seeking the termination of the pregnancy. 

The high court directed the termination of the woman’s pregnancy on the ground that the woman was mentally retarded and therefore incapable of making an informed decision on her own. In an appeal against the said order, the Supreme Court observed that the state administration could not claim guardianship of the woman and that the woman’s right to reproductive autonomy is a dimension of Article 21 of the Constitution. 

The various components that make up this right, such as the right to bodily and decisional autonomy, have been fleshed out in several judgments that have followed.

Having noted that the woman did not wish to terminate the pregnancy, applying these precedents, the high court ought to have dismissed the petition. Its failure to do so calls for closer scrutiny. 

What was the motivation of the court to direct the foetus to be examined? If the foetus was detected with a congenital defect, would the court have directed the termination of the pregnancy? What would have happened if the male partner refused to marry the woman? Would the court have allowed the petition filed by her father? 

Where did the woman’s desire about the course of her own life and body figure in all of this?

What underlies these court proceedings and the comments made in open court is that the woman is seen as inherently incapable of deciding what is in her own best interest. 

Even though the court notes several times that the woman is not mentally ill and is therefore competent and capable of consenting, she is still seen as a ward of the father, in need of protection and guidance. 

However, having declared the father as having failed in his duty (for having allowed the woman to stay out of the house after 10 p.m.,  amongst other reasons), the court assumes the role of parens patriae, the father-figure. 

Once the court was satisfied that the woman would be married and would therefore have a male custodian, it permitted the withdrawal of the petition. 

Will precedent be applied, will the provisions of a legislation be strictly or liberally interpreted, will rules be uniformly applied? In what circumstances will the principle of ‘equity’, allowing judges to go off-script if the situation demands, be deployed? Are rules of procedure seen as malleable or as immutable and rigid?  

This depends on the end to be achieved. This end, whether consciously determined or not, is invariably to preserve the status quo rather than to effect change. There are innumerable instances of judges using the shield of procedure, choosing to adopt a hyper-technical approach to deny claims for substantive justice. 

On the other hand, in instances such as this, which threaten to undermine a person’s constitutionally protected right, rules of procedure are seen as optional. 

This is not meant to be a criticism of the particular judges that heard the matter. Judges are ultimately products of the world they inhabit. Nor is it meant to be a criticism of the judge’s misplaced concern for the foetus or the so-called right to life of the foetus – that is deserving of an article of its own (although the patriarchal notions that such a view flows from is worth noting). 

It is, rather, meant to be a commentary on the pervasiveness of patriarchal notions regarding women’s autonomy and their right to self-determination and how these views insidiously make their way to judicial proceedings and determinations. 

While judges are not insulated from these belief systems, it is crucial that these instances, when they occur, are exposed and scrutinised. 

One might argue that no harm was ultimately caused in this matter since the petition was permitted to be withdrawn.

However, proceedings in matters such as this must be examined not for what the outcome was, but for what they reveal about the attitudes of those occupying powerful positions as well as the society of which they are part, and the potential for these attitudes to do actual harm. 

Meenaz Kakalia is a lawyer practicing at the Bombay High Court, primarily in the areas of environmental law and reproductive rights.