Business and Trade Haven’t Been Hit Yet By Strained India-Pakistan Ties

Recovery in Mumbai, Karachi bourses on Friday indicates the worst may be behind in terms of international business and trade relations.

Recovery in Mumbai, Karachi bourses on Friday indicates the worst may be behind us

India still has to decide whether it will revoke Pakistan's MFN status. Credit: Reuters

India still has to decide whether it will revoke Pakistan’s MFN status. Credit: Reuters

New Delhi: The violence in Kashmir, which India believes is the handiwork of Pakistan-supported elements, the attack at Uri and India’s retaliatory surgical strikes may have created a war hysteria and posed grievous threat to bilateral relations between the two neighbours, but on the ground there are no signs yet of any trade-related hurdles coming up.

In fact, while India has openly declared that it would be reviewing it most favoured nation status granted to Pakistan in order to mount multi-pronged pressure on the country, the fact is that so far India has not stopped the Pakistani delegation from participating in the upcoming India International Trade Fair. This, many who engage in cross-border trade community feel, is indication enough that that the current crisis will soon subside.

While the jury is still out on whether the surgical strike and the military standoff  may lead to an escalation, the business community is still hopeful that the situation would not get any worse.

At the India Trade Promotion Organisation, which organizes the IITF at Pragati Maidan, preparations are still underway to receive the over 100-odd businessmen from the neighbouring country who have already applied for space for the trade fair due to start in November.

“We normally receive about a 100 Pakistan business participants each year and this year the situation is no different. They have applied through the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry and as of now are still expected to arrive in early November. Usually the businesspeople come in around four or five days before the trade fair begins in order to set up their stalls,” said general manager J. Gunasekharan.

The ITPO has so far not received any cancellations requests from the participants. But, the official said, the final decision on their arrival vests with the Ministry of External Affairs which would be issuing the visas. “We are just doing our part of the work of making arrangements for the event. The applications are only received through the FPCCI and that process is over.”

Gunasekharan both small scale and large scale wholesale enterprises from Pakistan have made booking for this year’s trade fair.

Talking to The Wire, FPCCI president Abdul Rauf Alam said his organisation has not yet changed its mind on the participation. “We will consider the entire scenario and issue a statement accordingly.”  The business community believes there is much as stake should trade relations deteriorate as the bilateral trade between India and Pakistan is to the order of nearly $2 billion with 80% of it being in India’s favour.

While the attack in Uri and the retaliatory strikes have rattled the business community, the manner in which the stock exchanges rallied in both Mumbai and Karachi on Friday after Thursday’s sell-off indicated that the situation may be on the mend.

Incidentally, businesses on both sides of the border realize that there is an enormous opportunity which lies ahead if the relations between the two nations normalise once again. For if after the Lahore bus visit, there was Kargil it was also followed by Musharraf’s visit to India.

And if after Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s swearing in ceremony, which was attended by Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, there was the cold summer of 2015 which was broken by Modi’s impromptu visit to Lahore in December 2015 in which Nawaz received him at the airport and then the two drove to the palatial residence of the latter on the outskirts of the city, there was no reason why now the two countries could not once again warm up to each other.

On the Indian side, Ajai Sahai of exporters’ body FIEO appeared a tad bit apprehensive about the future when he said India’s review of the MFN status to Pakistan had raised some uncertainty about the normalisation of trade between the two countries.

However, some people are more positive about the future. As Dawood Usman Jakhura, director of FPCCI Pakistan- Malaysia Business Council said: “We are neighbours and we should resolve the situation with negotiations. War is never a solution. There may be many difference of opinion, but I think business and art should be kept separate and civil society and establishment must not target these.”

Cognizant Investigating “Improper Payments” Made in India

In a separate development, the company’s president Gordon Coburn has also stepped down.

The IT firm may have fallen afoul of American anti-graft laws. Credit: Reuters

The IT firm may have fallen afoul of American anti-graft laws. Credit: Reuters

New Delhi: After retailer Walmart, it appears that IT firm Cognizant may be the latest company to have violated the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) with regard to payments made to its Indian facilities.

In a early morning notification to US stock exchanges, Cognizant disclosed that it had kicked off an internal probe into whether “certain payments it made to facilities in India” violated the FCPA. In its stock exchange filing, the company also noted that it had informed the Securities and Exchange Commission and the US Department of Justice of its internal investigation.

“The company is conducting an internal investigation into whether certain payments relating to facilities in India were made improperly and in possible violation of the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and other applicable laws,” the company’s statement said.

“The investigation is being conducted under the oversight of the Audit Committee, with the assistance of outside counsel, and is currently focused on a small number of company-owned facilities,” the statement added.

President steps down

In a separate company development also announced today, Cognizant said that its president Gordon Coburn had resigned and it was appointing India-born Rajeev Mehta, who previously looked after the firms IT services division, to succeed him. It is unclear at the moment whether Coburn’s resignation is connected with the company’s internal probe.

Supreme Court Pulls Up Karnataka for Disobeying Orders to Release Water to Tamil Nadu

The court also reiterated its earlier order and asked Karnataka to release 6,000 cusecs of water daily from October 1 to October 6, which is when the matter will be taken up for further consideration.

The court also reiterated its earlier order and asked Karnataka to release 6,000 cusecs of water daily from October 1 to October 6, which is when the matter will be taken up for further consideration.

A view of the Krishna Raja Sagara Dam built on the Cauvery. Credit: IANS

A view of the Krishna Raja Sagara Dam built on the Cauvery.
Credit: IANS

New Delhi: The Supreme Court on Friday pulled up Karnataka for disobeying its order to release 6,000 cusecs of water to Tamil Nadu for three days and warned that its continued defiance would result in earning the wrath of the court.

With senior counsel Fali Nariman informing the court of justices Dipak Misra and Uday Lalit that he was not making any submissions on behalf of Karnataka as it had failed to obey the order, the bench reminded Karnataka that, being part of the federal structure, it should rise to the occasion and not show any kind of deviancy and follow the direction till the report on the ground reality is made available to this court.

The bench described as unfortunate the defiance of Karnataka and reiterated its order passed on September 27 that it should release 6,000 cusecs of water despite the resolutions passed by the two Houses of Karnataka legislature. By not obeying the order, Karnataka in fact had created a situation where the majesty of law is dented, the judges said. Today, it directed the state to release 6,000 cusecs of water to Tamil Nadu for six days from October 1 to 6, when the matter will be taken up again for consideration.

The bench said “We are granting this opportunity as the last chance and we repeat at the cost of repetition that we are passing this order despite the resolution passed by the Joint Houses of State Legislature of the state of Karnataka. We are sure that the state of Karnataka being a part of the federal structure of this country will rise to the occasion and not show any kind of deviancy and follow the direction till the report on the ground reality is made available to this court.”

Shekhar Naphade, senior counsel appearing for the state of Tamil Nadu, submitted that he does not intend to argue further, for any order that is passed would possibly not be obeyed by the state of Karnataka.

At the outset, attorney general (AG) Mukul Rohatgi informed the court that in the meeting of the Karnataka chief minister and the PWD minister of Tamil Nadu, chaired by the union water resources minister no consensus was reached and the impasse continues. At the meeting Karnataka insisted on inspecting the reservoirs in both states to assess ground realities, which was opposed by Tamil Nadu.

Taking note of the AG’s submission, the court directed the Centre to set up the Cauvery Management Board (CMB) on or before October 4. The bench asked the states of Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and union territory of Puducherry to nominate their representatives to the CMB by 4 pm on Saturday to enable the Centre to set up the board by Tuesday. The bench asked the CMB to study the ground reality (in both the states) and submit a report to the court on October 6.

When the case resumed today, senior counsel Fali Nariman appearing for Karnataka placed before the court copies of the letters written by Chief Minister S. Siddaramaiah and his reply to the CM. He read out the CM’s letter which said that the state was not in a position to comply with the orders of the apex court to release water to Tamil Nadu. He wanted Mr. Nariman to apprise the court of the state’s stand.

Nariman’s stand

On his part, Nariman said since the court had issued a direction for release of water despite the resolution passed by the assembly, “we must honour the order of the court. I must therefore inform you that apart from reading your letter and my reply, we will not be able to make any submission on behalf of the state of Karnataka.”  The bench appreciated the stand taken by Nariman and said  “We must unhesitatingly state that this behoves the officer of the court in the highest tradition of the ‘Bar’”.

Referring to the defiance shown by Karnataka, the bench said “on a  plain reading of Article 144 of the Constitution, it is clear as crystal that all authorities in the territory of India are bound to act in aid of the Supreme Court. Needless to say, they are bound to obey the orders of the Supreme Court and also, if required, render assistance and aid for implementation of the order/s of this Court, but, unfortunately, the state of Karnataka is flouting the order and, in fact, creating a situation where the majesty of law is dented.”

Expressing its displeasure over the turn of events, the bench said “We would have proceeded to have taken steps for strict compliance of our order, but as we are directing the Cauvery Management Board to study the ground reality and give us a report forthwith, we reiterate our earlier direction that the state of Karnataka shall release 6000 cusecs of water from 1st October, 2016 till 6th October, 2016. The state of Karnataka should not bent upon maintaining an obstinate stand of defiance, for one knows not when the wrath of law shall fall on one.” The bench posted the matter for further hearing on October 6.

The court took on record the two letters of Karnataka CM and Nariman. In his letter, the Karnataka chief minister said “Dear Mr. Nariman, Since there are various versions as to what transpired after the Hon’ble Supreme Court’s last Order passed on 27th September, 2016, I hasten to write to you the correct position. Immediately after the order dated 27th September, 2016, in the late evening I convened an all-party meeting at Vidhan Soudha at Bangalore for the morning of 28th September, 2016, since the order passed by the Hon’ble Supreme Court was imperative. At the meeting at which to the knowledge of all an audio recording was made – it was the unanimous view of all party members who attended including three Union Ministers of the Central Government, and ministers from the state of Karnataka all of whom exhorted me, as the head of government, that the will of the people of Karnataka as reflected in the unanimous Resolution passed on 23rd September, 2016, by both Houses of Legislatures in the State must be honoured. As such although the direction of their Lordships to release water for three days “despite the Resolution passed”, my government is not in a position at this juncture to release water. At the inter-state meeting called by the Union Minister for Water Resources on 29th September, 2016, at 11.30 a.m., I attended and so did the representative of the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu where we both explained our positions in writing. I pleaded that the Hon’ble Union Minister appoint an expert team to forthwith visit all the relevant areas in the basin and verify the ground realities including the acute shortage of drinking water and make recommendations. The team representing the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu vigorously opposed this. In view of the impasse, the Union Minister preferred not to take any unilateral decision. My earnest request to you is to bring all these facts to the knowledge of the Hon’ble Supreme Court.”

On his part Mr. Nariman wrote to the CM and the letter said  “I am in receipt of your letter of 29th September, 2016. Representing the State of Karnataka I will certainly read out (if permitted) your letter to the Hon’ble Court. But you must realize that all of us appearing for the state are officers of the court and since the court has issued a direction for release of water “despite the Resolution passed”, we must honour the order of the court, I must therefore inform you that apart from reading your letter and my reply we will not be able to make any submission on behalf of the State to the Hon’ble Court.”

Watch: Siddharth Varadarajan Answers Questions on “Surgical Strikes: The Day After”

The Wire’s founding editor attempts to cut through the clutter of jingoistic reportage and takes questions from viewers in real-time regarding the strike, its many implications and what could be the way forward.

A day after the surgical strike by Indian special forces across the LoC, there is still much speculation and confusion regarding how exactly the strike occurred. In this live video chat on The Wire‘s Facebook page, founding editor Siddharth Varadarajan, attempts to cut through the clutter of jingoistic reportage and takes questions from viewers in real-time regarding the strike, its many implications and what could be the way forward.

Subscribe to our Facebook page for updates on our live chats where you can ask questions in real-time.

Aripanthan: A Symbol of Today’s Kashmir

Even as the Indian army focuses on fighting militants in Pakistan occupied Kashmir, we might do well to first better understand the churning within Kashmir.

Before focussing on fighting militants in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, India must first better understand the churning within the Valley.

Supporters of Kashmir's main opposition National Conference (NC) party scuffle with Indian policemen during a protest against the recent killings in Kashmir, in Srinagar, August 8, 2016. REUTERS/Danish Ismail

Four people were killed in Aripanthan village of Kashmir after residents took to the streets to protest what they said were aggressive tactics by members of the security forces during an overnight patrol designed to enforce a curfew. Credit:Reuters/Danish Ismail

Budgam: A carpenter, a barber, a farmer and a shopkeeper are like characters in a fable, except this one is dystopian.

The four young men belonged to the village of Aripanthan in the Budgam district of central Kashmir. Just an hour from Srinagar, the highway to Budgam cuts through acres of paddy fields and rows of wooden houses.

At 7 am, a few men and women are hurrying back home with bags filled with groceries, which they quickly bought in shops that briefly open in the coolness of the morning, before the air inevitably turns hot and violent.

The curfew – now on for 84 days –  and the accumulated anger against it, are palpable in the emptied streets, in the spray of stones on the roadside, in the barricades – both makeshift and police installed – and in the pungent odour of teargas every few kilometres.

The road to Aripanthan narrows at a junction the residents call chowk, or check post, because of the Rashtriya Rifles army camp nearby.

Some people buy newspapers and groceries from a shop with a half-open door. A stone-and-cement paved pathway winds away from the chowk, flanked unevenly by houses and gardens on both sides. Inside the village, there is a pressing silence. A stream gurgles while someone loudly brushes their teeth. As this reporter enters a house, some heads pop out of the high windows and a few doors crack open. A child asks someone, “Hindustani?”

Picture of Javed Ahmed Naijad, the carpenter shot on August 16. Credit: Rohini Mohan

Picture of Javed Ahmed Naijad, the carpenter shot on August 16. Credit: Rohini Mohan

In the drawing room of Javed Ahmed Naijad’s home, Mushtaq-ul-Islam – a school teacher and family friend – briefly sketches the events that transpired on the dreadful morning that still hangs over this village. “It was August 16. Javed went to the shop. The CRPF came in three vehicles. They simply fired three-four tear gas shells. People responded. They [the CRPF] started firing. Javed was one of the four who were killed. That’s as dryly as I can put it.” A few relatives are present in the room and everyone is looking at their feet.

Fiza Banu, Javed’s 20-year-old sister, breaks the uncomfortable silence. “Javed bhai built this room, this whole house,” she says. “He makes – used to make – good wood carvings for traditional Kashmiri houses.” Javed had raised Fiza and their youngest sister after their mother died of illness and their father remarried. He quit school in the sixth grade to work as a carpenter’s apprentice. “If you had met him, you wouldn’t think he was only 19. He was older than his years,” says Banu.

Early on August 16, Banu was in the kitchen making tea when Naijad left to bring a newspaper from the chowk. In a few minutes, she heard gun shots and rushed out. Several neighbours were also running to the chowk. Among them was her stepbrother Mushtaq.

A couple of CRPF vehicles were driving away while shooting in the air and many boys were on the ground. “I saw Javed bhai there, on the road, blood all over,” says Banu. Realising Javed was still alive, Mushtaq sat by him and lifted his head to his lap. “Yeh kya hua bhai (what has happened, brother)?” asked Naijad, before closing his eyes.

One of Banu’s relatives says the family has tried to contact Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister and MLA of Beerwah in Budgam. They have also filed a complaint in the nearby Magam police station.

Ab kya hoga usse (what will come from it now)?” Banu shouts, her eyes blazing. “All I feel is anger, anger, anger I can’t hold inside. If my brother was the only one who died, then I can mourn, maybe even think it happened by mistake, move on. But this is a part of so many other atrocities. What about all the young men with pellets in their head, chest, eyes? And the three others killed?”

Fiza Begum, Fazla, and Mushtaq Ahmed Naijab, siblings of Javed Ahmed Naijad, in the living room he built in Aripanthan. Credit: Rohini Mohan

Fiza Begum, Fazla, and Mushtaq Ahmed Naijab, siblings of Javed Ahmed Naijad, in the living room he built in Aripanthan. Credit: Rohini Mohan

A few paces away and through a courtyard overrun by rose bushes, tomato and bottle gourd creepers, is the home of another Javed – a 20-year-old barber and the eldest of four sons. In a carpeted room upstairs, his father Ghulam Maqsood Sheik, mother Mehbooba, three brothers and his grandmother huddle under a large blanket.

Salt tea is being poured and sipped in silence, but the memories of August 16 quickly invade the warmth. “That day our Javed went without having tea,” says Mehbooba. “It was his habit to buy the paper and bread in the morning.” She points to the flaky bakirkhani bread that they are sharing. “This was his favourite one.”

The family of 20-year-old Javed Ahmed Sheikh, a barber. Credit: Rohini Mohan

The family of 20-year-old Javed Ahmed Sheikh, a barber. Credit: Rohini Mohan

On hearing a commotion from the chowk, 18-year-old Kausar went to look for his brother, Javed. “Lashon ke dher jaise the (it was like a pile of dead bodies),” he says. “I thought it was pellets, but then I heard gun shots.” He noticed the other Javed, Banu’s brother, falling, and ran to him. Across the road, another boy fell, and then another.

Other young men were pelting stones at the CRPF, which stood at the mouth of the road. Women had joined the crowd and were shouting at the security forces to leave. Kausar says he screamed till he was out of breath. “I felt an unbearable rage against the zulm (atrocities) by Hindustani forces.” Just as his hand grabbed a stone, a friend shouted that his brother too “had fallen”. Javed was bleeding profusely and was rushed to the district hospital on one of the boys’ bikes. “But there had been a bullet to his head. He had died on the spot.”

An elderly man enters the room and Kausar gets up to give him some room. The man is Mansoor Akbar Lone, the father of Mansoor Ahmed, a 25-year-old farmer. His wide green eyes look at the floor unblinkingly, his sun-weathered face registering nothing but a stunned grief. When Kausar asks him if he would like to speak to “this reporter from India”, he takes a while to understand. Then, he asks Kausar in Kashmiri, “Did you tell them his daughters are three and five? His wife was pregnant with the third?” Someone hands him a cup of tea. He smells the tea and says, “The bullet was in his stomach. He lost a lot of blood.”

Mansoor Ahmed Lone, father of 25-year-old farmer Mohammed Akbar Lone, who was shot on August 16, 2016. Credit: Rohini Mohan

Mansoor Ahmed Lone, father of 25-year-old farmer Mohammed Akbar Lone, who was shot on August 16, 2016. Credit: Rohini Mohan

On the other side of Aripanthan is the home of 37-year-old Mohammad Ashraf Wani, whose wholesale cement shop was the biggest store in the village. The house is on an elevation a few 100 metres from the chowk.

On August 16, the family heard shots being fired and people yelling. Wani was home since his shop was closed due to the curfew. When he could not find his 13-year-old son at home, he began to worry that the boy had gone to pelt stones. “He went out to look for him,” says his wife Fareeda Akhtar. But due to a leg injury that he suffered in a bike accident, she says, “I guess he could not run fast enough from the bullets.”

A photo of 37-year-old Mohammed Ashraf Wani, a shopkeeper killed on August 16. Credit: Rohini Mohan

A photo of 37-year-old Mohammed Ashraf Wani, a shopkeeper killed on August 16. Credit: Rohini Mohan

He was shot in the heart and died on the spot. Meanwhile, his son had been right at home, trying to watch the events unfolding at the chowk from the terrace. Akhtar talks about her husband’s general reticence and his abhorrence towards politics. “He didn’t participate in anything, no protests. [He did] not even talk [about it]. He had seen too much, he was sick of it,” says Akhtar, holding back tears in front of her 12-year-old daughter. “He only lived for his family, and yet they shot him. What the government doesn’t seem to understand is that once you say it is okay to shoot us down like animals, the gun doesn’t see who is right or wrong. The gun is power, and they have too much of it.”

The family of Mohammed Ashrf Wani, a shopkeeper killed on August 16. Rohini Mohan

The family of Mohammed Ashrf Wani, a shopkeeper killed on August 16. Rohini Mohan

On the afternoon of August 16, the four families mourned together. “Nearly one lakh people came from nearby villages,” says Sheik. “Funeral prayers were chanted at least seven times, as more and more people came.” Like Banu, he seemed to be mourning for more than his son. “It’s like justice and fairness has died. Our hope for peaceful relations has died. You killed it, and we were forced to bury it.” To them, it’s an abrogation of an already fragile trust, another pressing reminder of how little they mattered to the Indian state.

Most residents of Aripanthan – except for those in the Wani household – seem to concede that it was possible that some village youth were pelting stones at the chowk. “That’s what most Indians think provokes the CRPF to shoot, no?” asks 32-year-old Ghulam Nabi, who works in an embroidery shop. Some boys did pelt stones. “Now, ask why?” he demands.

On India’s Independence day, when the police tried to hoist the Indian flag in the village, residents had protested. “It may not be nice for you as an Indian to hear this, but we cannot love India till it stops discriminating against us,” says Kausar. For decades, the Kashmiris have resented the forced celebrations of Independence Day and displays of patriotism by armed forces – who they consider as occupying, oppressive forces. “It’s a drama to show normalcy when our life is anything but,” says Sheik.

At around 11 pm that night after the protests, several members of the Jammu & Kashmir police and CRPF charged into Aripanthan. Villagers described how the forces had “taken revenge”. They pulled men and women out of their homes, beat them with batons and guns, “and whatever hard item they found in the house”.

“They did not have a warrant or a reason,” says school teacher Mushtaq-ul-Islam. “They did not answer our questions,” adds Mehbooba. Arshid, Javed’s friend who is pursuing a Ph.D. in Maharashtra and had returned to his village for Bakrid, says, “A doctor’s family shut their doors during all this. Some policemen broke the window and lobbed teargas shells inside, suffocating everyone till the family came running out.” A middle-aged woman who did not want to be named says her daughter-in-law was molested. “She dropped her infant while trying to squirm away,” she says. Some officers erased the graffiti that called for freedom and for Indian forces to go back – slogans commonly seen across Kashmir. “They abused and terrorised the village, and left at 3 am,” says Mehbooba.

No one slept that night. “Sara gaon hosiyaar tha (the whole village was alert),” Arshid says. Groups of young men decided to take turns to keep a vigil in case the forces returned, especially around homes that had only women. Few had forgotten a similar raid that happened 12 years ago. That raid, conducted by members of the army (a battalion different from the one stationed in Budgam today), had “harassed women”.

The grave of one Javed, killed on August 16. Behind it, an old grave of 8-year-old Mohammed Rafiq Mir, who was allegedly killed by the army in 1997. Mir's father was a member of the Hizbul Mujahiddin, and killed in 1993. Credit: Rohini Mohan

The grave of one Javed, killed on August 16. Behind it, an old grave of 8-year-old Mohammed Rafiq Mir, who was allegedly killed by the army in 1997. Mir’s father was a member of the Hizbul Mujahiddin, and killed in 1993. Credit: Rohini Mohan

“This time, it was done by the Magam police station SHO (Station House Officer) and his men – Kashmiris doing it for jobs, promotion, playing into the hands of the state,” says Nabi.

When The Wire contacted SHO Aftab Ahmed, he did not answer his phone. Infuriated, Banu says that the policemen and the “CRPF-walas” can set foot into their village again only “if they did plastic surgery and changed their faces”.

The sleepless youth gathered at the chowk to buy the newspaper the next morning, August 16. When asked why this was a priority after such a harrowing night, one resident called it “a Kashmiri habit during unrest”. People have hungrily consumed the news during the long curfew in Kashmir not just because there is little else to do all day, but also to keep abreast of the eruptions in other districts and of any changes in state or military action. Reading the news, they feel a sense of solidarity with the bereaved or injured. 

As people gathered at the chowk, they saw the CRPF vehicles return. The forces lobbed teargas shells and the incensed youth began to pelt stones. “We chucked stones and verbally abused the forces because we were sure they had come to attack us again,” says Abdul Majid, whose 18-year-old cousin later succumbed to his injuries. The CRPF rained pellets on the boys and soon more men and women had run out to the chowk. At some point the CRPF fired bullets, which killed the four men on the spot.

At the Aripanthan chowk, young men mill around, gathering stones on September 4, 2016, after a CRPF vehicle passed through and lobbed tear gas shells on residents. Credit: Rohini Mohan

At the Aripanthan chowk, young men mill around, gathering stones on September 4, 2016, after a CRPF vehicle passed through and lobbed tear gas shells on residents. Credit: Rohini Mohan

In a phone interview, Atul Karwal, the inspector general for the CRPF in Kashmir, said that his force always follows standard operating procedure “precisely”. Speaking of the injuries sustained by his men, he said, “We are mobbed and beaten up by mobs… Most of the injuries are from stone pelting, but also grenade lobbing and private firing. Still, there is not even a single incident where we have opened fire.” Yet, when The Wire asked him about Aripanthan, “Yes, there was open fire there,” admitted Karwal. “A company of ours was transmitting through the village, and villagers had blocked the road in many places. When we tried to clear it, there was a huge mob, which had the advantage of being on higher ground. Lots of stone throwing… the crowd was close enough to snatch weapons. This was when lethal force was used.” He did not refer to the violence of the night before.

In narrating the same incident, both the villagers of Aripanthan and the members of the security forces attempt to establish cause and effect. Who provoked first and who was justified in reacting, and in there lies the simplification of conflict in Kashmir – another incident sucked into the argumentative vortex of cause and effect. Isolated from the context of decades of state-sponsored violence, the government’s concerns about militancy and the growing Kashmiri insecurity and frustration, the Aripanthan shooting can be discussed threadbare, with the government and village versions growing further and further apart and the possibility of reconciliation disappearing, along with it every fibre of nuance and complexity.

What looking at immediate cause and effect leaves out is the things in between. Like the five army soldiers who reportedly came to offer condolences for the four boys in Aripanthan, or the young men who have accepted the army’s mandate to root out militants, but have reasons to idolise Hizbul Mujahiddin militant Burhan Wani.

A board recently installed by a resident of Aripanthan, after the Aug 16 killings. Credit: Rohini Mohan

A board recently installed by a resident of Aripanthan, after the August 16 killings. Credit: Rohini Mohan

In this event, and many others in Kashmir, there isn’t only a linear series of successive events, but a highly sensitive ecosystem of conflict that those in the Valley – civilians and the armed forces – experience every day.

The 800 who have been blinded and the more than 12,000 who have been wounded in the current unrest, have pushed young people dangerously to the edge. Mehbooba says that her son Kausar is rarely at home. “He stands outside with other boys, keeping watch in the chowk [and] collecting stones,” she says. “I try to stop him because of fear, but I understand his anger because I feel it too. After Javed died, his anger has grown.”

Kausar asks whether there is anything wrong in pelting stones. “When we went to the chowk in the morning, were we armed? No. Still they shot my brother,” he says. “When boys like me protest in Haryana, in Gujarat, the police throws water cannons. We in Kashmir get bullets. It takes us a minute to get angry because of years of build up.” Kausar is doing an undergraduate degree in the district college. “We are educated youth, we have everything to lose by picking up guns. But this time around, when I see the state violence, and how brazen the government is, I think, India is preparing us for militancy.”

As Kausar speaks, more young men from the village gather around him. Hilal Ahmed, a 20-year-old with a bandage on his eye, has just returned from being treated for pellet injuries in a Srinagar hospital. He scoffs at Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti’s comment that only 5% of Kashmiris are really involved in the stone pelting as “a convenient lie”. As for the Kashmiris’ alleged love for Pakistan, Hilal laughs and says “Of course there are some people who want to join Pakistan, but for most of us, [we] follow the separatist leaders today. We say azadi means full separation. The Pakistan flags are just to annoy the troops.”

“India is not hearing us when we shout and protest for azadi, they shoot us when we ask for at least a discussion on separatism. So people may think, why not join Hizb and die fighting, instead of in this humiliating way?”

In the 1990s, Aripanthan saw several of its youth leave to join the militancy following some senior commanders in the Hizbul Mujahideen. Ashraf’s older brother Bashir was one of them. At 20, he left home without a word. “Many boys were joining the Hizbul Mujahideen at that time, so I assumed he too had joined them,” says Ashraf’s mother. Six months later he was killed in an encounter. “Twenty two militants have died since 1990 in this village,” says school teacher Mushtaq.

Residents gather at the entrance to Aripanthan village. Credit: Rohini Mohan

Residents gather at the entrance to Aripanthan village. Credit: Rohini Mohan

After an intense crackdown on militancy in the nineties, a tight vigil over weapons entering Kashmir from Pakistan, and a gradual decrease in army attacks on civilians, the wave came to an end in

Hazira Begum, was hit by a bullet in her arm when she went to look for her son and protest in the Aripanthan chowk. Credit: Rohini Mohan

Hazira Begum, was hit by a bullet in her arm when she went to look for her son and protest in the Aripanthan chowk. Credit: Rohini Mohan

Aripanthan. The residents now realise that they might be watched more closely because of the town’s history. This is the conundrum of so many villages in Kashmir: the cycle of atrocity and protest, the state’s collapsing of militancy with separatist aspirations and the bogey of militancy, but also its overbearing shadow. “Ashraf knew he was the only son left, and he abhorred the militancy and the army because both took his brother away,” says his wife Akhtar. “He chose non-violence actively every day. And yet….”

Abdus Samar Rather, a 59-year-old resident of Aripanthan, likens it to a football that bounces back higher the harder you slam it into the ground. He worries that his son, a doctoral candidate in Aligarh Muslim University, might think of joining the militancy. He believes that it is a fait accompli. “I cannot stop him. This young generation has grown up seeing violence – they don’t feel fear anymore.” When Rather scolds his son, the 21-year-old in turn blames him. “We parents are taunted for sitting with our hands tied, for negotiating away any possibility of azadi in the past. Every day, these boys tell us that if we want a real end to our trauma, we need to make sacrifices. I’m scared for my son. But his friends are being shot, I understand his rage.”

Twenty-five-year-old Arshid asks how someone who has pelted stones is equivalent to a soldier. “Is an angry young man the same as a trained soldier with a state issued gun and the freedom to kill without punishment? If they are equal in strength, then why punish the civilian boy for his violence, but not prosecute a single soldier that has ever killed illegally in Kashmir? Killing a militant is one thing, but calling a boy of 18 a militant so that you can shoot him, is purely illegal.”

Hazira Begum, who was shot in her arm on August 16, says she had gone to the chowk to look for her 12-year-old son. “These days, small boys like my son run towards the commotion and firing, not away from it. Children cannot get involved, I cannot believe this is happening to us.”

Since that fateful morning, Aripanthan has seen three other instances of firing and many youth have been injured. Each incident revives the memory of the four youth who were shot dead, and kindles another yearning for militancy. As yet, no young man in Aripanthan seems to have acted on the impulse. But as Rather says,  his voice shaking, “A spark, when neglected, can burn down the entire house. Sadly, the government is trying to put out the spark by adding fire.”

‘M.S. Dhoni’ is a Cliché-ridden Homage to the Cricketer

The film, ‘M.S. Dhoni: The Untold Story’ has a lot of cricket but it needed some heart, too.

The film, M. S. Dhoni: The Untold Story has a lot of cricket but it needed some heart, too.

A still from M.S. Dhoni: The Untold Story. Credit: Facebook

A still from M.S. Dhoni: The Untold Story. Credit: Facebook

To understand what Mahendra Singh Dhoni meant to Indian cricket fans and to the people of Jharkhand, from where he hails, you had to be where I was on 5 April 2005: standing at the corner of a medical store in Bokaro Steel City. I was still in school then, living in a hostel, which didn’t have a TV. So my friend and I would often go to a nearby medical store, whose owners had a TV, to watch live cricket. That day India was playing against Pakistan in a 50-over match. India won the toss and chose to bat. After Sachin Tendulkar was dismissed in the fourth over, a new player called Dhoni, came to bat next. We hadn’t seen him bat before (this was only his fifth international match), but we had heard of him. And we were looking forward to his innings for two reasons: for years India hadn’t seen a wicketkeeper whose bat could talk, and second, because he was one of our own; he was, much like us, a boy from Jharkhand.

People from small Indian states, whose towns missed the train to modernity, often feel conscious about where they come from. And it’s especially true if you belong to a state like Bihar (or Jharkhand), which is known for all things uncool. In college, when acquaintances asked me where I was from, my answer, “Dhanbad” (a town in Jharkhand), mostly elicited blank faces. And then I had to explain my town to them (an annoyance that has been taken care of after the release of Gangs of Wasseypur). People from small towns (especially while growing up) have to continuously remind others that they exist, that they are not (very) different from the ones in Bombay, Delhi or Chennai. Which is why, when Dhoni came into bat at number three on that April morning, we felt both happy and grateful, as if our existence had been acknowledged.

But we were still wary. “I think he’d do a good job even if he just makes a quick 30 or 40,” I told my friend. Dhoni made much more. As the Indian innings progressed and Dhoni cut, pulled, hooked and went down the track, a small crowd flocked towards the medical store. When he was nearing his 150, we said, “He’s definitely going to break Saeed Anwar’s record [of the highest score in one day internationals then].” That didn’t happen because Dhoni was out at 148, but by then we were convinced that India had got a wicketkeeper, a batsman and Jharkhand an identity. More importantly, the boy didn’t lack confidence; in fact, his aggression was conspicuous, as if telling us there was nothing to be afraid of.

Six years later, I found myself in a house party in a small Colorado town, where someone from Tamil Nadu asked me where I was from. I silently went ‘not again’ in my head. “Dhanbad, it’s this town in Jharkhand. I don’t think you’ve heard of it,” I said, almost sounding apologetic about my place of birth. “Oh, Jharkhand! Of course, I know,” he smiled. “Dhoni’s state.” I smiled back.

Dhoni’s success as a player is significant not just because it ushered a different kind of cricketer (an aggressive, unorthodox wicketkeeper-batsman; a calm captain) but also because it fuelled a certain kind of Indian aspiration, which, till then, had barely found any representation. Which is why a film on Dhoni’s life, M.S. Dhoni: The Untold Story, starring Sushant Singh Rajput, seemed like a project worthy of cinema, because it wasn’t just about a successful cricketer but also his circumstances, which had their own story to tell.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6L6XqWoS8tw.
But Neeraj Pandey, M. S. Dhoni’s director, seems to have confused a film for a Wikipedia entry. With a runtime of 190 minutes, M.S. Dhoni talks about the cricketer’s life in great —and, at times, unnecessary — detail: his early days in Ranchi; his selection for the school team; his performances in various matches at the school, district, and regional level; his job as a ticket collector before breaking into the national squad; his notable international matches; his sister’s wedding — it’s all in there. As a result, the film often feels bloated and unfocussed, fixated on merely checking off important events in the cricketer’s life and dramatising them in the movie. What also doesn’t help is that this film’s approved by Dhoni, and like most cricket commentary on air these days, M.S. Dhoni comes across as safe, cliché-ridden and unimaginative.

It’s also quite telling that a 190-minute long biopic on India’s most successful cricketer barely has anything insightful to say about the state of Indian cricket or its players. Worse, even after watching a film that long (this fact can’t be emphasised enough), you get no insight about Dhoni, the cricketer, too. It’s sad and surprising, for this looks like a film made less for entertaining an audience and more for pleasing Dhoni. No one expected Pandey to do the impossible, make a tell-all film about the cricketer, examining his years after the 2011 World Cup final — his failures as a test captain abroad, his implication in the IPL match fixing scandal — but at least some restraint, less hero worship, would have helped the film.

Having said that, M.S. Dhoni – by sheer dint of its material (footage of several international matches won by India, including the two World Cup finals; a story that reaffirms following one’s calling, working hard; a central character who’s considered a hero in real life, too) – is the kind of film that’s easy to watch, but that doesn’t make it enjoyable or entertaining. Even the stuff about Dhoni’s childhood (probably the only “untold” part about this film) runs out of its narrative and dramatic juice after a point, and, instead, becomes a succession of scenes playing in auto-pilot mode, giving scarce insight into the mind of a young man, stranded between trying to please his father and being true to himself.

The film, though, also hints, with some degree of success, about an important, but often overlooked, element in making a successful cricketer: not talent, luck, or opportunity (which are obviously essential), but a support system – of friends, parents, mentors, coaches – who will always have your back, keep orienting your compass lest you feel lost. Maybe this is where Pandey and Dilip Jha, the film’s co-screenwriter, should have looked more. M. S. Dhoni has a lot of cricket; it needed some heart, too.

Day After Surgical Strikes: Fate of Captured Indian Soldier Uncertain, Sri Lanka Pulls Out of SAARC Summit

India has said that it is making efforts to recover the soldier who apparently “inadvertently” strayed across the border on the same day as the surgical strikes were conducted.

New Delhi: Director General Military Operations (DGMO), Ranbir Singh salutes after the Press Conferences along with External Affairs Spokesperson Vikas Swarup, in New Delhi on Thursday. India conducted Surgical strikes across the Line of Control in Kashmir on Wednesday night. PTI Photo by Shirish Shete (PTI9_29_2016_000022B) *** Local Caption ***

New Delhi: Director General Military Operations (DGMO), Ranbir Singh salutes after the Press Conferences along with External Affairs Spokesperson Vikas Swarup, in New Delhi on Thursday. India conducted Surgical strikes across the Line of Control in Kashmir on Wednesday night. Credit: PTI

New Delhi:  A day after India claimed to have conducted ‘surgical strikes’ across the Line of Control, the fate of the Indian soldier in Pakistani custody still hangs in the balance, as Pakistan continues to maintain that there was only heavy border firing and formally postponed the SAARC summit after Sri Lanka became the fifth country to pull out of the regional jamboree.

The Indian government claimed on Friday (September 30) that it was making efforts to recover the soldier who apparently “inadvertently” strayed across the border on the same day as the surgical strikes were conducted on seven terror launch pads.

“All attempts are being made to secure his release,” home minister Rajnath Singh said after a meeting to discuss the situation.

The Pakistani media had earlier claimed that an Indian solider had been captured and eight others killed in heavy cross-border firing. The Indian army then issued a statement late Thursday night that a soldier from the 37 Rashtriya Rifles had “inadvertently crossed over” in the Mendhar sector and the Pakistani DGMO had been informed about the incident.

So far, none of the statements issued by the Pakistan government related to India’s surgical strikes mention the capture of any soldier.

SAARC postponed

On Friday, Pakistan formally postponed the SAARC summit with a statement deploring India’s withdrawal, but with no reference to allegations made Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Bhutan.

Earlier in the day, Sri Lanka had become the fifth country to state that the “environment is not conducive” to hold a meeting of the regional group.

Colombo pointed out that the principle of unanimity, the basis of the SAARC charter, also “applies to the convening of meetings of Heads of State or Government of SAARC Member States as well”.

Implicitly supporting India, the Sri Lankan government also condemned “terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, and stresses in this regard, the need to deal with the issue of terrorism in the region in a decisive manner”.

The Pakistani statement announcing the postponement, however, ignored all such announcements by other south Asian countries, besides India.

“India’s decision to abstain from the Summit on the basis of unfounded assumptions on the Uri incident is a futile effort to divert attention of the world from the atrocities perpetrated by India in the Indian Occupied Jammu & Kashmir,” said the statement released by the Pakistan foreign ministry.

Terming it as a violation of the SAARC charter which doesn’t allow bilateral issues to be raised at the multilateral forum, Pakistan said that decision to “derail the Summit effectively contradicts Prime Minister Modi’s own call to fight against poverty in the region”.

Indicating that it will not give up its hosting job, Pakistan added that “new set of dates will be announced soon, through the Chair of SAARC (Nepal)”.

India responded to Pakistan’s statement about postponement by saying that Islamabad had been “compelled to recognise the regional sentiment against terrorism”.

Nepal also announced in Kathmandu that it was clear that even if one country withdrew from the summit, it could not be held. Nepal government also appeal for the right environment to be created for the summit to be held, as its indefinite postponement will not be good for the region. Kathmandu hoped that the host country, that is Pakistan, would make special efforts towards the creation of such an environment.’

Pakistan’s denials

Meanwhile, Pakistan Prime Minister chaired a meeting of the Federal cabinet, which “rejected” India’s claims of carrying out ‘surgical strikes’.

“The Cabinet deplored the provocative statements of the Indian leadership alleging Pakistan for the Uri attack, without any evidence. The false Indian accusations were completely rejected,” said a read-out of the meeting. Interestingly, there was no repeat of Pakistan’s official position that the Uri attack was a false flag operation by India to deflect attention from human rights violation in Kashmir.

“The Prime Minister reaffirmed that Pakistan’s commitment for peace must not be construed as weakness. In case of any aggression or violation of LoC, Pakistan will take all necessary steps to protect its people and territorial integrity,” the Pakistani statement read in conclusion.

With Pakistan still arguing that the September 29 early morning surgical strike was just heavy cross-border firing, the statement gives no indication if Islamabad is ready to raise the ante against India.

Meanwhile, Pakistan foreign secretary Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhary, along with the Director General (Military Operations) briefed Islamabad-based ambassadors of China, France, US, UK and Russia about India’s ‘surgical strikes’. On Thursday, Indian foreign secretary S Jaishankar had held a special briefing for 25 foreign envoys, including those from the P-5 countries.

The Pakistani government statement on the briefing noted that DGMO conveyed that there were anti-infiltration mechanisms in place on border which would have stopped any Indian forces attempting to cross over. “He informed about layers of fencing, barbed wires, lighting, border posts, bunkers etc., on the LoC, which ensure that no infiltration takes place,” it stated.

Chaudhary conveyed “serious concerns over increased Indian aggression and belligerence especially during the last few days which could also be seen in multiple public statements made by the Indian Prime Minister.”

“The Foreign Secretary informed the Ambassadors that Pakistan remains the major victim of terrorism, including State terrorism,” it added

As the governments sparred verbally, media organisations on both sides of the India-Pakistan border joined the fray.

Pakistani news channel ARY News, broadcast a video allegedly showing the bodies of the Indian soldiers. Indian Army sources termed this as “black propaganda” and said the pictures were “fake”.

Although while announcing the surgical strike yesterday Indian DGMO Lt Gen Ranbir Singh had said no casualty had been suffered by the Indian side, army sources confirmed that one team member received “minor injury during exfiltration”. However, it was pointed out that the injury was not due to “any enemy and terrorist action”.

Support from neighbours

Afghanistan was the first South Asian neighbour to came out strongly in favour of the surgical strikes. “Pakistan can’t stay in a constant state of denial and cannot remain unanswered,” Afghan envoy to India Shaida Abdali told reporters.

Abdali added that there was “no doubt that [the] Pakistan state sponsors terror”. “If terror groups exist, self-defence in the form of action we saw, will continue,” he said.

Afghanistan, along with Bhutan and Bangladesh, had joined India in a coordinated move on September 27 to pull out from the SAARC summit in Islamabad over Pakistan’s role in fomenting terror groups.

Muted response from US

The US response continued to be muted, favouring the Indian position and resisting Pakistan’s effort to raise the profile of the Kashmir dispute.

At a press briefing on Thursday, US state department spokesperson John Kirby rebuffed questions to describe Indian surgical strikes on Pakistan-occupied territory as being a “escalatory”.

When asked if the Indian action escalates tensions, Kirby said he refused to “get into characterising each and every step along the way there”. Earlier, he described the attack on the Indian army brigade headquarters at Uri as “horrific”.

Kirby also added that the US wanted to see “increased cooperation against what is a very shared common threat for both countries, and to see steps being taken to deal with it by all sides”. This was an implicit support for India’s narrative about the surgical strikes, which New Delhi had said was only meant as a pre-emptive action against terrorist launchpads across the border.

Meanwhile, the co-chairs of the US Senate’s India Caucus wrote a letter to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi condemning the Uri attack and expressed concern about its cross-border provenance.

“We are greatly concerned about initial indications that the perpetrators of this attack were Pakistani and that the attack emanated from Pakistan. If true, this attack would be just the latest in a series of deadly attacks in India conducted by Pakistan-based terrorist groups,” said the letter written by Senators John Cornyn and Mark Warner.

It said that Pakistan’s “possible involvement in this attack underscores our broader concern about Pakistan’s use of terrorism as a pillar of its foreign policies towards Afghanistan and India”.

It termed the operation of terror groups such as the Haqqani Network, Tehrik-i-Taiban Pakistan, Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad within Pakistan as “unacceptable”. The duo promised that they will work within Congress to “pressure Pakistan to end any association with these terrorist groups targeting India, put a stop to their cross-border incursions, and take active and immediate steps to reign in homegrown terrorists”.

Russian reaction

Coming out tacitly in support of India, the Russian foreign ministry said that it expected the Pakistan government to take “effective steps in order to stop the activities of terrorist groups in the territory of the country”.

“We stand for decisive struggle against terrorism in all its manifestations,” it added in a statement issued on Friday evening. Moscow expressed concern with the “aggravation lately of the situation along the line of control between India and Pakistan”.

There was, however, no direct mention of the ‘surgical strikes’ that India had claimed to conduct, but Pakistan rejected.

Effectively telling Pakistan not to take any retaliatory steps, Russia also called on “the parties not to allow any escalation of tension and to settle the existing problems by political and diplomatic means through negotiations”.

China’s balancing act

Beijing also called on both India and Pakistan to “exercise restraint and avoid further escalating tensions”. “It is hoped that the two sides can properly settle disputes through dialogue and consultation to cool down the situation,” said foreign ministry spokesperson Geng Shuang in answer to a question about India’s ‘surgical strikes’.

Earlier, he said that China as a “neighbor and friend to both India and Pakistan, we are concerned about the tension and rivalry between them that has lasted several days”.

“Since India-Pakistan relations were strained, China has been in touch with the two sides, urging them to exercise restraint, strengthen dialogues, and properly settle relevant disputes. China will continue with its efforts to promote peace talks in a proper way in light of the development on the ground,” added Geng.

In comparison to Russia or US pronouncements, there was no reference in the Chinese remarks about the need to fight terrorism.

Commercial Trade in all Eight Pangolin Species Has Just Been Banned

Pangolins, which can be found in Asia and Africa, have been called the “world’s most trafficked mammal”.

Pangolins, which can be found in Asia and Africa, have been called the “world’s most trafficked mammal”.

A live pangolin stares out from the poultry cage it had been locked in by illegal wildlife traffickers, while an Indonesian law enforcement agent looks on. Credit: Paul Hilton/WCS.

A live pangolin stares out from the poultry cage it had been locked in by illegal wildlife traffickers, while an Indonesian law enforcement agent looks on. Credit: Paul Hilton/WCS.

Following a landslide vote, all eight species of pangolin will now be listed under CITES Appendix I, which bans commercial trade and represents the highest level of protection available under international law. The vote on the proposal to transfer the four Asian pangolin species was 114 to 1 in favour, while the vote to move the four African species was unanimous.

Pangolins, which can be found in Asia and Africa, have been called the “world’s most trafficked mammal,” and consensus has been building amongst the conservation community that it was time for such a move.

The clearest sign of that came earlier this month during the International Union for Conservation of Nature’s (IUCN) World Conservation Congress in Hawaii. IUCN members — which include 217 government agencies, more than 1,000 civil society organisations from over 160 countries and 15,000-plus volunteer experts in 185 countries — voted to approve a motion in support of transferring all eight pangolin species from CITES Appendix II to Appendix I “in order to contribute to the conservation and sustainability of wild populations through control of the international trade in pangolins and their parts and products.”

More than one million pangolins were taken from the wild over the past decade, according to a recent report by San Francisco-based NGO WildAid. The increased trade in pangolins is having drastic consequences for their population numbers. In 2008, just two of the eight pangolin species were listed on the IUCN’s Red List of Threatened Species, but today all eight appear on the list.

The Sunda Pangolin (Manis javanica) and the Chinese Pangolin (M. pentadactyla), which were classified as endangered eight years ago, are currently listed as ‘critically endangered’. The Indian Pangolin (M. crassicaudata) and the Philippine Pangolin (M. culionensis), meanwhile, are now listed as Endangered and all four African species — the Black-bellied Pangolin (Phataginus tetradactyla), the White-bellied Pangolin (P. tricuspis), the Giant Ground Pangolin (Smutsia gigantea) and Temminck’s Ground Pangolin (S. temminckii) — are listed as Vulnerable.

Hunting and poaching are the primary threats to pangolins. The majority of the whole pangolins and pangolin parts that are trafficked end up in China and Vietnam, where pangolin meat is considered not just a delicacy but also a status symbol by the countries’ rapidly growing middle classes. Pangolin scales are also much in demand, as they are ground into powder and used to treat rheumatism, skin disorders and infections despite there being no scientific evidence to support the curative properties of pangolin products.

Pangolins have been protected under CITES Appendix II for years, as well as by many nations’ domestic laws. US, for instance, which has emerged as a key transshipment point in the illegal trade of pangolins, confiscated more than 26,000 pangolin products between 2004 and 2013, WildAid reported.

But despite seizures of illegally traded pangolins — from US to Indonesia and Myanmar and elsewhere — “the status quo clearly isn’t working, which is why today’s decision is so critical,” according to Elly Pepper, deputy director of the Natural Resources Defence Council’s wildlife trade initiative.

“Pangolin scales are made of the same stuff as your fingernails — contrary to the belief of some, they hold no medicinal value,” Pepper said in a statement. “These vulnerable, elusive creatures must be protected immediately if we hope to reverse their astronomical declines of up to 90%. This listing will not only eradicate legal trade in pangolins, but will also reduce the illegal trade.”

This article was originally published on Mongabay.com and has been republished here under the creative commons license.

Pakistani Artists Are Just Artists and Not Terrorists: Salman Khan

Terrorism and art are two different subjects,” Khan said, when asked about his take on actors from Pakistan being banned from Bollywood.

Salman Khan. Credit: PTI

Salman Khan. Credit: PTI

New Delhi: Salman Khan says artists from Pakistan should not be treated like terrorists and that art and terrorism should not be mixed.

His comments are in response to the The Indian Motion Picture Producers Association resolution, passed yesterday, which banned Pakistani actors from the Indian film industry in the wake of the militant attack on Uri.

The resolution came after the Indian army announced that it had conducted surgical strikes on seven terror launch pads by crossing the LoC and going into Pakistani territory.
“Pakistani artists are just artists and not terrorists. Terrorism and art are two different subjects,” Khan said, when asked about his take on actors from Pakistan being banned from Bollywood.

Referring to the surgical strikes, Khan said that the Indian army’s actions were appropriate since the operation was against terrorism, but that he would prefer to have peace and harmony.

“Ideal situation should have been that of peace. But, now a reaction to an action has happened. It was a proper action as they were terrorists. But still in this day and age, I think if we lived in peace and harmony it would have been better for everyone and especially for common people,” he said while speaking at the launch of his jewellery range for Being Human.

Last week, the Raj Thackeray-led MNS issued an ultimatum to Pakistani artists and actors including Fawad Khan, who is part of one of the productions under Salman’s banner and Ali Zafar to leave India by September 25 or else they will be “pushed out”.

Recently concerts of Pakistani singers Shafqat Amanat Ali and Atif Aslam, scheduled in Bengaluru and Gurgaon respectively, were also cancelled.

India’s Army is Economically Unprepared to Engage in Conventional Warfare with Pakistan

An analysis of various reports shows that it is highly unlikely that India has the artillery and ammunition resources to fight another war like Kargil.

An analysis of various reports shows that it is highly unlikely that India has the artillery and ammunition resources to fight another war like Kargil.

The Indian army's over dependence on ordnance factories has left it wanting in terms of crucial ammunition. Credit: Reuters

The Indian army’s over dependence on ordnance factories has left it wanting in terms of crucial ammunition. Credit: Reuters

The attack on Uri and the death of 17 soldiers has triggered a review of India’s security establishment in terms of military prowess and war preparedness. Any war between India and Pakistan involves more than just strategic and political underpinnings. Civil society’s call for declaring war on Pakistan in the wake of the recent attack, has been full-mouthed and the pressure to retaliate, even using extreme measures, is high.

India must not forget that the crossroads of the Silk Route, the Himalayas and Karakoram, all have the makings of a regional theatre of war. Given that China, India and Pakistan are all countries that are part of the equation, the situation needs to be handled with far more care than most policymakers, experts and analysts let on.

India generally has three options before her – conventional, sub-conventional and nuclear warfare. Nobody obviously wants an all-out nuclear war. Sub-conventional warfare involves stealth attacks and guerrilla tactics, similar to the surgical strikes announced by India’s army yesterday.

The third option is conventional warfare. Notwithstanding the importance of regional, strategic and political considerations and all that is lost in the rhetoric, the truth is India is not economically prepared to wage war in this manner.  

In any conventional warfare with Pakistan it is the Indian army that will play a crucial role. The revenue expenditure to capital expenditure ratio of army spending has always been skewed, on an average, towards 85:15. For the navy and air force this ratio stands at approximately 50:50 and 65:35 respectively. This indicates that a large amount of budget-spend for the army is towards pay and allowances rather than for capital expenditure. Further examination of data suggests that ratio of indigenous acquisition (including those through domestic JVs with foreign partners) to foreign sources (imports) stands approximately at 70:30 for the army, 50:50 for the navy and 35:65 for the air force. The army’s over dependence on domestic acquisition is driven by its dependence on ordnance factories (OFs) for meeting their artillery and ammunition needs. The press release covering the 2015 CAG Report No. 44, page 4 states, “The Ordnance Factories’ production of weapons is meant mainly to meet the needs of the Army. In turn, the reliance of the Army on the Factories is also substantial.” This over dependence on OFs has left the army at its most vulnerable in terms of its war wastage reserves (WWR).

As per the army’s operational doctrine, India is required to maintain a WWR of 40 ‘days of intense war’ or ‘war (I). After the Kargil war of 1999, the army headquarters (AHQ) introduced a new target of Minimum Accepted Risk Level (MARL), which was set at 20 war (I). The findings of a CAG report show that the army’s current WWR stands at a critical low of 10 war (I) or even less as of March 2013. As per data in the report, of the 48 ammunition categories audited by CAG, it was found that OFs were unable to meet their production targets across 52% of the product categories. Of this 52%, in 23% of the product categories, the production shortfall was well over 50%. Data further indicates that between the period of 2009-2013 the shortfall in ammunition has increased dramatically from 15% to 50%.  It is only expected that these shortfalls would have further increased in the last three years due to the succession in which low-intensity conflicts such as Pathankot and Pampore have occurred. As a result of the ordnance factory board (OFB) not being able to meet production requirement in line with WWR targets, the army had provided for a roll on indent plan to the OFB with a view to at least meet the MARL target requirements. Yet, the CAG report notes that the OFB was unable to meet even this target and fell short by as much as 73%.

The first question that comes to mind is who is to blame for this gross mismanagement? The AHQ blames the OFB by arguing that the OFB just did not budget for the requisite production for meeting the MARL targets. The CAG report holds the AHQ equally responsible by stating that the AHQ had not taken the critical levels of shortage seriously enough, because their communication of the problem to the Ministry of Defence (MoD) was merely verbal and not forceful enough. The OFB blames both the AHQ and the MoD stating that the OFB never had the capacity to meet the target production requirements of MARL, though CAG disagrees with the OFB since the MARL targets were set by AHQ in consultation with the OFB.

To attribute our current critical security concern to just lack of coordination amongst the three agencies (AHQ, MoD and OFB) would be grossly understating the problem. The problem runs far deeper than mere miscommunication. It is true that the production capacity of the OFs has continued to hover around Rs. 11,000 crore for the last five years. It is also true that the AHQ has not taken the MARL targets that they had set seriously enough. Despite the knowledge of our near crisis situation, the AHQ has done little to devise a strategy to improve the levels of our reserves. In fact, as of September 2015, our shortfall for 17 types of critical ammunition continues to remain at 84 per cent. In all of this the MoD is guilty of not taking the OFs to task for what seems to be inexcusable complacency in neither meeting production targets nor working towards increasing production capacity.

Whether India has the artillery and ammunition resources to fight another war like Kargil, which lasted for almost three months, is something that the MoD, the armed forces and the PMO must deeply introspect on, because the numbers certainly do not add up.  

Nirupama Soundararajan is a Senior Fellow at Pahle India Foundation. Dnyanada Palkar is a Senior Research Associate at Pahle Foundation.