Food – The Wire

Jamia Nagar, Where Religion and Food Find an Uneasy Comfort

Jamia Nagar, one of the most populous Muslim “ghettos” in Delhi, has grown as a hub of food culture offering different eateries and street-side stalls. However, amid its glorification, an ignorance has risen about dangers faced by the Muslim community.

New Delhi: Walking from Jamia Millia Islamia University to my home in Zakir Nagar, I observe the hustle and bustle of an area that long existed and continues to exist on the peripheries: of both, the capital city and simultaneously, of people‘s imaginations and perceptions of the city.

As someone whose parents migrated to this region and have been living here for the more than 20 years, I have internalised all that it has offered me so far. On one hand, I have absorbed regional segregation and its complexities, while on the other, the confidence in my religious, social and political identity.

I have derived the idea of ‘self’ largely from where I come from, this marginalised space which otherwise occupies a minimal position in our thinking and discussions.

A board reads ‘Welcome to Jamia Nagar’ in Hindi, Urdu and English. Photo: Zainab S. Qasi

Jamia Nagar, one of the most populous Muslim “ghettos” in Delhi, rests in southeast Delhi, on the banks of Yamuna, and is dominated by localities like Zakir Nagar, Jasola Vihar and Shaheen Bagh, among others.

The area was born out of the immigrant influx of the late 1990s and has since grown from a thinly populated area to a heavily crowded one, with people from different classes and even neighbouring cities finding refuge here.

Sachar Committee, established in 2005 to study the social, economic, and educational status of Muslims in India observed in 2006, “Fearing for their security, Muslims are increasingly resorting to living in ghettos across the country.”

However, Muslims in Jamia Nagar are turning to an area that lacks basic facilities – clean drinking water, green spaces, sanitation, overpopulated apartments etc – but at least promises them safety in a closely knit community and protection towards their religious identity.

In search of a representation

This population reflects the neglect that Muslims faced by the state, more so under the present rule of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). They have no choice but to be comfortable living on their own in these community spaces where they perhaps feel better heard and represented.

Also read: This Spate of ‘Cow’ Hate Crimes Is Not a Breakdown of Law and Order – it Is Part of the New System

Having said this, Jamia Nagar has derived its identity from multiple things. With a dominant Muslim population, the educational and social institutions, culture, and most importantly, the dietary choices have shaped the perceptions of this region.

Muslim food choices have been marginalised because the community has always been targeted for the “inhumane” slaughter of animals, specifically cows and buffaloes. The rising Hindutva has worsened this stereotype and Muslims have been killed and lynched on suspicion of carrying, eating or selling beef.

Even popular cinema and arts have largely failed them.

Bollywood still misrepresents Muslims; Qasais (butchers) who wear kohl in their eyes and a skullcap on their heads, ready to butcher goats, cows, or buffaloes is a common scene in mainstream cinema where Muslim men usually and unsurprisingly play the antagonist.

Such a representation often is developed within and progresses in the overpopulated areas, or ghettos, if one might bring the stereotype home. One associates the inhumane slaughter of the “sacred” animal with the Muslim traders alone, reducing their identities to solely what they produce, distribute and consume.

A culinary discourse

Amidst the stereotypes and prejudices, Jamia Nagar has grown as a hub of food culture; different eateries are offered on different streets, shops and stalls. Usually crowded in the evenings, the place offers a wide range of food choices for customers.

However, the uncomfortable issue at the heart of this food culture persists – the nonvegetarian options. Particularly, the selling and buying of beef and buff food items have come under scrutiny from the state while, at the same time, being an object of romanticisation by outsiders in the region – an extension of the glorification of the ‘Muslim aesthetic’.

The growing vegetarian nationalism in Hindutva’s India has further complicated this idea. The “pure” and “impure” binaries of food are growing more prominent, these binaries have been culturally constructed and do not inherently exist, which further maintains the social order and distinction in nature, observes Kaashif Hajee.

Also read: Food In India: History of Meat Eating and The Economics of Indian Beef Industry

The polarisation of the masses as ‘protectors’ and ‘slaughterers’ of the cow has implanted deep communal divisions. With a rising number of ‘protectors’ and a promise of the same by the BJP, Muslims in ghettoised spaces suffer the most as it directly links to an integral aspect – their livelihood.

Jamia Nagar as a segregated Muslim space carries these energies forward and bears the brunt of its religious identity along with the constant marginalization of its lifestyle and choices by the state authorities.

Food in gullies of Jamia Nagar, Delhi. Photos: Zainab S. Qasi

After a ban on buying and selling beef in different states within India, a complete polarisation of the masses took place – Muslims, Dalits and Adivasis were associated with the ‘slaughter of sacred animals’, while upper-caste Hindus became ‘protectors’ of the same. Unsurprisingly, it is the Muslim ghettos that have been targeted the most for serving beef in multiple shops, have come under surveillance and persecuted for it, reducing Muslim identities to those who sell and consume a particular kind of meat.

It is also not surprising then how upper-caste Hindus take a god-like position, being the ‘protector’ of the animal, while the blame for its killing falls on marginalised groups. As brahmanisation of food takes place, all other food items are discarded as “impure” or “polluted”, and are associated with caste-class distinction.

On the other hand, a complete overturn of perceptions takes place the moment Muslims and their existence are linked to biryani and tikka kebab culture alone. In doing so, people are inclined towards the food of this region for what it sells, conveys and represents – the Muslim culture.

Amid glorification of the Muslim food culture, an ignorance has grown on the part of those who are in a position to voice against the innumerable lynchings and killings of Muslim traders but choose to turn a blind eye.

They seem to be enjoying a certain “Muslimness” of the area but are ignorant to what goes on behind the process of making, producing and selling that food. It represents an extension of the glorification of Muslim architecture, Qawwalis, songs, clothing etc which otherwise are romanticised. Meanwhile, they will also shun Muslims whenever they inhabit an alternative personality – one that does not sit well with the state and its followers.

In the lanes of Jamia Nagar, Delhi. Photo: Zainab S. Qasi

So, a “good” Muslim constantly and passively serves you his/her culture through food, art, music etc., while a “bad” Muslim raises his/her voice against the injustices inflicted and becomes a villain for demanding the authorities to preserve that very culture.

Vegetarian nationalism impacts the larger framework of employment and dignity of Muslims in India. Unfortunately, “ghettos” of the country also become a sight where the many complexities of identity formation come together and alone bear the brunt of the same.

Jamia Nagar has always dwindled between the multiple perceptions of different viewpoints. The food in the area is just one of the many pillars of the region which is under debate and direct attack. It cannot be equated with the larger identities of people living here.

The idea of carving out a metropolitan capital in Delhi largely fails in such areas where food becomes a challenge and takes on religious identity, constantly cancelling out people based on their dietary preferences.

While discussing Jamia Nagar, one cannot also not ignore that even the areas surrounding Delhi. Muslims have been lynched and killed based on mere “suspicion” of carrying beef.

In the last 10 years, Haryana has seen a rise in these mob lynchings. In 2023, two Muslim men from Bharatpur, Rajasthan were burnt to death. Similar incidents took place in West Bengal and Maharashtra, where cow vigilantes assaulted and beat Muslims on mere speculation of buying, selling, and eating beef. In June 2023, a 55-year-old disabled Muslim man was killed in Bihar.

Meanwhile, the documentation of the oppressed (DOTO) database found 206 such incidences involving more than 850 people, of which the majority remain Muslims, alongside Dalits and Christians.

Jamia Nagar as a “ghetto” then becomes the microcosm of the larger politics of the Muslim identity and any insider can see it clearly. These different challenges come together in the form of basic amenities like food and reflect the more prominent machinery at work within the country, which again, approves some and negates the existence of the others by shunning their existence, one thing at a time.

Zainab S Qazi is an editorial intern at The Wire.

Ahead of Delhi Elections, is Food And Social Security an Issue for the Capital?

More than 300 people living in basti (slum settlements) across Delhi, in a public meeting, put forth their problems regarding homelessness, ration cards and entitlements guaranteed to them under the National Food Security Act.

New Delhi: The Delhi Rozi Roti Adhikar Abhiyan (DRRAA) on Friday, January 10, organised a public meeting addressing the issue of food insecurity and hunger, ahead of the upcoming assembly elections in the national capital.

More than 300 people living in basti (slum settlements) across the city attended the public meeting and put forth their problems regarding accessing their rights entitled under the National Food Security Act.

All political parties contesting the Delhi polls were invited to the event. Congress leader Pawan Khera, Communist Party of India’s Annie Raja, Surya Prakash of the CPI Marxist-Leninist and Anurag Saxena of CPI(M) attended the meeting. They said their parties will include these demands in their manifesto.

Social activists including Anjali Bhardwaj, Harsh Mander, Indu Prakash Singh, Biraj Patnaik and Siya also attended the meeting.

A public meeting organised by the Delhi Rozi Roti Adhikar Abhiyan (DRRAA). Photo: DRRAA

Concerns were raised about the people’s homes being demolished due to which they were rendered homeless and children not being able to go to anganwadi. Just last year, at least 14 shelters for homeless in Delhi were either demolished or locked up with no alternative provision being made, according to the DRRAA.

Many complained that their ration cards were not working or that they were not getting the entitlements guaranteed to them. Others lamented that even though they are registered on the e-shram portal (database of unorganised sector workers) and the Supreme Court has repeatedly ordered that all the workers on e-shram must be provided ration cards, they were still not covered under the National Food Security Act.

More than 16 lakh people in Delhi who are registered on the e-shram portal but do not possess a ration card, according to DRRAA.

Also read: It’s Not Just Food Price, India Is Facing a Food Security Challenge

Neha, a resident of Sangam Vihar, said that she works as a domestic help and her husband is a labourer. Despite her registering on the e-shram portal, having an e-shram card and making multiple visits to the food department and applying for a ration card, she has not received a ration card. She was told she is on the waitlist because the quota for Delhi is exhausted.

Gulzar, who is homeless and has a disability in both legs, shared that despite applying for a ration card and pension scheme, he was repeatedly turned away on some or the other pretext.

Several women have been facing difficulty in accessing their maternity entitlement guaranteed to them under the NFSA despite registering at the Anganwadi centre. The money has not been released, they said at the meeting.

The DRRAA also presented a charter of demands through the campaign. A list of 12 demands included universal food security coverage, expansion of food basket under the public distribution system, community kitchens, nutritional meals for children, adequate shelter and facilities for homeless persons, universal pensions and employment guarantee, among others.

Also read: Food Subsidy: Union Budget Betrays Those Living with Hunger and Malnutrition

Currently, only about 33% of Delhi’s population is covered under the public distribution system even though more than 50% of the population lives in slum settlements and unauthorised colonies and more than 90% of the workforce is in the unorganised sector.

“Despite repeated orders of the Supreme Court to address the large scale exclusions and issuing ration cards to all those registered on the unorganised sector workers database, there has been no increase in coverage,” the organisers said in a press release.

They highlighted that the eligibility criteria of annual household income of less than Rs 1 lakh for applying for a ration card needs to be done away with as it is completely unrealistic given the cost of living in Delhi and does not account for the highly volatile nature of poverty in urban areas.

The delay in carrying out the national census, which should have taken place in 2021, has further caused the exclusion of nearly 13 crore people in need, the release stated.

Cost of Home-Cooked Thali Rises 7% in November Amid Soaring Vegetable Prices: Report

Potatoes and tomatoes, which constitute 26% of a thali’s cost, saw significant price hikes, contributing heavily to the overall rise.

New Delhi: The cost of preparing a home-cooked vegetarian meal, or thali, rose 7% year-on-year in November, primarily driven by a sharp increase in vegetable prices, according to a report by Crisil Ltd released on Thursday, December 5. Potatoes and tomatoes, which constitute 26% of a thali’s cost, saw significant price hikes, contributing heavily to the overall rise.

The cost of a vegetarian thali, priced at Rs 32.70, declined 2% compared to October, according to a Mint report. In contrast, the cost of a non-vegetarian thali increased 2% year-on-year to Rs 61.50 but remained unchanged sequentially.

Tomato prices surged 35% year-on-year to Rs 53 per kg, up from Rs 40 in November last year, while potato prices jumped 50% to Rs 37 per kg, compared to Rs 25 during the same period. The spike in potato prices was attributed to a 20% drop in market arrivals, as late blight infestations adversely affected yields in major producing states such as Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat.

Pulses also saw a 10% year-on-year price increase due to limited stocks and pipeline availability. Meanwhile, vegetable oil prices rose 13%, driven by higher import duties and seasonal demand from festivals and weddings.

Also read: Cost of Vegetarian Thali Soars by 20% in October: Report

On a monthly basis, the cost of a vegetarian thali fell 2%, supported by a 17% drop in tomato prices as fresh supplies from Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat entered the market. However, this was offset by rising costs of onions, vegetable oil and potatoes, which increased by 4%, 4%, and 1%, respectively.

For non-vegetarian meals, the cost remained stable month-on-month as broiler chicken prices dropped 3% year-on-year, balancing a 2% rise in prices during November. A rare reprieve came from falling fuel costs.

India’s retail inflation climbed to 6.21% in October, up from 5.49% in September, marking its highest level since August’s 6.83%.

The report suggests some relief could arrive in December as fresh pulse supplies hit the market, though household budgets will likely continue to feel the strain of volatile food costs in the near term.

A Feast Through Time and the Essence of Delhi’s Cuisine

In ‘From the King’s Table to Street Food’, Pushpesh Pant’s scholarship is apparent, but it’s his love for Delhi, its spirit and its food that shines through.

Pushpesh Pant’s From the King’s Table to Street Food is a vibrant tribute to Delhi’s culinary landscape, where food becomes the language through which history, memory and culture are experienced. Pant, a renowned scholar and food historian, starts with the legendary city of Indraprastha, passes through the courts of the Sultanate and Mughal eras, travels into British India, and lands in the globalised capital we know today.

The roots of Indraprastha

Delhi’s culinary legacy begins with the ancient city of Indraprastha, referenced in the Mahabharata. Pant explores food in myth, noting how epic feasts reflect the era’s cultural richness. The ‘Banquet of Pandavas’ introduces readers to celebratory dishes made with saffron from Kashmir and bamboo shoots from Pragjyotisha (now Assam). Delhi’s history, Pant observes, is connected with food from as early as these ancient tales, which included foods gathered during exile, reminiscent of foraging traditions still seen in Indian villages. His scholarship brings alive Delhi’s mythic past, laying the groundwork for a food history that, even today, mixes humble ingredients with royal opulence.

Pushpesh Pant’s
From the King’s Table to Street Food,
Published by Speaking Tiger (2024)

Medieval confluence: Sultanate and Mughal Eras

Pushpesh Pant’s narrative also delves into the Sultanate and Mughal periods, tracing how trade, migration and culture influenced Delhi’s palate. As a historian, he places emphasis on the public kitchens and Sufi langars (communal kitchens) that served as social equalisers. With influences from Persian and Central Asian cuisines, the Mughal era gave birth to Delhi’s qormas, biryani, and richly spiced kebabs. Through figures like Ibn Battuta and Amir Khusrau, Pant unearths how dishes like the samosa traveled from distant lands, eventually becoming synonymous with Indian street food.

In this section, the author introduces readers to Mughaliya cuisine, distinct from the often-interchanged term Mughlai. While Mughaliya is rooted in the authentic royal flavours of the Mughal dastarkhan, Mughlai refers to the adaptations that evolved later, particularly under the British. The difference is subtle yet significant; Mughaliya represents authentic Mughal techniques, while Mughlai became a simplified version that melded with Punjabi and North Indian preferences.

The British Raj and beyond

The British introduced Delhi to new tastes and dining customs, adding elements like stews, cutlets and pies to the Indian table. He offers an engaging perspective on the cultural clash and culinary fusion of this era, detailing how mutton cutlets and Shepherd’s Pie became adapted to local tastes. However, the British weren’t the only influence. This era also saw the establishment of tea culture and bakery items like patties and pastries, which Pant recounts as a highlight of his childhood visits to Delhi’s famed Wenger’s bakery.

The story of Partition forms a bittersweet part of his narrative. With Partition came an influx of Punjabis, whose hearty cuisine would redefine Delhi’s culinary reputation. The butter chicken and dal makhani, that are Delhi icons today, originated with Punjabi migrants and soon captured the city’s collective palate. In another chapter, Pant reflects on the establishment of Pandara Road eateries, representing foods of those displaced by partition, Lahori, Peshawari and Pindi-style cuisine. This transformation is key to understanding how Delhi grew into a cosmopolitan food hub.

A culinary melting pot

Pant explains, how Delhi’s identity, extends beyond Punjabi and Mughal foods. The city’s population grew with migrants from across India, bringing with them the flavours of Bengal, Bihar, the Northeast, and South India. Each group contributed to the city’s diversity: Bengali puchkas and jhaalmuri at C.R. Park, South Indian idli-dosa tiffin centres, and spicy Andhra fare. Delhi, Pant asserts, is unique because of these regional confluences. From Calcutta-style chops to Naga curries and ‘Indian-Chinese’ Manchurian, Delhi’s food culture is inclusive and constantly evolving.

In Pant’s retelling, the South Indian tiffin culture brought by immigrants in the mid-20th century highlights the affordability and universal appeal of items like idli and dosa, which are today staples across the city. Similarly, the Parsi community brought to Delhi dishes like berry pulao and dhansak, still enjoyed by families at the Parsi Anjuman. Through these regional influences, Delhi has transformed into a culinary kaleidoscope, reflecting India’s diversity.

From dhabas to fine dining

From wayside dhabas to posh restaurants, Pant also tracks Delhi’s evolving dining scene, attributing much of the change to globalisation and a growing middle class. Pant observes that Delhi now claims to be a global food capital where one can find Japanese sushi, Thai noodles, Mediterranean falafel and Korean BBQ, mirroring the internationalisation of urban Indian food culture. However, the rustic dhabas with earthy flavours still retain their charm, with roadways to North India lined with stops famous for parathas, makki di roti, and sarson da saag.

The book’s chapters on modern Delhi trace how restaurant culture evolved with urban development, such as the rise of fine-dining establishments in neighbourhoods like the Asian Games Village. He explores how diplomatic enclaves, corporate parks, and upscale markets fostered a high-end restaurant culture. Author expertise reveals how Delhi’s food culture reflects its status as both India’s political capital and a culinary destination in its own right.

The essence of the ‘asli dilliwala’

For Pant, an asli Dilliwala is defined not only by a love for food but by an appreciation of Delhi’s diverse culinary traditions. This identity is woven into the food rituals of the Baniya, Kayastha and Punjabi communities, as well as the contributions of Bengalis, Kashmiris, Parsis and Christians. Pant’s fascination with Delhi’s cultural intersections lends warmth to his account. He highlights how dishes that originated in small community kitchens have become symbols of Delhi’s identity — chole bhature, papri chaat, parathas, and kebabs.

In one of the book’s most personal reflections, Pant shares nostalgic stories from his own past, painting a vivid picture of Delhi’s food scene in the 1960s. Memories of Sohan halwa, the Hanuman Mandir, and family visits to Wengers bakery bring to life the sensory pleasures that shaped his early experiences. Pant’s voice is both scholarly and sentimental, infusing historical facts with the charm of personal anecdotes.

Pant writes, “Dilli Haat, established in 1994 by Delhi Tourism, was first envisioned by Jaya Jaitley. It sought to bring craftspersons from all over India and provided space for eateries from different regions, to showcase the diversity of Indian cuisine. Bijoli Grill from Bengal had on its menu kosha mangsho, prawn cutlet, fish orly, aloo dom, Radhaballabhi; Awadhi Dastar Khwan offered galouti and kakori kebabs, shami and pulav; Kashmiri Wazwaan tempted walk-in guests with rishta, gushtaba, martswangan qorma, tsuk vangun, aloo bukhara qorma, and rogan josh. Rajasthan served pyaaz kachori, mirchi vada, ghewar, dal bati choorma. The Naga Kitchen had no qualms about mentioning pork and palate-scorching raja mirchi aka bhut jholakiya. A taste of Assam and Manipur introduced Delhi to other flavours from the North East. Peninsular India was represented by Tamil Nadu, and Anantam, that showcased delicacies from Kerala.”

The book is gives extra ordinary cultural insights, presenting Delhi not just as a city but as a melting pot of traditions, migrations, and flavours.

An evocative narrative for all tastes

Without burdening readers with academic jargon, Pant presents Delhi’s culinary history as an area woven with colourful threads of memory, culture and flavour.

The book’s pages brim with recipes, not as mere instructions, but as relics of eras and people. His scholarship is apparent, but it’s his love for Delhi, its spirit and its food, those shines through.

From the King’s Table to Street Food is not only a must-read for history buffs and food enthusiasts but also for anyone who wishes to understand Delhi from the inside out. It’s an experience that feels as satisfying as a hearty meal and as enlightening as a tour through time, making it a fitting homage to a city that, in Pant’s words, “never stops cooking up something new.”

Ashutosh Kumar Thakur is a Bengaluru-based management professional, curator and literary critic.

Rice or Cash? Maharashtra Experiment Reveals Gender, Household Dynamics

Do in-kind transfers for social assistance lead to ‘deadweight losses’ by restricting consumer choice?

Social assistance programmes typically involve making transfers to a disadvantaged target population either in cash or in kind (for instance, providing free or subsidised food, textbooks, electricity or housing). Standard economic theory favours cash transfers over in-kind transfers of equivalent values as the former avoids the inefficiencies associated with restricting consumer choice – often referred to as deadweight losses. Yet, in-kind transfers, such as the provision of free or subsidised food, remain widespread in social programmes across the globe.

The debate over whether to prioritise cash or in-kind transfers continues to stir significant discussion, particularly in social assistance policies in many countries. In India, this issue has been central to policy debates surrounding the country’s large-scale public distribution system (PDS) that provides subsidised food to more than 800 million people.

The PDS has been criticised for corruption and “leakage” of a substantial fraction of the subsidised product illegally diverted to the open market. This has led leading critics to call for cash transfers to replace the wasteful in-kind transfers. On the other hand, survey data have sometimes shown that households prefer food to equivalent cash transfers when offered a hypothetical choice between the two.

‘Incentivised’ experimental evidence on this issue has, however, been lacking. Our research addresses this gap by conducting a field experiment where respondents were given a real choice between a fixed quantity of rice and alternative amounts of cash. The experiment involved incentivising the respondents to reveal their willingness to pay (WTP) for rice. A comparison of the latter with the market value of rice then provides a measure of the deadweight loss (or gain) associated with the in-kind transfer of rice.

The experiment

We conducted our experiment with respondents from 250 randomly selected households across 10 slums of Nashik city in the state of Maharashtra. We conducted three rounds of the experiment in March, May and August of 2019.

Our respondents were targeted as the adult member in each household responsible for food purchases, which were overwhelmingly women in our setting, comprising 90% of our sample. In each round, we offered respondents a choice between 5 kg of rice of PDS-comparable quality and nine alternative cash amounts ranging both below and above the going market value of rice.

At the time of the experiment, the market value of 5 kg of rice was Rs 160, and our cash offers ranged from Rs 50 to Rs 500. The 5 kg quantity of the in-kind transfer was chosen to ensure that the respondents faced an intra-marginal choice insofar as it represented less than one-third of their average monthly consumption of rice.

We incentivised the experiment by informing the respondents that we will record their choices, rice or cash, for each of the nine cash amounts. Following this, they will randomly draw one slip out of a bag with nine slips, each bearing the cash amount associated with one of the nine choices.

The experiment will then end with the respondent receiving cash or rice according to their previously recorded preference against the cash amount they had randomly drawn from the bag. Knowing that one of their nine choices will be actually implemented acts as an incentive for the respondents to be truthful about their preferences.

As the respondents were offered increasing cash amounts against 5 kg of rice, the cash option becomes increasingly attractive. Our experiment aimed to identify the switch point where the cash option becomes preferable to rice for each respondent. This switch point offers a measure of the respondent’s WTP for 5 kg of rice. The difference between the market value of rice and the WTP then offers a measure of the deadweight loss (DWL). If the difference is negative, then the respondent experiences a deadweight gain (DWG).

Findings

Given that 90% of our sample respondents were female, our results focus on the sub-sample with female respondents to avoid confounding effects of respondent’s gender, though the key findings also generalise to the full sample.

Figure 1 presents the distribution of respondent choices against each of the cash offers, pooled over all three rounds. As expected, at higher cash amounts, a greater proportion of households opt for cash rather than rice, ranging from 32% choosing cash when offered the minimum amount of Rs 50 to 85% when offered the maximum of Rs 500. This pattern holds for all three rounds.

Figure 1. Percentage of respondents choosing cash against each cash offer, pooled across rounds

Based on the choices made by respondents, we can distinguish three types: first, the “single-switch respondents” as those who made a single switch from rice to cash as higher cash amounts were offered; second, “rice-only respondents” as those who chose rice for all nine cash offers; and third, “cash-only respondents” as those who always chose cash.

Table 1 presents the estimates of WTP and DWL by respondent type. Across respondents, we find a combination of positive and negative DWL. By construction, DWL for cash-only respondents is positive and that for rice-only respondents is negative. It also turns out that cash-only respondents account for more than twice as many cases as rice-only respondents. A more striking result is that the average DWL for single-switch respondents is also negative with an estimate of Rs. -171. Also, for our sample as a whole, the average DWL is negative, that is, DWG overall, with a point estimate of Rs 192 equivalent to 12% of the market value of rice.

Table 1. Distribution of willingness to pay and deadweight loss, by respondent type

Respondent type	Number of cases	Percentage of cases	WTP***	DWL***
Respondent type	Number of cases	Percentage of cases	(Rs)	(Rs)
Cash-only	208	32.7	25	135
Single switch	341	53.5	177	-17
Rice-only	88	13.8	550	-390
All	637	100	179	-19

Notes: (i) We define WTP for rice for a respondent as the midpoint of the cash choice interval at which the respondent switched to rice to cash. (ii) DWL for respondent i is defined as where Rs 160 is the market value of 5 kg of rice. (iii) Respondents with multiple switches are not included. (iv) For rice-only respondents, we assume WTP to be Rs 550. (v) For cash-only respondents, we assume WTP to be Rs 25. (vi) *** all reported values of WTP and DWL are significant at 1% level.

Also read: The Food Divide: How Solving Nutritional Inequality Can Fuel India’s Economic Progress

The puzzle of deadweight gain: intra-household bargaining

The prevalence of DWG is widespread in our sample and is observed for about 45% of all cases. A priori, this result appears puzzling. The design of the experiment rules out transaction costs and quality differences as possible explanations for DWG. Crucially, both cash and rice are redeemed by the same process at the same local grocery shop, and the quality of rice offered was comparable to PDS rice. A lack of trust in the cash option can also be ruled out. The experiment was preceded by a pilot that was successfully implemented. Furthermore, none of the respondents reported any concerns or difficulties with redeeming the vouchers for cash or rice at the local shop.

The dimension that cannot be ruled out, however, is the role of intra-household bargaining in shaping respondent choices between cash or rice. Survey-based and qualitative evidence points to the potential role of intra-household inequality and gender in influencing the choice over in-kind or cash transfers.

If women have a given allowance for the household food budget, provision of free or subsidised rice can augment their budget more than a cash transfer that would have to be shared with men. However, this consideration is likely to be less relevant for women who have greater bargaining power in the household. This motivates us to compare women respondents in male-headed households with women respondents in female-headed households, where they would have greater bargaining power.

This comparison uncovers an important finding: women respondents in female-headed households have a significantly lower WTP for rice than those in male-headed households (Rs 151 versus Rs 190). As a result, in contrast to a DWL for women from female-headed households of Rs 9 on average (5% of the market value of rice), we observe a DWG for women from male-headed households of Rs 30 (19% of the market value of rice) (Figure 2). These differences between male- and female-headed households in WTP and deadweight loss are statistically significant.

Figure 2. Deadweight loss for respondents from male- and female-headed households (Rs)

Note: The difference between respondents from male- and female-headed is significant at 0.006.

The likelihood of choosing cash varies both by amount of cash offered as well female-headship. The right panel of Figure 3 shows that the probability of choosing cash is increasing in the cash amount for both male- and female-headed households, but is systematically higher for female-headed households at every cash option. Testing for statistical significance, we find that the marginal effects for female-headed households remain significantly higher up to the cash amount of Rs 200 though and not thereafter.

Figure 3. Marginal effects of cash amount on probability of choosing cash, for respondents from male- and female-headed households

Our main findings thus indicate that women in male-headed households (in light of their lower bargaining power) are more likely to choose rice than women in female-headed households so long as the difference between the market value of rice and the cash offer is not too large. When subject to conditions of lower bargaining power, women are willing to forgo a certain amount of cash as a strategy to protect their share of the household budget. This is the basis of the overall DWG we observe in our experiment.

We also look into a number of alternative mechanisms underlying this result including those related to learning, intra-household renegotiation, and the use of rice as a commitment device, that is, a strategy to follow through a plan when there may be pulls to deviate from it. We conclude that (i) differential learning rates for respondents by male/female headship are not empirically plausible for our setting, (ii) while there is evidence of intra-household renegotiation over the three rounds of the experiment, this renegotiation occurs for women from male-headed households, which is consistent with our bargaining power-based explanation, and (iii) while women from both male- and female-headed households report using rice as a commitment device, a higher reported rate among male-headed households also points to women’s lower bargaining power as the underlying reason for their perceived greater need for a commitment device.

Conclusion

A key finding of our research is that whether there is a DWG or DWL associated with in-kind transfer depends on the balance of bargaining power within the household. We find DWL among women respondents from female-headed households and DWG among those from households with male heads. Given that most households are male-headed, DWG dominates overall.

Most welfare programmes are designed to provide either only cash or only in-kind transfers. The existence of DWG associated with in-kind transfers, as in our experiment, does not necessarily imply that in-kind transfers must be the preferred policy option. Rather, a key policy insight of our study is that there is a case for offering respondents a choice between cash or kind. The offer of such a choice can be important for those with weaker bargaining power to sustain a measure of control over the household budget, even if for a limited period of time. Not all of the potential gains available through the choice between cash or kind may be dissipated even with a renegotiated control over the household budget.

A version of this piece first appeared on Ideas for India.

Cost of Vegetarian Thali Soars by 20% in October: Report

After a 12-month decline, the cost of a non-vegetarian thali also rose by 5%.

New Delhi: The price of a home-cooked vegetarian thali increased by 20% in October, driven primarily by a surge in vegetable prices, according to a report by rating agency Crisil. After a 12-month decline, the cost of a non-vegetarian thali also rose by 5%, according to a report in the Indian Express.

The rise in the cost of a vegetarian thali is attributed to soaring prices of key vegetables, which make up 40% of the total cost. Onion and potato prices saw sharp increases of 46% and 51% year-on-year, respectively, due to reduced supply following heavy rainfall in September. Rainfall in Maharashtra and Karnataka has delayed the onion harvest, while rabi potato stocks, which constitute 95% of annual production, are dwindling, with fresh supplies not expected until December or January, Crisil noted.

Tomato prices more than doubled from Rs 29 per kg in October 2023 to Rs 64 per kg in October 2024, as rains disrupted arrivals from Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh. However, Crisil said prices may stabilise in November as new supplies come in from Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh.

Pulses, which account for 9% of the thali cost, recorded an 11% increase due to low opening stocks and festive demand. Prices are expected to ease in December with the arrival of fresh stocks.

A reduction in fuel costs prevented a further increase in the thali price. The price of a 14.2 kg LPG cylinder in Delhi dropped from Rs 903 in September last year to Rs 803 in March this year, Crisil noted.

Also read: How Much More Are Indians Going to Pay for Tomatoes This Diwali?

The cost of a non-vegetarian thali saw a slower rise, partly due to a 9% year-on-year drop in broiler prices, which account for half the cost. However, the increase in vegetable costs, which represent about 22% of the non-veg thali, contributed to the overall rise. Vegetable oil prices also rose by 10% month-on-month in October due to increased import duty and festive demand. On a month-on-month basis, the cost of the vegetarian and non-vegetarian thalis increased by 6% and 4%, respectively.

Onions, a key ingredient, saw a 6% month-on-month rise in October, as heavy rains in Maharashtra, Karnataka, Telangana and Andhra Pradesh caused crop damage and delayed the kharif harvest by 10-15 days. Similarly, tomato prices climbed 39% month-on-month amid disrupted supply from major tomato-growing regions.

UN World Food Programme Warns of Famine in Gaza Unless Immediate Action Is Taken

This missive comes as winter approaches, and with an acute lack of food and other vital humanitarian supplies that could lead to catastrophic consequences, according to the WFP.

New Delhi: The ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza could soon escalate into famine unless immediate action is taken, the United National World Food Programme (WFP) has warned.

This missive comes as winter approaches, and with a lack of food and other vital humanitarian supplies that could lead to catastrophic consequences, according to the WFP.

Israeli lawmakers recently voted in favour of a controversial bill that would ban the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) from operating inside Israel starting next year. The UNRWA is the main humanitarian aid provider in the Gaza Strip. WFP has also expressed concern over this, calling the UNRWA a “central component.”

Expert hunger findings of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification IPC projected in October that by November, more than 90% of Gaza’s population will face severe food insecurity. A large group among them will experience emergency hunger, while others could face “catastrophic” food insecurity — the highest hunger level, the WFP noted in its statement on October 29.

Now, as the situation in northern Gaza continues to deteriorate, the likelihood of a larger group being impacted by famine will surely increase, unless conditions on the ground improve. In October, Gaza got only 5,000 metric tonnes of food which WFP recognised was just one-fifth of basic food assistance for the 1.1 million people who depend on its lifesaving support. WFP’s stocks will only last four months, it adds.

The destruction of factories, croplands and shops have led to empty markets, cutting down all methods of production of and access to food inside Gaza.

To effectively roll out meaningful operations and deliver crucial food assistance, the UN food agency has also called for more secure and functional entry points into Gaza from places where its stocks are kept, like Ashdod, Egypt, and Jordan.

Is the FSSAI’s Hands-Off Approach Poisoning our Food this Diwali?

In many parameters from ghee to spices to edible oils, the FSSAI has failed to be effective and work in the interest of consumers. The price of FSSAI’s inefficacy is paid by all of us.

The alleged mixing of animal fats in ghee used at Tirupati Temple shocked the nation. No one asked a simple question: If ghee was being contaminated on such a scale, what was the national food safety regulator, FSSAI, doing?

The entire mandate of the Food Safety & Standards Authority of India is to prevent food adulteration. But it seems they are way behind the curve in preventing food contamination of any kind. Forget street food, FSSAI has repeatedly failed to curb adulteration at all levels including big corporates.

This fact is recognised by state governments too, hence Uttar Pradesh brought a special law against contamination of food with human waste. One would imagine if a state government has had to bring a special law in 2024 just to enforce food hygiene 101 this clearly indicates that the FSSAI has failed to curb food adulteration in practice and principle.

Also read: UP to Bring in New Stringent Law Against Contamination of Food With Spit, Human Waste

Let us look at some other instances. Reportedly the UP state food inspection team caught 400 kgs of stone powder being mixed in flour in Aligarh. Stone powder is a waste product from mines and stone processing factories and often times contains highly toxic substances which may cause stomach trouble and even cancer. This was one such instance. Imagine how many more greedy mill owners are working round the clock to poison our rotis.

But its not only stone powder, our food is adulterated with urea and paint for many years now and governments have pushed the issue under the carpet. When we look at the case of milk adulteration, the trends have only gone up. From ghee to sweets, India uses a lot of milk. But if the milk is contaminated can we expect the ghee and other products to be safe?

Inflation, scarcity and greed have prompted farmers and traders to use chemicals like urea to dilute milk. Whether we look at Punjab, Gujarat, Odisha, Maharashtra, etc. it is clear that milk there is highly adulterated and governments have failed to prevent this. The hormone overload in milk products is another major problem in India.

Adulteration of milk sweets during Diwali and other festivals has become a local trend each year. Experts have pointed out improper enforcement lies at the heart of this problem. There are many examples from Modi’s Gujarat where, in the last 15 days alone, contaminated food worth Rs 6.3 crore was seized. It is difficult to estimate how much more contaminated food is floating around the country.

Now moving from the unorganised sector to big corporates. The biggest name of course is Nestle, that was reportedly selling Maggi with excessive lead in it. What penalties were imposed on them? Were millions of Indians who are Maggi during this period ever compensated? The issue is very serious as children are big consumers of Maggi and lead poisoning during childhood could seriously hamper their neurological health. But like most corporates, the polluter here escaped fair punishment.

More recently, about 800 kgs of spurious tomato sauce were seized. The fake sauce has formalin, synthetic colouring agents, arrowroot powder, etc. Keep in mind that most tomato sauce is made by big and medium scale factories, which are all regulated under FSSAI, yet due to gaps in enforcement they are being allowed to contaminate the food they produce.

When we look at FSSAI’s performance in checking adulteration in spices, it is safe to say FSSAI fails all tests. Common household spices like chilli powder, turmeric, coriander powder, etc are heavily contaminated with cancerous materials like ethylene oxide. The EU has has also raised serious concerns about chilli powder and peppercorn from India. Even big brands like MDH and Everest are under scrutiny for mixing carcinogenic substances. Many Indian spice consignments are rejected each year from the USA, EU and other developed countries due to their toxicity.

Still, the FSSAI and the government are shying away from punishing the culprits and saving the health of Indians. Spices are an everyday item of consumption and many ailments are also treated with these household spices. If manufacturers are allowed to sell adulterated spices, public health will be a major casualty.

The last instance of FSSAI’s questionable scientific position I will talk about is the cottonseed oil. Contrary to scientific studies, the FSSAI allows for free blending of GM cottonseed oil in all our food and vegetable oils. They treat GM cottonseed oil the same as natural cottonseed oil. This is wrong on many fronts. First, it is allowing for GMOs to enter our bodies through oil even though India doesn’t allow GM food crops. Second, instead of insisting on true labelling, FSSAI is duping the consumer. It is taking away our right to know if our food has GM ingredients or not. In most EU countries and other developed nations, cottonseed oil will either not be allowed to enter their food systems or will carry a clear warning or label indicating that a particular food item has GMOs. The FSSAI brushes the issue in a haughty manner, playing to the GM lobbyists’ tune. If one analyses the biosafety documents for BT cotton at the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change, we find they are based on Monsanto data and the safety data is also provided by Monsanto and FSSAI has not conducted any tests to verify biosafety independently.

So, in many parameters from ghee to spices to edible oils, the FSSAI has failed to be effective and work in the interest of consumers. The price of FSSAI’s inefficacy is paid by all of us. It is time FSSAI takes its mandate seriously.

Indra Shekhar Singh is an independent agri-policy analyst and writer. He was the former director for policy and outreach at NSAI. He also hosts The Wire’s agriculture talk show, Krishi ki Baat/Farm Talks. He tweets at @indrassingh.

This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.

The Food Divide: How Solving Nutritional Inequality Can Fuel India’s Economic Progress

Gender-based inequalities in nutrition access widen the education gap and limits women’s participation in the workforce.

In a recent meeting with World Bank officials, former Union minister for women Smriti Irani discussed the need for gender equality in the Global South. She spoke about women-driven development in areas like education, healthcare and economic empowerment.

However, while she accepted the requirement for a cultural shift towards women, she failed to explain the mechanism through which this could be achieved. Her initiatives were largely policy-driven. But cultural attitudes, which are often significant barriers in achieving gender equality, were left unaddressed. Without strategies targeting those deep-rooted cultural norms, the impact of the policies may well be restricted.

One of the ways in which these cultural barriers manifest is through unequal access to nutrition between boys and girls. A study by economists Seema Jayachandran and Rohini Pande published in 2017 states that boys tend to receive larger and more nutritious portions of food in comparison to girls as it is believed that boys are more likely to act as the primary provider in the family.

A Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report underscores “Gendered norms revolve around who has control over property rights, land, and other resources further affect food access. Women and girls have limited control and means to purchase and consume healthy food for them, hence they are susceptible to the diets of their household members, mainly their husbands and in-laws (sic).” Moreover, some cultural norms also prohibit women’s entry into the kitchen or having particular meals during menstruation.

Thus, gender-based inequalities in access to nutrition continue to exist in India despite the state’s commitment to gender equality.

What does the data reveal?

The highly inequitable food distribution within families brings severe health repercussions in girls in the form of anaemia, stunted growth and deficiencies in the basic needs of a female body, such as iron, protein and vitamins. The National Family Health Survey data (NFHS-4 and NFHS-5), for instance, indicate that 54-59% of girls within the age group of 15-19 years are anaemic as opposed to 29-31% boys in the same group.

Anaemia combined with poor nutrition and menstruation contributes to chronic fatigue and inability to concentrate, impacting girls’ academic outcomes.

NFHS-4 and NFHS-5 surveys (2015-16 and 2019-21) also revealed that intra-household food discrimination often means that girls do not consume many food items that carry high iron content, such as meat, green leafy vegetables and pulses. Nutritional inequality is the main cause of anaemia, an iron deficiency.

More importantly, despite programs like the Anaemia Mukt Bharat (AMB) being introduced, girls still aren’t well informed about their body’s specific nutritional needs.

Several studies in recent years have shown that anaemic girls are significantly more likely to miss school and less likely to accomplish cognitive tasks than others, thereby further expanding the gender gap in education.

The link between menstruation, nutritional inequality and education

A study published in the American Journal of Clinical Nutrition shows that girls who experienced iron deficiencies were significantly more likely to struggle in maths and reading, underscoring the vital link between nutrition and cognitive development. Persistent stunting was also associated with lower proficiency in these subjects among boys and girls.

Poor menstrual hygiene and cultural taboos surrounding menstruation also contribute to absenteeism in school. A 2015 report by Dasra and USAID on menstrual health in India revealed that at least 23% of girls permanently leave school upon reaching puberty. For those who already suffer from anaemia, menstruation during puberty makes their condition worse, thereby intensifying fatigue and impairing girls’ academic performance.

This vicious cycle of bad nutrition, anaemia and menstrual challenges are some of the reasons why the educational gender gap persists in India. A meta-analysis of 64 studies examining school absenteeism linked to menstruation found that approximately one in four girls missed one or more school days during their menstrual periods. The reasons for absenteeism varied significantly by region. Common causes included physical discomfort or menstrual pain, inadequate water and hygiene facilities, lack of disposal options for menstrual products in school toilets, fear of staining clothes and restrictions imposed by family members or teachers.

The Indian government has launched various programmes, such as the AMB scheme, which aim to reduce anaemia by providing iron supplements and promoting dietary diversity among women and children.The mid day meal scheme, which delivers free food to a vast number of school children, has also played a very important role in enhancing nutrition outcomes among girls.

However, while these programs have made some progress, they still suffer from significant shortcomings. Deep-seated cultural biases that favour boys continue to exist, especially in rural areas, where food allocation often reflects and perpetuates the more extreme discriminatory practices.

A 2022 report by Concern Worldwide highlights that several patriarchal practices contribute to women being more likely to experience hunger than men. In many cultures, men are given priority during mealtimes. When food is scarce, women often reduce their intake or skip meals altogether to ensure that their partners and children receive enough to eat. In some instances, they do not have a say in this decision.

How can women’s nutrition outcomes fuel India’s economic progress?

In his book, An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions, Nobel laureate Amartya Sen highlights that countries with higher female participation in policy-making see better health outcomes and improved nutritional standards. He argues that empowering women often leads to greater household spending on health and education, which in turn drives significant social benefits.

Another study by McKinsey & Company and World Bank Open Knowledge estimates that a 10% rise in women’s labour force participation could contribute an additional $2.5 trillion to India’s GDP.

India needs not only policy interventions but also significant cultural transformations. To fully harness the potential of girls and women, it is imperative to address the systemic gender biases that sustain nutritional inequity.

Eliminating this gender-biased caregiving will be a strategic step toward an environment where children of both genders have an equal chance to thrive and contribute to the development of the nation.

Nimshi Lal and Rahul Sharma are Teaching Fellows of Economics at KREA University, Andhra Pradesh

A Pond in the Backyard: Odisha Women Secure Nutrition and Income With Fish Farming

India is the third-largest aquaculture producer in the world, but social and cultural barriers often exclude women from it. But in Odisha, rural women are beginning to use ponds in their backyards to secure nutrition, income, and dignity.