Category: Food

Is the FSSAI’s Hands-Off Approach Poisoning our Food this Diwali?

In many parameters from ghee to spices to edible oils, the FSSAI has failed to be effective and work in the interest of consumers. The price of FSSAI’s inefficacy is paid by all of us.

The alleged mixing of animal fats in ghee used at Tirupati Temple shocked the nation. No one asked a simple question: If ghee was being contaminated on such a scale, what was the national food safety regulator, FSSAI, doing?

The entire mandate of the Food Safety & Standards Authority of India is to prevent food adulteration. But it seems they are way behind the curve in preventing food contamination of any kind. Forget street food, FSSAI has repeatedly failed to curb adulteration at all levels including big corporates.

This fact is recognised by state governments too, hence Uttar Pradesh brought a special law against contamination of food with human waste. One would imagine if a state government has had to bring a special law in 2024 just to enforce food hygiene 101 this clearly indicates that the FSSAI has failed to curb food adulteration in practice and principle.

Also read: UP to Bring in New Stringent Law Against Contamination of Food With Spit, Human Waste

Let us look at some other instances. Reportedly the UP state food inspection team caught 400 kgs of stone powder being mixed in flour in Aligarh. Stone powder is a waste product from mines and stone processing factories and often times contains highly toxic substances which may cause stomach trouble and even cancer. This was one such instance. Imagine how many more greedy mill owners are working round the clock to poison our rotis.

But its not only stone powder, our food is adulterated with urea and paint for many years now and governments have pushed the issue under the carpet. When we look at the case of milk adulteration, the trends have only gone up. From ghee to sweets, India uses a lot of milk. But if the milk is contaminated can we expect the ghee and other products to be safe?

Inflation, scarcity and greed have prompted farmers and traders to use chemicals like urea to dilute milk. Whether we look at Punjab, Gujarat, Odisha, Maharashtra, etc. it is clear that milk there is highly adulterated and governments have failed to prevent this. The hormone overload in milk products is another major problem in India.

Adulteration of milk sweets during Diwali and other festivals has become a local trend each year. Experts have pointed out improper enforcement lies at the heart of this problem. There are many examples from Modi’s Gujarat where, in the last 15 days alone, contaminated food worth Rs 6.3 crore was seized. It is difficult to estimate how much more contaminated food is floating around the country.

Now moving from the unorganised sector to big corporates. The biggest name of course is Nestle, that was reportedly selling Maggi with excessive lead in it. What penalties were imposed on them? Were millions of Indians who are Maggi during this period ever compensated? The issue is very serious as children are big consumers of Maggi and lead poisoning during childhood could seriously hamper their neurological health. But like most corporates, the polluter here escaped fair punishment.

More recently, about 800 kgs of spurious tomato sauce were seized. The fake sauce has formalin, synthetic colouring agents, arrowroot powder, etc. Keep in mind that most tomato sauce is made by big and medium scale factories, which are all regulated under FSSAI, yet due to gaps in enforcement they are being allowed to contaminate the food they produce.

When we look at FSSAI’s performance in checking adulteration in spices, it is safe to say FSSAI fails all tests. Common household spices like chilli powder, turmeric, coriander powder, etc are heavily contaminated with cancerous materials like ethylene oxide. The EU has has also raised serious concerns about chilli powder and peppercorn from India. Even big brands like MDH and Everest are under scrutiny for mixing carcinogenic substances. Many Indian spice consignments are rejected each year from the USA, EU and other developed countries due to their toxicity.

Still, the FSSAI and the government are shying away from punishing the culprits and saving the health of Indians. Spices are an everyday item of consumption and many ailments are also treated with these household spices. If manufacturers are allowed to sell adulterated spices, public health will be a major casualty.

The last instance of FSSAI’s questionable scientific position I will talk about is the cottonseed oil. Contrary to scientific studies, the FSSAI allows for free blending of GM cottonseed oil in all our food and vegetable oils. They treat GM cottonseed oil the same as natural cottonseed oil. This is wrong on many fronts. First, it is allowing for GMOs to enter our bodies through oil even though India doesn’t allow GM food crops. Second, instead of insisting on true labelling, FSSAI is duping the consumer. It is taking away our right to know if our food has GM ingredients or not. In most EU countries and other developed nations, cottonseed oil will either not be allowed to enter their food systems or will carry a clear warning or label indicating that a particular food item has GMOs. The FSSAI brushes the issue in a haughty manner, playing to the GM lobbyists’ tune. If one analyses the biosafety documents for BT cotton at the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change, we find they are based on Monsanto data and the safety data is also provided by Monsanto and FSSAI has not conducted any tests to verify biosafety independently.

So, in many parameters from ghee to spices to edible oils, the FSSAI has failed to be effective and work in the interest of consumers. The price of FSSAI’s inefficacy is paid by all of us. It is time FSSAI takes its mandate seriously.

Indra Shekhar Singh is an independent agri-policy analyst and writer. He was the former director for policy and outreach at NSAI. He also hosts The Wire’s agriculture talk show, Krishi ki Baat/Farm Talks. He tweets at @indrassingh.

This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.

The Food Divide: How Solving Nutritional Inequality Can Fuel India’s Economic Progress

Gender-based inequalities in nutrition access widen the education gap and limits women’s participation in the workforce.

In a recent meeting with World Bank officials, former Union minister for women Smriti Irani discussed the need for gender equality in the Global South. She spoke about women-driven development in areas like education, healthcare and economic empowerment.

However, while she accepted the requirement for a cultural shift towards women, she failed to explain the mechanism through which this could be achieved. Her initiatives were largely policy-driven. But cultural attitudes, which are often significant barriers in achieving gender equality, were left unaddressed. Without strategies targeting those deep-rooted cultural norms, the impact of the policies may well be restricted.

One of the ways in which these cultural barriers manifest is through unequal access to nutrition between boys and girls. A study by economists Seema Jayachandran and Rohini Pande published in 2017 states that boys tend to receive larger and more nutritious portions of food in comparison to girls as it is believed that boys are more likely to act as the primary provider in the family.

A Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report underscores “Gendered norms revolve around who has control over property rights, land, and other resources further affect food access. Women and girls have limited control and means to purchase and consume healthy food for them, hence they are susceptible to the diets of their household members, mainly their husbands and in-laws (sic).” Moreover, some cultural norms also prohibit women’s entry into the kitchen or having particular meals during menstruation.

Thus, gender-based inequalities in access to nutrition continue to exist in India despite the state’s commitment to gender equality.  

What does the data reveal?

The highly inequitable food distribution within families brings severe health repercussions in girls in the form of anaemia, stunted growth and deficiencies in the basic needs of a female body, such as iron, protein and vitamins. The National Family Health Survey data (NFHS-4 and NFHS-5), for instance, indicate that 54-59% of girls within the age group of 15-19 years are anaemic as opposed to 29-31% boys in the same group.

Anaemia combined with poor nutrition and menstruation contributes to chronic fatigue and inability to concentrate, impacting girls’ academic outcomes.

NFHS-4 and NFHS-5 surveys (2015-16 and 2019-21) also revealed that intra-household food discrimination often means that girls do not consume many food items that carry high iron content, such as meat, green leafy vegetables and pulses. Nutritional inequality is the main cause of anaemia, an iron deficiency.

More importantly, despite programs like the Anaemia Mukt Bharat (AMB) being introduced, girls still aren’t well informed about their body’s specific nutritional needs.

Several studies in recent years have shown that anaemic girls are significantly more likely to miss school and less likely to accomplish cognitive tasks than others, thereby further expanding the gender gap in education.

The link between menstruation, nutritional inequality and education

A study published in the American Journal of Clinical Nutrition shows that girls who experienced iron deficiencies were significantly more likely to struggle in maths and reading, underscoring the vital link between nutrition and cognitive development. Persistent stunting was also associated with lower proficiency in these subjects among boys and girls.

Poor menstrual hygiene and cultural taboos surrounding menstruation also contribute to absenteeism in school. A 2015 report by Dasra and USAID on menstrual health in India revealed that at least 23% of girls permanently leave school upon reaching puberty. For those who already suffer from anaemia, menstruation during puberty makes their condition worse, thereby intensifying fatigue and impairing girls’ academic performance.

This vicious cycle of bad nutrition, anaemia and menstrual challenges are some of the reasons why the educational gender gap persists in India. A meta-analysis of 64 studies examining school absenteeism linked to menstruation found that approximately one in four girls missed one or more school days during their menstrual periods. The reasons for absenteeism varied significantly by region. Common causes included physical discomfort or menstrual pain, inadequate water and hygiene facilities, lack of disposal options for menstrual products in school toilets, fear of staining clothes and restrictions imposed by family members or teachers.

The Indian government has launched various programmes, such as the AMB scheme, which aim to reduce anaemia by providing iron supplements and promoting dietary diversity among women and children.The mid day meal scheme, which delivers free food to a vast number of school children, has also played a very important role in enhancing nutrition outcomes among girls.

However, while these programs have made some progress, they still suffer from significant shortcomings. Deep-seated cultural biases that favour boys continue to exist, especially in rural areas, where food allocation often reflects and perpetuates the more extreme discriminatory practices.

A 2022 report by Concern Worldwide highlights that several patriarchal practices contribute to women being more likely to experience hunger than men. In many cultures, men are given priority during mealtimes. When food is scarce, women often reduce their intake or skip meals altogether to ensure that their partners and children receive enough to eat. In some instances, they do not have a say in this decision.

How can women’s nutrition outcomes fuel India’s economic progress?

In his book, An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions, Nobel laureate Amartya Sen highlights that countries with higher female participation in policy-making see better health outcomes and improved nutritional standards. He argues that empowering women often leads to greater household spending on health and education, which in turn drives significant social benefits.

Another study by McKinsey & Company and World Bank Open Knowledge estimates that a 10% rise in women’s labour force participation could contribute an additional $2.5 trillion to India’s GDP.

India needs not only policy interventions but also significant cultural transformations. To fully harness the potential of girls and women, it is imperative to address the systemic gender biases that sustain nutritional inequity.

Eliminating this gender-biased caregiving will be a strategic step toward an environment where children of both genders have an equal chance to thrive and contribute to the development of the nation.

Nimshi Lal and Rahul Sharma are Teaching Fellows of Economics at KREA University, Andhra Pradesh

A Pond in the Backyard: ​​Odisha Women Secure Nutrition and Income With Fish Farming

India is the third-largest aquaculture producer in the world, but social and cultural barriers often exclude women from it. But in Odisha, rural women are beginning to use ponds in their backyards to secure nutrition, income, and dignity.

What Prompted Chandrababu Naidu’s Sudden Claims on ‘Contaminated’ Tirupati Laddus? 

The apparently contaminated laddus of Tirupati was clearly  a local governance failure of the temple authorities. But for some reason it assumed a communal colour at the national level.

Those familiar with Chandrababu Naidu and his politics were quite shocked at the manner in which the Andhra CM kicked up a storm around ‘contaminated’ laddus offered as “prasadam” to millions of devotees visiting the famous Tirupathi temple. Being a seasoned politician, Naidu would have known that making a definitive claim that beef tallow and other animal fats were mixed with ghee to make the Tirupati laddus would surely create a communally charged debate in the country.

The Deputy Chief Minister, Pawan Kalyan, went ten steps ahead and demanded a national forum for the protection of Sanatan Dharma! One doesn’t know how this giant leap from contaminated laddus to the need for protection of Sanatan Dharma occurred so fast. For good measure, Pawan Kalyan added if such a thing had happened in a mosque there would be an uproar in the country. Well, Kalyan should know that a 15th century mosque was replaced by a temple not so long ago without much uproar. Those with the insatiable capacity to create any uproar hold all the levers of power today.

The apparently contaminated laddus of Tirupati was clearly a local governance failure of the temple authorities. But for some reason it assumed a communal colour at the national level. The samples of the ghee, from a Tamil Nadu based supplier, AR Dairy Private Ltd, were tested and there is only a slight suspicion of some foreign fat content which is not confirmed yet, according to an IAS officer currently heading the temple administration. In no time the Hindutva ecosystem had begun speculating about AR Dairy’s alleged Muslim antecedents on social media. This is what Naidu and Pawan Kalyan had unleashed in no time.

Writing in The Print, author and journalist, Kapil Komireddy, said ,”The charade which Chandrababu Naidu is orchestrating around the Tirupati temple is the most repugnant act of his public life. Those who have known him are flabbergasted by his transformation into a noxious trafficker of communalism”.

Very strong words coming from someone who has known Chandrababu Naidu much before his alliance with BJP in the run up to the Lok Sabha elections. It is well known that Naidu joined the BJP only to save himself from the criminal cases launched by his arch rival Jagan Reddy who as the CM of Andhra had put Naidu behind bars in 2023. Needless to add that the Centre too had actively helped Jagan Reddy build a case against Naidu. Modi has been playing both ways. Even now, in the middle of this controversy, the PM seems to be playing both sides.

Also read: Did Tirupati Devotees Consume Non-Vegetarian Laddus?

But what is truly baffling to many political observers is that Naidu and his deputy Pawan Kalyan, both of whom have stayed away from divisive politics in the past, should start sounding like some seasoned mouthpieces of the Sangh Parivar. What is the compulsion for them to do this now? Especially when divisive majoritarian politics seems to have hit a plateau of sorts in the northern states like Uttar Pradesh, as was shown in the recent Lok Sabha elections.

Naidu’s spokespersons say his intention was to merely expose former CM of Andhra Jagan Reddy under whose administration things deteriorated in the running of Tirupati Temple affairs. Here again a communal twist is sought to be given by suggesting that Jagan Reddy , a practising Christian himself, had appointed another Christian politician as Chairman of the Tirupathi board of trustees. If this is true then the question to be asked is why so many BJP members agreed to become members of the Tirupati board under Jagan Reddy’s rule. Indeed, Jagan was also actively supporting the Modi government as a de facto ally all those years and even helped the BJP pass critical laws in the Lok Sabha.

So the Modi government cannot afford to throw Jagan under the bus now just because Chandrababu Naidu wants to avenge his predecessor for sending him to jail.

Indeed Naidu and his deputy Pawan Kalyan may have overplayed their cards by lending a communal hue to the Tirupati controversy. The debate has spread to the northern states where assorted characters of the Sangh ecosystem are fulminating against the minorities when the Muslims have nothing to do with what is happening in Tirupati.

Some say the controversy might help the BJP in the elections in Haryana and Maharashtra but that seems a far cry because by all accounts issues of livelihood dominate the elections in both the states where the BJP is firmly on the backfoot. Generally, the issue of Thirupati does not seem to be resonating at all beyond the Hindutva ecosystem which is trying to milk the issue.

In the southern states too this issue is hardly getting any traction. As The Hindu recently reported, the thousands of devotees who visit the temple every day continue to do so and accept the laddus with the same fervour as before. They are not responding to Naidu’s alarmist claims.

The only way forward for the CM of Andhra Pradesh is to honestly come out and do some damage control by treating the issue for what it is: a simple administrative lapse in procuring large amounts of ghee from multiple sources across India. Naidu has set up a Special Investigation Team to probe the matter. He will be well advised to let the SIT do a professional job. He must refrain from the temptation to politicise the SIT investigation. His focus must remain on what he has promised the people of Andhra Pradesh on the development front. That should be his real priority.

This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.

Did Tirupati Devotees Consume Non-Vegetarian Laddus?

Despite Chandrababu Naidu’s political allegations, all evidence points toward the use of plant-based adulterants rather than animal fats.

Since Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu alleged on September 18 that animal fat was used in preparing the famous Tirupati laddu during Jagan Mohan Reddy’s time in government, a burning question has emerged: Did crores of devotees unknowingly consume non-vegetarian laddus?

The allegation sent shockwaves through the devotee community, raising both spiritual and health concerns. Neither the NDA government nor the Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams (TTD), the trust managing the temple, has provided a satisfactory answer to this pressing concern.

This convenient equivocation has sparked widespread confusion in traditional and digital media, particularly on social platforms where misleading and concerted communal narratives are being actively propagated, fuelled by the Hindutva ecosystem. Circulating images of unverified lab reports, purportedly proving the use of animal fat in the ghee for laddu preparation, have lent several questionable narratives a veneer of scientific legitimacy.

Despite this, dairy scientists have independently clarified that the fatty acid profile is more consistent with plant or vegetable oils. Furthermore, the show cause notice issued to AR Dairy Food Private Limited only alleges adulteration with plant-based oils, citing the presence of β-sitosterol – a plant sterol – rather than animal fats.

TTD’s conflicting press conferences

Two separate press conferences by the TTD executive officer referenced the same National Dairy Development Board CALF report, which revealed ghee adulteration with plant-based oils rather than animal fats. CALF is the Centre for Analysis and learning in Livestock and Food.

However, executive officer J. Shyamala Rao drew different inferences from the report in each conference – initially identifying vegetable fat adulteration, but later citing dangerously low ‘S’ values suggestive of animal fats. Dairy scientists clarified that the fatty acid profile was more consistent with plant oils like coconut and palm oil. Meanwhile, ghee traders confirmed that plant-based adulteration is common, as cheaper oils are often used to cut costs, making animal fat adulteration unlikely. 

On July 24, J. Shyamala Rao held a press conference to address concerns about the laddu’s quality. He revealed that an National Accreditation Board for Testing and Calibration Laboratories (NABL) test had uncovered one supplier providing ghee adulterated with vegetable fat. As a result, one of the five suppliers was blacklisted for failing to meet quality standards. Action was taken against another company, with show cause notices issued to two suppliers in total.

At the same press conference, Rao acknowledged that TTD currently lacks a device for testing ghee quality, though plans are in motion to acquire one soon. He highlighted ongoing challenges in procuring raw materials and ghee for the laddu prasadam. To bolster quality control, TTD has formed a committee of dairy experts – dubbed the “Ghee Committee” – comprising Dr. Mahadevan from Bengaluru, Dr. Surendranath, Dr. Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy from Hyderabad, and professor Swarna Latha. This committee’s primary task will be to assess the ghee’s quality, with a particular focus on its aroma and overall integrity.

Lab tests revealed significant adulteration, but rather than animal fats, the tests suggested the use of cheaper vegetable oils, complicating Naidu’s allegation.

On September 20, J. Shyamala Rao held another press conference two days after Naidu’s allegations about the quality of ghee supplied to the temple. Following complaints about the poor quality of laddus, TTD had sent ghee samples to the NDDB in Gujarat for analysis. The results revealed that four out of 10 tankers from Tamil Nadu-based AR Dairy Food Private Limited – one of TTD’s five contracted suppliers – were highly adulterated. This led to the rejection of these shipments and the blacklisting of the supplier.

Citing the NDDB report, Rao highlighted that the ghee’s ‘S’ value – a key quality indicator – was alarmingly low at 19.72, far below the required standard of 98.68 to 104.32 indicating it contained dangerously high levels of foreign fats, including fish oil, beef tallow, and lard, as revealed by the lab tests. 

Also read: How the Tirupati Laddu Lent Itself to Politics

Analysing fatty acid profiles and adulteration claims

Interestingly, the NABL report Rao referenced in the July 24 press conference is the same NDDB-CALF report he mentioned in the September 20 press conference. The NABL is India’s primary accreditation body for laboratories. The NDDB, established by an Act of Parliament, operates under the Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry and Dairying. NDDB’s CALF in Anand is a multidisciplinary analytical laboratory. In 2013, CALF received ISO/IEC 17025 accreditation from NABL, validating its competence and reliability.

The Wire has obtained access to this five-page NDDB-CALF report (plus annexure). The report details the results of a chemical analysis conducted by NDDB CALF Ltd. on a ghee sample labelled “TN02BB 2070”.

The analysis revealed key findings about the ghee’s fatty acid composition and adulteration tests, marked with # in the report. The Free Fatty Acid (Oleic Acid) level was 0.440%, well below the FSSAI maximum limit of 2.000%. Milk Fat content measured 99.618%, surpassing the minimum requirement of 99.500% set by IS 3509:1966. The Butyro Refractometer reading of 43.400 fell within the acceptable range of 40.000–44.000. Adulteration tests yielded negative results for both the Baudouin Test (no sesame oil detected) and the Mineral Oil Test (no mineral oil contamination found).

However, the analysis identified several fatty acids outside the specified ranges: Lauric Acid at 11.713% (permissible range: 1.500–4.000%), Palmitic Acid at 39.462% (exceeding the 38.000% upper limit), and Linoleic Acid at 5.538% (acceptable range: 0.500–3.500%). Other parameters showed a Moisture Content of 0.124%, well within the maximum limit of 0.500%. The Saponification Value of 241.952 exceeded the specified maximum of 235.000, suggesting the presence of fats with lower molecular weights than expected.

Understanding ghee composition and adulteration

A dairy scientist based in Canada, speaking to The Wire on condition of anonymity, confirmed that analysing the fatty acid profile can help assess the possibility of ghee adulteration with animal fat. “While animal fats, particularly beef tallow or pork lard, have distinct fatty acid compositions, the report does not provide conclusive evidence to either confirm or rule out this type of adulteration,” she said.

Expanding on the report’s inconclusive findings, she explained, “Lauric acid, commonly found in tropical oils like coconut oil, was detected in high amounts, making plant oils a more likely adulterant than animal fats. Similarly, palmitic acid, which is common in both dairy and animal fats, exceeded the permissible limit. However, this alone does not specifically indicate animal fat adulteration, as palmitic acid could come from either source.”

She further explained, “Ghee, derived from cow’s milk, is rich in short-chain fatty acids like butyric acid. The report shows that butyric acid was below the limit of quantification (LOQ), which could raise suspicions. However, if animal fats were present, we would expect to see more significant differences in other key fatty acids, such as stearic and oleic acids.”

“These two fatty acids are common in both animal and dairy fats. Stearic acid at 9.614% is within the expected range for ghee (8.000–19.000%), which suggests there is not a high amount of animal fat, as tallow and lard have higher stearic acid content. Oleic acid at 26.302% also falls within the expected range for ghee (19.000–32.000%).”

“The Reichert-Meissl Value (RM) is 29.010, well above the minimum limit of 24.000. While a low RM value could indicate the presence of non-dairy fats, such as animal fats, the high RM value here suggests that the sample contains a significant amount of dairy fat. The Polenske Value is 1.700, within the range of 0.500–2.000. This value helps distinguish animal fats from dairy fats, and the result does not raise any red flags for animal fat adulteration.”

Show Cause Notice: Allegations of Plant-Based Adulteration

The Wire also obtained access to the show cause notice issued by the TTD to AR Dairy Food Private Limited on July 27. The notice cites the lab test report from NDDB CALF Ltd. dated July 23, 2024.

The show cause notice does not accuse AR Dairy of adding animal fats to the ghee. Rather, it alleges adulteration with plant-based oils, citing the presence of β-sitosterol – a plant sterol. This evidence points to the addition of vegetable fats, not animal fats. The abnormalities in the fatty acid profile, particularly the high levels of Lauric and Linoleic Acids, also align with the use of vegetable oils such as coconut or palm oil, rather than animal fats.

The show cause notice raises objections on three parameters: saponification value, presence of β-sitosterol, and milk fat purity. “The saponification value of 249.644, which is outside the permissible range, suggests the presence of non-milk or foreign fats, indicating adulteration. Additionally, the high β-sitosterol value of 167.895 mg/kg, which should be absent in pure cow ghee, strongly indicates possible adulteration with vegetable oils, as β-sitosterol is a plant sterol commonly found in plant oils,” Velugoti Padmanabha Reddy told The Wire. 

Reddy is the vice-chancellor of Sri Venkateswara Veterinary University, Tirupati, and a distinguished veterinarian, and renowned dairy and food safety researcher with over 35 years of multidisciplinary professional experience.

Also read: Explained: Chandrababu Naidu, the Tirupati Laddu, and Why the Fat Is in the Fire

He emphasised that the milk fat content was 99.618%, exceeding the required 99.5%. “Achieving 100% purity is virtually impossible,” he explained. “The standard for ghee is 99.5% milk fat, with the remaining 0.5% allowance for moisture and vitamins. In this case, the moisture content was a mere 0.124%, well below the permitted 0.5% – a clear indicator of good quality in that aspect.”

The show cause notice clearly does not accuse AR Dairy Food Private Limited of adding animal fats to the ghee. Rather, it alleges adulteration with plant-based oils, citing the presence of β-sitosterol – a plant sterol. This evidence points to the addition of vegetable fats, not animal fats. The abnormalities in the fatty acid profile, particularly the high levels of Lauric and Linoleic Acids, also align with the use of vegetable oils such as coconut or palm oil, rather than animal fats.

Misinterpretation of results: The complexity of ghee testing

When asked about EO Syamala Rao’s claim that the ghee’s ‘S’ value was dangerously low at 19.72, Reddy explained that these values come from highly sophisticated tests. “The fatty acid test is extremely complex and typically reserved for research, not routine analysis. It’s also quite expensive,” he noted. 

“The ‘S value’ actually refers to the separation value. In chromatography, when you have a sample with, say, 25 acids, these compounds separate and travel at different rates, indicating their nature. It’s not saponification, but separation. Many people are misinterpreting it as the saponification value,” he clarified.

He cautions that these sophisticated chromatographic tests can produce false positives due to trace amounts of foreign substances. “With such advanced chromatographic separation, the chance of false positives at these levels is quite high. That’s why annexure-1 outlines the conditions under which these false positives might occur,” he explained. “These cutting-edge testing methods can be incredibly sensitive, often detecting minute traces that don’t necessarily affect the product’s overall quality or safety.”

Furthermore, he elaborated: “Consider this analogy: if someone claimed that breast milk contains pesticides, would you believe it? In reality, pesticides can be present in extremely minute quantities. Sophisticated chromatography tests might detect these trace amounts. Most people would dismiss the idea of pesticides in breast milk. However, if you send a sample to a high-tech laboratory for chromatographic testing, they might detect traces of pesticides, microplastics, or heavy metals. Does this mean breast milk is contaminated? I believe they’re essentially taking a minuscule finding and blowing it out of proportion.”

Ghee traders weigh in

The Wire also reached out to multiple ghee traders who confirmed that ghee is one of the most adulterated substances. “Ghee is generally mixed with vegetable oils or vanaspati for two reasons,” Nirbhay Doshi, a former ghee trader from Ahmedabad, told The Wire. “First, they’re usually cheaper than animal fats like beef tallow or fish oil. Second, while animal fats might maintain a similar flavour and texture, the aroma is a dead giveaway. Fish oil, in particular, can be easily detected by its distinct smell in the ghee.”

The Ghee Committee’s draft report, submitted to the TTD executive officer in early September and first accessed by news organisation South First, acknowledges sensory testing as crucial for quality control. This method assesses the ghee’s organoleptic properties—aroma, flavour, and texture. However, the report also highlights this approach’s inherent subjectivity.

“It’s virtually impossible for ghee adulterated with animal fats, especially fish oil, to pass TTD’s sensory testing, given the institution’s experience and carefully selected team,” Prof. Reddy told The Wire. “The aroma of the ghee is so well-known to both TTD and devotees that even the slightest change would raise suspicion.”  

When asked about reassuring the millions of devotees, he categorically stated, “There’s no need to worry. TTD’s practices are safe, and devotees can have full confidence in them.” Despite Naidu’s political allegations, all evidence points toward the use of plant-based adulterants rather than animal fats, offering some relief to devotees concerned about the sanctity of their offerings. 

To Address Food Adulteration, Adityanath Renews Push for Eatery Owners’ Names to Be Displayed

The UP CM’s fresh directions to his officials came in the backdrop of at least four incidents over the last two weeks in UP where food stall staff or juice centres were accused of allegedly contaminating edible items with human waste or spit.

New Delhi: Uttar Pradesh chief minister Adityanath has instructed officials to ensure that the names and addresses of the operators, proprietors and managers of eateries in the state are prominently displayed at the establishment. If necessary, the Food Safety and Standards Act, which deals with the subject, could also be amended, Adityanath told officials at a high-level review meeting on September 24.

This is not the first time this year that Adityanath has issued directives requiring food sellers to display the names of their owners at their eateries. During the recent Kanwar Yatra, his government had mandated that food sellers display the names and identities of their owners at their eateries along the Kanwar Yatra route. The Supreme Court, however, put a stay on that controversial move, which many believed was a blatant act of communal identification and discrimination.

Adityanath’s fresh directions to his officials came in the backdrop of at least four incidents over the last two weeks in UP where food stall staff or juice centres were accused of and penalised for allegedly contaminating edible items such as juice and rotis with human waste or spit.

On September 19, while opening a three-storey ‘floating restaurant’ in Gorakhpur, Adityanath made a cheeky reference to these incidents, without naming the accused or revealing their identity.

“It’s good, at least what you get here won’t be the juice from Hapur. You won’t get rotis with spit on them. Whatever you get here, will be pure,” said Adityanath, to loud claps and a cheer of ‘Jai Jai Shri Ram’ from the audience.

Though Adityanath mentioned Hapur, he was probably referring to an incident in Ghaziabad where two persons – the juice stall owner and a minor who worked there – were arrested on September 13 for allegedly contaminating juice with human urine. The arrested accused was identified as one Aamir.

Additional Commissioner of Police, Ankur Vihar, Ghaziabad, Bhaskar Verma said that after some locals brought the matter to their notice, local police inspected the juice stall and found a can filled with one litre of human urine. Hindustan Times reported that the accused Aamir explained to police that since there was no place near his stall to urinate, he has been storing the urine in a plastic bottle. However, the police was not convinced by his reply. “The stall owner didn’t give a satisfactory reply,” said officer Verma.

An FIR was lodged in the case for charges related to adulteration of food or drink intended for sale, sale of noxious food or drink and malignant act likely to spread infection of disease dangerous to life.

In another incident, on September 7, police in Gautam Buddha Nagar arrested a restaurant employee, identified as Chand, for allegedly spitting on rotis while making them at the eatery. The act was allegedly caught on video and widely shared on social media. The first information report invoked charges related to negligent act likely to spread infection of disease dangerous to life, malignant act likely to spread infection of disease dangerous to life and disobedience to order duly promulgated by public servant causing danger to human life, health or safety.

A similar incident was reported in Saharanpur on September 10, where a minor boy was arrested for allegedly spitting on rotis while he was making them. The restaurant where the boy worked was also sealed by the food safety department, said police.

A case was registered in the matter for promoting enmity between different grounds on the grounds of religion, etc.

Another incident was reported in Shamli, also in west UP, on September 23 when a juice vendor was arrested for allegedly spitting into the mosambi (sweet lime) juice while he was squeezing the fruit with a hand-operated juicer. A short clip of the incident was shared on social media. The accused was identified as Asif, aged 20.

In his review meeting with officials of the Food Safety and Drug Administration department, Adityanath mentioned that incidents had been reported from different corners of the country where edible items such as juice, dal and roti were contaminated with “human waste, non-edible items and nasty things.”

“Such incidents are disgusting and can have adverse affects on the health of the common people. Such malicious attempts cannot be accepted at all. Concrete arrangements need to be made to ensure that such incidents do not happen in UP,” a government spokesman said quoting Adityanath.

The chief minister directed strict action against those who mix “human waste and nasty items” with food.

Adityanath’s directives did not stop there. He has also asked officials and police to run a state-wide campaign and probe all restaurants and dhabas, and conduct a verification of all staff and workers in such establishments.

Adityanath also wants CCTV cameras to be installed in dhabas, hotels and restaurants in the state, and that all the areas, including where the customers are seated, be covered. “It should be ensured that every establishment operator keeps the feed of CCTV cameras safe and makes it available to the police or local administration if required,” Adityanath told officials.

In July, when the Supreme Court had put an interim stay on the Adityanath government’s directives for eateries on the Kanwar Yatra route, the government had justified it by saying that the idea was to ensure “transparency and informed choice” of the Kanwariyas regarding the food they eat during the pilgrimage keeping in mind their “religious sentiments.”

To push its  argument that the directives were issued to prevent confusion in the minds of the kanwariyas, the government attached details of three dhabas in Muzaffarnagar owned by Muslims but had names that did not reveal so. The three eateries are Raja Ram Bhoj dhaba, Rajasthani Shudh Khalsa Dhaba and the Pandit Ji Vaishno Dhaba.

Letters, Reports and Penance: How the Tirupati Laddu Lent Itself to Politics

Jaganmohan Reddy has said that Chandrababu Naidu’s claims were calculated to deflect attention from the Telugu Desam Party’s governance failures.

Hyderabad: Accusations on the Tirupati laddu, initially made by Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu on September 18, have snowballed into a political controversy that have called the original claims to question. Naidu had first said that the ghee used in making the laddus was adulterated with animal fat – an allegation he has since walked back on. However, this claim led to an unleashing of outrage. 

By September 19, Naidu had modified his stance, stating only that the ghee’s quality was substandard, without repeating the animal fat claim. Former chief minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy then seized on this inconsistency to question Naidu’s credibility.

“It’s impossible for adulterated ghee with animal fat to be used in Tirumala laddus,” Jagan declared at a September 20 press conference.

He highlighted Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanam’s long-standing protocols that subject all ingredients to rigorous testing. “TTD’s robust quality checks make such adulteration impossible,” he added, arguing that Naidu’s claims aimed to incite public unrest and deflect attention from his own administrative shortcomings.

In a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi on September 22, 2024, Jagan urged the Union government to intervene, calling on Modi to reprimand Naidu for spreading “blatant lies.” Jagan highlighted that lab tests conducted in July 2024 – months before Naidu’s allegations – had confirmed the presence of vegetable fats, not animal fats, in the ghee.

He stressed that the TTD’s quality control mechanisms had rejected the adulterated ghee from A.R. Dairy Foods well before the laddus were distributed to devotees. “Naidu’s statements have already caused confusion and distress among devotees,” Jagan wrote. “The truth is that the TTD’s safeguards ensured that the questionable ghee was never used in making the sacred laddus.”

Jagan contended that Naidu’s actions were calculated to tarnish his party’s reputation and deflect attention from the Telugu Desam Party’s (TDP) governance failures. He also emphasised that Naidu’s behaviour was disrespectful to Hindu religious practices, asserting, “It is crucial that political leaders like Naidu avoid making irresponsible statements that could undermine the sanctity of our religious institutions.”

Jagan’s defence has been reinforced by the Ghee Committee’s draft report, which was first made available by the news portal SouthFirst. It was submitted earlier in September but not made public until the news website provided a link to it. It confirmed that no animal fat had ever been used in preparing the laddus and that the TTD’s procurement process had consistently adhered to strict quality control guidelines.

Also read: Explained: Chandrababu Naidu, the Tirupati Laddu, and Why the Fat Is in the Fire

Jagan and TTD’s integrity

Jagan emphasised that stringent procurement processes have been consistently in place, spanning both his tenure and Naidu’s previous administration. He noted that TTD had rejected substandard ghee batches multiple times, stating, “This is routine, not unprecedented.”

In his letter, Jagan not only denied the allegations but also urged Modi to take decisive action against Naidu. He accused Naidu of exploiting the sacred Tirumala laddus for political gain. “Naidu has stooped so low as to hurt the beliefs of crores of people purely for political objectives,” Jagan wrote. He described Naidu’s claims as “reckless” and warned they could inflame religious sentiments among millions of Hindu devotees.

Jagan emphasised in his letter that the TTD operates independently, governed by a board of trustees including eminent devotees from across the country. “Naidu’s claims are a direct affront to the faith of Hindus everywhere,” Jagan asserted. He further pressed Modi to hold Naidu accountable for spreading misinformation and undermining public trust in religious institutions.

Jagan’s letter appears to be a strategic political move, aimed not only at countering Naidu’s allegations but also at positioning himself as a defender of the TTD’s integrity. “This baseless claim hurts the sentiments of millions of devotees,” he stated, calling for a national inquiry to dispel the accusations and restore public confidence.

Pawan Kalyan

Amidst the controversy, deputy chief minister Pawan Kalyan embarked on an 11-day penance, portraying the alleged desecration of the laddus as a grave offence against Sanatana Dharma. Kalyan’s ‘Praschit Deeksha’ sought to atone for what he deemed was the previous administration’s failure to maintain the offerings’ “purity”.

His statements highlighted the controversy’s communal undertones, with him saying that “the nation would have reacted differently had such an incident occurred in mosques or churches.”

Kalyan’s appeal to Hindu sentiments and call for religious accountability intensified the communal sensitivities surrounding the issue, particularly given his proximity to the BJP. Social media is already abuzz, glorifying Pawan as the saviour of Sanatana Dharma and Hinduism.

Clamour for probe

The controversy has also drawn in Y.S. Sharmila, Jagan’s sister and Andhra Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC) president. On September 21, Sharmila met with Governor S. Abdul Nazeer and formally requested a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe into the alleged adulteration. She argued that only an independent, comprehensive investigation could resolve the issue and ensure accountability.

“Tirumala is one of the most sacred places in the country, and it must remain free from political interference or acts of desecration,” Sharmila stated.

BJP leaders have also joined the fray. Senior party figures have demanded action against Jagan and his allies, accusing them of mishandling the temple’s administration and disrespecting Hindu traditions. For the BJP, this controversy presents an opportunity to strengthen its support base by positioning itself as a defender of Hindu religious practices.

Naidu announces rituals

Undeterred by the backlash, Chandrababu Naidu announced on September 22 that the Andhra Pradesh government would establish a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to probe the allegations. Led by an Inspector General of Police, the SIT will investigate the procurement and testing practices at TTD, aiming to ensure accountability for any individuals or entities involved in the alleged adulteration.

In tandem with launching the SIT, Naidu declared that the Tirumala temple would undergo “purification rituals” to cleanse it of any spiritual impurity linked to the scandal. These rituals, known as “santhi homam” and “panchagavya prokshana,” are scheduled for September 23. “The purity of the Tirumala temple must be restored,” Naidu asserted.

Naidu has framed the controversy as part of a broader governance failure under Jagan Mohan Reddy’s leadership. He alleged that the YSRCP government’s cost-cutting measures led to the procurement of substandard ghee at suspiciously low prices, compromising the quality of the Tirumala laddus. Naidu contended that these lapses reflect a wider neglect of religious practices during Jagan’s term.

“Why did the government pursue reverse tendering for such a vital commodity?” Naidu questioned, implying that political expediency – rather than religious sanctity – drove the YSRCP’s decisions. He also criticised Jagan’s defence of key TTD figures, Y.V. Subba Reddy and Bhumana Karunakar Reddy, accusing them of failing to uphold Hindu traditions due to their Christian background.

Amroha Authorities Probing ‘Expulsion’ of 7-Year-Old Muslim Student Over Non-Veg Tiffin

Although the audio of the circulating video is unclear in places, various reports have quoted the principal as having told the boy’s mother, “We cannot teach children in our school who destroy our temples…”

New Delhi: Officials in Amroha district of Uttar Pradesh are probing reports that say that a private school principal assaulted a Muslim student, confined him to a room, and eventually expelled him for bringing non-vegetarian tiffin to school.

The Wire has learnt from Amroha police that the district inspector of schools at Amroha has formed a three-member team to probe the incident and a video of it which was widely shared on social media.

The video purportedly shows the principal, one Avneesh Sharma, telling a person who appears to be the student’s mother that he has already struck the student’s name off the rolls.

Although the audio is unclear, various accounts have quoted Sharma as having said, “We cannot teach children in our school who destroy our temples…”

The Hindu quoted the principal as also saying, “Your child says that he wants to convert everyone to Islam by making them eat non-vegetarian food.”

The mother in the video can be heard refuting the allegations and mentioning repeatedly that her child is just seven years old. Sharma says that she teaches him these things, and that he learns of this at home.

Times of India has reported that the child was in Class 3 and that he had brought biryani in his tiffin.

Sudhir Kumar, the sub-divisional magistrate of Amroha, has noted, according to the report, that the Basic Shiksha Adhikari and the district inspector of schools had been ordered to investigate the matter.

Rajya Sabha MP Syed Nasir Hussain has been among those who condemned the incident.

Earlier this year, the Supreme Court pulled up the Uttar Pradesh government for not counselling students in Muzaffarnagar who were allegedly instructed by their teacher to slap a Muslim boy for not doing his homework. In that viral video, the teacher could be heard saying “Mohammedans should be beaten up”.

The Hindu has also reported earlier on schools across New Delhi making “vegetarian” tiffin almost mandatory in a Hindutva-driven push.

India’s Path to Food Security Has No Quick Fixes

Achieving it necessitates a comprehensive strategy that integrates both immediate and long-term solutions.

Last month, we presented in a rather descriptive manner the challenge India was facing on the food security front and showed that it was bound to be more acute in the coming decades because of the growth of its population as well as the legacy of the Green Revolution (including monoculture and water stress), the impact of selective minimum support prices and climate change.

We will now address the quest for solutions, by summarising, once again, the ideas featured in detail in our Institut Montaigne note on the subject. When we look for solutions, various categories of thought emerge immediately. Some of them can be seen as reforms (aiming at improving agricultural production, availability of products and access to these products), whereas one of them amounts to a more revolutionary move: the development of agroecological farming.

Improving agricultural production, availability and access to food

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty.

Agricultural production can be optimised in several ways to address not only undernutrition but also malnutrition, which is inter alia is crucial given the strong links between poor diet quality, undernutrition, and the early onset of Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs), which is a looming public health crisis, especially among the structurally excluded majority (lower socioeconomic groups)  of the Indian population. 

First, an effort towards diversification could be undertaken to escape the trap of monocultures inherited from the Green Revolution and, in particular, to revive the cultivation of millets (with recognised nutritional virtues) and especially pulses which are produced and consumed in quantities too small to effectively combat under- or malnutrition. Concerning the latter, the plan proposed by the committee led by Arvind Subramanian in 2015 could be revisited. One of the recommendations was for the state to provide producers with a guaranteed price – referred to as the Minimum Support Price (MSP) – that is sufficiently remunerative to incentivise investment in this crop, similar to the system in place for rice and wheat, where the state purchases half of the production. Some years later, such as in 2018-19, this policy was followed and bore fruit, but this financial effort is marginal today. The committee also recommended the ban on exports of pulses, which was, however, lifted in 2017.

Irrigation, which still only concerns a minority of cultivated land (where farmers can therefore only make one to two harvests per year) can be developed, no longer solely (nor even primarily) by creating canals subject to high evaporation or by digging wells (as groundwater is being depleted), but by reviving traditional forms of rainwater collection through reservoirs and wells with wide margins to maximise collection.

In parallel, water-intensive crops like maize, rice, and sugarcane must be replaced by others, such as millets, which would make the development of irrigation less necessary. Reducing the area dedicated to export crops like rice would also make it possible to produce the fodder needed by livestock – which might otherwise be fed with food that could be intended for human consumption.

The growth of livestock farming must in any case be limited, not only for this reason but also because of its effects on climate change. Dissuasive prices could be applied in the state-managed wholesale markets.

To help the peasants to cope with climate change, the Manual of Drought Management needs to be revised again: in 2016, the Ministry of Agriculture changed the Union government policy, making it much more difficult for the state governments to declare a drought.   

The supply of foodstuffs can be improved both quantitatively and qualitatively by modernising the conditions of product conservation in two ways: the cold chain, which is very deficient – or even almost nonexistent – could be developed through both the installation of cold rooms and the use of refrigerated trucks, and food stocks can easily be kept dry, preventing the spoilage of tons of grains, something that has occurred in the recent past. Exports of certain products should be suspended as long as the Indian population is not fully fed. This is particularly the case with pulses. Limiting meat exports would also be a way to discourage farmers from investing in livestock, which is a large consumer of fodder. By design, reducing meat exports from India could increase the availability of meat for domestic consumption, particularly for poorer populations subject to socio-cultural constraints.

Also read: It’s Not Just Food Price, India Is Facing a Food Security Challenge

Addressing mass poverty, which leaves the poorest unable to meet their basic nutritional needs, is a top priority here. India had embarked on this path at the beginning of the century, thanks in particular to the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005, which had lifted millions of people out of poverty and/or given them access to more substantial food. The policy of the Modi government has reversed this trend. The budget for MGNREGA should be tripled to return to its level in 2007-08.

The Public Distribution System (PDS), renovated as a part of the National Food Security Act (2013), must regain the means to offer cheap food to the poor. While the Narendra Modi government, during the COVID-19 crisis had doubled the food ration of 800 million Indians, in 2022, the decline in production mentioned above compromised this program when the government announced that it would more than halve the quantities of wheat available in the PDS, the main instrument of food aid in India. Modi suspended this decision in late 2023 because of the extreme vulnerability of the poor. Yet, the government failed to apply the NFSA because it did not adjust the number of the PDS beneficiaries according to the population data: first the government said it was waiting for the census, but no census was organised in 2021, the year when it should have taken place. The Supreme Court asked the government to take steps to re-determine the number of people covered by the NFSA in June 2021, to no avail: the government said it will wait for the next census. 

The PDS can be made more efficient by adding more millet, pulses, fruits, and vegetables to rice and wheat which currently make up the bulk of the food rations today.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

Enhancing children’s nutrition can be achieved by systematizing the mid-day meal programs. Initially implemented in southern states, this policy was officially extended nationwide following a directive from the Supreme Court. However, the number of beneficiaries has been declining in many states due to the growing enrollment of children in private schools, where mid-day meal programs are not offered. To address this issue, the program should be expanded to include private schools as well.

To restore purchasing power to the countryside while the terms of trade deteriorate in favour of cities, increasing the “minimum support prices” set by the government is a convenient solution, even if it means subsidising the commodities put on the market to spare poor urban consumers.

The market(s)’ question needs to be addressed. The committees managing agricultural markets, known as agricultural produce market committees (APMC), were created to protect farmers against middlemen who might not buy their products at a fair price. They have recently been accused by the government of harming the efficiency of the sector. However, the three farm acts promoted by the government in 2020-21 did not provide an acceptable solution to the farmers since they intended to deregulate the sector in favour of large agro-food firms. Farmers protested for a year near Delhi and forced the Modi government to back down. These reforms would have made them more vulnerable vis-à-vis big business players like Mukesh Ambani and Gautam Adani who are investing in retail, without much regulation. Nevertheless, the state should help small farmers gain market access and a reform is certainly needed. 

The issue of trade in agricultural products also arises at the international level. If India limits its exports of pulses, rice, and meat as recommended above, and if it lowers tariffs on imports of commodities it needs most, such as pulses, it will have to compensate for this loss of revenue. This compensation could come from international aid that India refuses today – particularly from the World Food Programme.

India is faced with the famous food dilemma of finding it difficult to choose between “cheap imports” to feed consumers, but at the expense of national agriculture, or protectionism that helps producers but penalises consumers. Frédéric Landy points out that the country has not decided between these two options and acts on a case-by-case basis. Today, the government of Modi tends to increase imports to lower the prices of certain foodstuffs to preserve the purchasing power of urban residents, the core of its electorate. This policy would need to be corrected to offer farmers more remunerative prices.

On the export side, following the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the Westerners (starting with the European Union) have pressured the World Trade Organisation for India to continue supplying the global market with agricultural products to contain the price rise and in the name of market logic. India has resisted these pressures. In 2020, the EU and India began trade negotiations aiming to conclude a free trade agreement, and the context arising from the war in Ukraine will undoubtedly weigh on the discussions. Already, the Minister of Commerce, Piyush Goyal, has assured farmers that he will be able to defend their interests and protect, in particular, dairy producers.     

Agroecology: The long-term solution

Besides the very important reform mentioned above, a structural change may well be the only long term response to the food security challenge India is facing – and will have to cope with even more acutely in the future: the development of agroecology. One state, Andhra Pradesh has already initiated substantial reforms to promote this alternative type of agriculture. Other regional examples (like the state of Sikkim) or even local experiences could also be mentioned.

The agroecology alternative is a response to the environmental and social consequences of the Green Revolution which include (1) the depletion of soil nutrients leading to reduced soil productivity because of monoculture and the overuse of pesticides, and (2) the rise of farming costs and debts forcing farmers to sell their land and to abandon agriculture – or even to commit suicide.

As a response to this unsustainable conventional model of agriculture, many initiatives emerged from all over India, including in Maharashtra where Subhash Palekar pioneered the Zero Budget Natural Farming (ZBNF) in the 1990s. His farming technique, based on a combination of natural elements, aimed to enhance microbial activity in soil, boost soil carbon, add nitrogen via green mulching, and improve nitrogen availability in the surface soil. They also emphasise the use of natural inputs and, when possible, indigenous seed varieties.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

In 2015, the Andhra Pradesh government took significant steps to institutionalise, further innovate and scale up Zero Budget Natural Farming (ZBNF) across the state. This policy was entrusted to the Rythu Sadhikara Samstha (RySS, the ‘farmers empowerment corporation’), a government-backed entity tasked with implementing the Climate Resilient Zero Budget Natural Farming programme. RySS’s mandate included educating farmers and facilitating peer-to-peer knowledge exchange. The programme began as an experiment involving more than 700 villages and 40,650 farmers in 2016. By March 2020, the programme had seen substantial growth, with 623,300 farmers participating, accounting for 10% of all the state’s farmers. It covered nearly 3% of Andhra Pradesh’s total net sown area, amounting to 181,600 hectares. Looking forward, the state’s ambition is to extend what became in 2020 the Andhra-Pradesh Community-managed Natural Farming (APCNF) to all 6 million farmer families, covering 8 million hectares of land by 2027. While this model has garnered coverage and interest globally, it also sparked debates regarding the sustainability of natural farming in providing long-term food security for a populous nation such as India.

The RYSS-CIRAD-FAO AgroEco2050 participative foresight project (2019-2023) studied two contrasting scenarios for Andhra Pradesh by 2050: the intensification of conventional industrial agriculture and food (scenario IA), and the 100% generalisation of agroecology with natural farming (scenario NF). The agro-industrial model refers to conventional farming with intensive use of chemicals, larger specialised farm sizes with economies of scale, stronger oligopolies of input suppliers and buyers, and increased degradation of human and environmental health. On the other hand, the agroecological model is based on women self-help groups, natural farming principles, reliance on organic fertilizers and pesticides, low water and energy requirements, small farm sizes, and indigenous knowledge with both community and scientific support. 

The AgroEco2050 foresight platform worked with: (1) these two contrasting narratives or “sociotechnical regimes”; (2) an Indian expert group of about 30 people including scientists from different disciplines, policymakers, NGOs and farmers’ representatives; (3) a macro-bioeconomic model, Agribiom-India. It investigated and interlinked four dimensions of the agri-food system: 

  1.  Land use
  2.  Population and employment
  3.  Economic growth, income and inequality 
  4.  Yield and production of plant food calories.

By 2050, under the industrial agriculture scenario, there would be a reduction in the area of land cultivated, from 6.2 million hectares to 5.5 million hectares, with few monocultures and an emphasis on the most efficiently irrigated regions. By contrast, in the agroecological scenario, the area of cultivated land is projected to expand to 8.3 million hectares by the year-round regeneration and cultivation of 2.8 million hectares of land left fallow by industrial agriculture, especially in semi-arid zones.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty.

By 2050, Andhra Pradesh’s population is expected to reach 59.5 million, with those aged between 20 and 63-years old numbering 35.4 million. If the industrial agriculture model persists, the 2019 unemployment rate of 30% for the 20-64 age group would not change, and the farming population would halve, dropping from 9.3 million to 5.0 million. On the other hand, in the natural farming (NF) scenario, 10 million small-scale farmers would enhance their livelihoods through natural farming, which would reduce the unemployment rate in the 20-64 age demographic to 7%.

Under the natural farming scenario, the Gross Value Added (GVA) of agriculture and allied activities is expected to increase by 6% annually, surpassing the 4% annual growth recorded between 1980 and 2019. This anticipated growth is primarily due to the extensive involvement of both land and farmers in natural farming techniques, alongside significant savings in agricultural input costs such as seeds, irrigation systems, chemical fertilizers, fossil energy, financial credit, and machinery. Additionally, the market is likely to assign higher values to food products that are safe and nutritious, stemming from natural farming practices. On-farm value-added activities, which include small-scale processing and packaging, as well as the development of agrotourism, are also expected to contribute to this growth. Consequently, these improvements in the agricultural sector are projected to spur general economic growth, potentially increasing it by 6.5% per annum. This growth is anticipated to lead to broader economic benefits, including reductions in unemployment and inequality, and contribute to the overall well-being of the population, resulting in a healthier and happier society compared to the scenario with industrial agriculture.

In the industrial agriculture scenario, the yield of a limited number of monocrops is projected to continue on its historical trajectory, despite potential adverse effects on farmers’ livelihoods, environmental resources, and the health of consumers. In contrast, the natural farming (NF) approach might result in a somewhat lower increase in food yield, but it promises a production that is more nutritionally diverse — richer in both macronutrients and micronutrients, as well as fibres — and produced without the use of any chemical inputs such as fertilizers and pesticides. The per capita plant food production, when considering both yield and the extent of cultivated area, is expected to be substantially higher in an agroecological scenario, amounting to 5008 kilocalories per day per inhabitant. This is in contrast to an industrial agriculture system, where the figure stands at 4054 kilocalories per day per inhabitant.

In summary, achieving food security in India necessitates a comprehensive strategy that integrates both immediate and long-term solutions. The adoption of agroecological farming, alongside reforms in crop diversification, irrigation, and market policies, offers a sustainable pathway to enhancing agricultural productivity while preserving environmental resources. Additionally, strengthening the Public Distribution System, revisiting social welfare programmes like MGNREGA, and expanding nutritional initiatives for children are critical steps to ensure that all citizens, especially the most vulnerable, have consistent access to adequate and nutritious food. This holistic approach not only addresses the current challenges but also lays a resilient foundation for India’s future food security. It relies on existing, promising initiatives which have been tested at the local or state level by innovative and entrepreneurial experts and agriculturalists.

Christophe Jaffrelot is research director at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Professor of Politics and Sociology at King’s College London and Non Resident Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. His publications include Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy, Princeton University Press, 2021, and Gujarat under Modi: Laboratory of today’s India, Hurst, 2024, both of which are published in India by Westland.

Hemal Thakker is an environment policy expert specialising in Agriculture Policy and Energy Transition, currently serving as an Adjunct Professor at Sciences Po, and formerly worked with the International Panel of Experts on Sustainable Food Systems (IPES-Food).

Vignesh Rajahmani is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow of Indian and Indonesian Politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, Leiden, and a Research Affiliate, at the King’s India Institute, King’s College London.

 

Migrants Are Going Home, This Time to Save Their Ration

Ironically, the E-KYC verification exercise for removing unwanted beneficiaries (dead, fake, etc) from the food security coverage list is turning out to be a real threat to most of the genuine ration cardholder population, particularly the migrant population.

In the recent press conference organised in Delhi by the Right to Food Campaign on the mandatory E-KYC drive, Sumaira, a domestic worker informed the media that she spent ₹ 8,000 to travel to her village in Uttar Pradesh with 7 members of the family to present themselves for verification for the  Electric Know Your Customer (E-KYC) process as their ration card is from UP.

They had to stay in UP for 15 days and lost their daily wages in the process. The process was delayed as the EKYC of one child was not successful and they had to wait to get it updated.

Sumaira’s plight is one among countless ration cardholders in the country. The One Nation One Ration Card (ONORC) scheme, implemented in 2020, is operational nationwide, but with exception of metro cities such as Delhi and Mumbai, it is poorly implemented across the country.

Thus, some like Sumaira can avail rations in their place of work, by virtue of being in Delhi. Yet, owing to challenges posed by poor digital infrastructure and insensitive procedures outlined by the government, many poor families such as Sumaira are having to travel long distances to their towns and villages to get the E-KYC verification done. Losing daily wages and incurring additional expenses in the process.

The Fair Price Shop (FPS) dealers across the country have been ordered through a simple text message, by the Ministry of Food and Civil Supplies, to conduct an E-KYC verification of all 81 crore people who have ration cards and are entitled to receive food grains under the National Food Security Act (NFSA).

E-KYC is a verification process where each member mentioned on the family ration card has to physically be present at the ration shop to authenticate their identity through their Aadhar card. In obeying the orders, FPS dealers are informing all ration cardholders in their list.

In this process, the migrant population is also getting informed about this exercise and that raises many questions which need to be resolved in the first place.

All the efforts and resources being spent in this exercise are at a time when crores of people are excluded from food security coverage because the Government failed to conduct the Census of 2021. Presently, the quotas for NFSA are estimated using the 2011 census, which, it is estimated, leads to an exclusion of more than 12 crore individuals who would have been covered had the updated population figures been used.

Ironically, the E-KYC verification exercise for removing unwanted beneficiaries (dead, fake, etc) from the food security coverage list is turning out to be a real threat to most of the genuine ration cardholder population, particularly the migrant population.

The whole power to complete this exercise has been given to the FPS dealers. This is a surprise as FPS dealers have no role in issuing and cancelling ration cards as it is the responsibility of the food department. By giving such powers to the person who is responsible for distributing the ration, the government has weakened and abandoned its responsibility towards the ration cardholder.

In many states, ration cardholders are being informed to complete their E-KYC verification at the ration shop and do the most challenging task, “prove their authenticity to a machine”. The E-KYC verification faces the same challenges as the daily struggle to access ration. Card holders face difficulties when the Electronic Point of Sale (e-pos) machine fails to recognise thumbprints, and poor internet connection leads to delays in accessing ration.

Similarly, many such centralised technical interventions in ration distribution have created hurdles for the masses rather than facilitating the process. The Fair Price Shop dealers in many instances have informed cardholders that failure to get E-KYC verification will result in the cancellation of ration cards or removal of names and denial of food grains. This has created a situation of panic among millions of cardholders dependent upon monthly rations.

‘Server Down’, Rations Denied

Starting a verification exercise without providing clear information raises some existing problems related to ration access. The usual refrain of ‘server down hai (server is down)’ by dealers at the E-pos machine at the ration shop due to poor internet connection and biometric-related difficulties are regular concerns in this verification exercise.

The E-KYC verification is ongoing in an exclusionary manner. By forcing all holders of the ration card to be physically present for the completion, it especially ignores the outstation students, migrant workers, old age and disabled population, who find it difficult to present themselves at the shop. The rigid conditions and potential consequences of not being able to fulfil E-KYC verification, owing to lacunae in technology and hurdles posed by requirements to be physically present, have created distress and panic among the ration cardholders.

The government’s continued apathy towards the migrant population living in distant places in search of jobs and sustenance has once again thrown them into the crisis with this exercise.

Also Read: It’s Not Just Food Price, India Is Facing a Food Security Challenge

One Nation One Ration Card: A Million Challenges

The first national lockdown in India because of COVID-19 witnessed one of the worst migrant exodus where millions of migrant workers working in the cities were forced to leave and walk thousands of kilometres towards their village. In one go the national lockdown led to them losing their sources of livelihood.

One of the main reasons that forced them to leave was their exclusion from the food security net at their place of work. They possessed a ration card at their origin place or home but not in the city where they worked. This created a scenario where people faced staggering food insecurity and took extreme steps.

In response to the migrant crisis and food insecurity, the government of India started the One Nation One Ration Card Scheme, which provided a facility for the ration cardholder to get foodgrains from any ration shop in the country. Since its introduction, the government has failed to implement this mobility scheme effectively.

Apart from some presence in metro cities such as Delhi and Mumbai, the poor spread of information by the government about the scheme among the migrants, supply mismanagement of the foodgrains at the ration shop, and authentication-related difficulties in accessing ration are some of the main concerns that persist in the operation of the ONORC Scheme across the country.

However, the E-KYC verification process with September 30, 2024 as a deadline to complete verification at any ration shop in the country poses a big question on the existence of the ONORC scheme. There needs to be more than oral directions about the accessibility to complete the E-KYC verification. In a practical sense, the verification at any ration shop in the country is not as comfortable as it sounds.

The ONORC is still facing difficulties in addressing the challenge of providing access to migrant beneficiaries who are not from the location which is served by the Fair Price Shop. Considering the local dynamics, the FPS dealer first prioritises to fulfil the verification of those who are the beneficiaries of that shop and not those ration cardholders who are migrants.

A migrant worker in a distant location goes through different forms of discrimination on an everyday basis and continues to lack the agency to claim their rights at their workplace. The hostile attitude at various workplace locations tends to discriminate against these migrant workers on the lines of caste, gender and linguistic identities.

Workers in a circular migration who spend a few months in cities or distant places to earn are the most vulnerable to locating and accessing the nearest ration shop to complete this process.

It has yet again exposed the fragility of the unorganised migrant workforce in the economy. The fear among the migrant population to save their monthly food grains erupted due to the ill-informed and mandatory exercise by the government.

The devastating COVID-19 national lockdown in the year 2020 has been a reminder to address the miseries of these vulnerable populations but the government of India has failed in doing so by ignoring those who are continuously on the move to survive and has further added to their problem by attacking one of the most essential safeguards for the households that is ration card.

Technology as an instrument of exclusion

During the years 2013-2020, with the help of technology-driven Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS) operations, such as digitisation of ration card details, Aadhaar seeding, identification of ineligible/duplicate ration cards, etc. the States/UTs collectively have weeded out a total of about 4.39 crore ration cards.

These ration cards have been cancelled without any prior notice to the beneficiaries and no proper reason has been given even after the cancellation. While the Central Government claims that these cancelled cards were bogus, on the grounds that there are problems related to matching of biometric records even for genuine beneficiaries (biometric errors) and non-possession of Aadhar.

Non-functioning of the internet in rural and remote areas lead to significant scale cancellation of ration cards for which notices to the family concerned were not served. The starvation death of an 11-year-old Santoshi in Simdega district, Jharkhand was one such case where the family lost their ration card due to the non-fulfillment of authentication.

The ongoing E-KYC verification exercise by the government indicates that the government has not learnt its lesson. Reliance on poorly developed technology that is erratic and fails to serve the needs of millions of poor will lead to deletion of ration card holders. At a time when India is witnessing unprecedented inequality, instead of widening the welfare coverages, we are witnessing an attempt to dilute the existing structures.

Way Forward: Right to Food for all

The rigid compulsion on all ration card holders for E-KYC verification needs to be stopped immediately. Any update or improvement process in the ration card list should be inclusive and transparent and its responsibility should be given to the State Food Commission. The name of any innocent family or individual should not be removed from the ration card list on technical grounds.

Unfortunately, the Government of India’s exclusionary E-KYC verification of ration card campaign started at a time when the Supreme Court ordered all the state governments and Union Government to issue ration cards to all unorganised workers registered at the E-shram portal who do not have a ration card.

The Supreme Court  took Suo Motu cognisance of  ‘Problems and Miseries of Migrant Labourers’ in the year 2020 and has given important directions to ensure food security for migrant workers and unorganised sector workers to an additional 8 crore people. In this case, last year, the apex court directed the Union Government to ensure an adequate supply of food grains to cover the excluded population.

For over a year, the Supreme Court’s orders have not been implemented by any state/union territory. The implementation of the Supreme Court’s order will be important for the universalisation of the Public Distribution System. It is also crucial to expand the food basket and include dal, millets and edible oil for all ration cardholders considering the poor dietary diversity and the need to ensure the nutritional security of the majority.

(The author is an independent researcher and activist associated with the Right to Food Campaign)