Food – The Wire

A Feast Through Time and the Essence of Delhi’s Cuisine

In ‘From the King’s Table to Street Food’, Pushpesh Pant’s scholarship is apparent, but it’s his love for Delhi, its spirit and its food that shines through.

Pushpesh Pant’s From the King’s Table to Street Food is a vibrant tribute to Delhi’s culinary landscape, where food becomes the language through which history, memory and culture are experienced. Pant, a renowned scholar and food historian, starts with the legendary city of Indraprastha, passes through the courts of the Sultanate and Mughal eras, travels into British India, and lands in the globalised capital we know today.

The roots of Indraprastha

Delhi’s culinary legacy begins with the ancient city of Indraprastha, referenced in the Mahabharata. Pant explores food in myth, noting how epic feasts reflect the era’s cultural richness. The ‘Banquet of Pandavas’ introduces readers to celebratory dishes made with saffron from Kashmir and bamboo shoots from Pragjyotisha (now Assam). Delhi’s history, Pant observes, is connected with food from as early as these ancient tales, which included foods gathered during exile, reminiscent of foraging traditions still seen in Indian villages. His scholarship brings alive Delhi’s mythic past, laying the groundwork for a food history that, even today, mixes humble ingredients with royal opulence.

Pushpesh Pant’s
From the King’s Table to Street Food,
Published by Speaking Tiger (2024)

Medieval confluence: Sultanate and Mughal Eras

Pushpesh Pant’s narrative also delves into the Sultanate and Mughal periods, tracing how trade, migration and culture influenced Delhi’s palate. As a historian, he places emphasis on the public kitchens and Sufi langars (communal kitchens) that served as social equalisers. With influences from Persian and Central Asian cuisines, the Mughal era gave birth to Delhi’s qormas, biryani, and richly spiced kebabs. Through figures like Ibn Battuta and Amir Khusrau, Pant unearths how dishes like the samosa traveled from distant lands, eventually becoming synonymous with Indian street food.

In this section, the author introduces readers to Mughaliya cuisine, distinct from the often-interchanged term Mughlai. While Mughaliya is rooted in the authentic royal flavours of the Mughal dastarkhan, Mughlai refers to the adaptations that evolved later, particularly under the British. The difference is subtle yet significant; Mughaliya represents authentic Mughal techniques, while Mughlai became a simplified version that melded with Punjabi and North Indian preferences.

The British Raj and beyond

The British introduced Delhi to new tastes and dining customs, adding elements like stews, cutlets and pies to the Indian table. He offers an engaging perspective on the cultural clash and culinary fusion of this era, detailing how mutton cutlets and Shepherd’s Pie became adapted to local tastes. However, the British weren’t the only influence. This era also saw the establishment of tea culture and bakery items like patties and pastries, which Pant recounts as a highlight of his childhood visits to Delhi’s famed Wenger’s bakery.

The story of Partition forms a bittersweet part of his narrative. With Partition came an influx of Punjabis, whose hearty cuisine would redefine Delhi’s culinary reputation. The butter chicken and dal makhani, that are Delhi icons today, originated with Punjabi migrants and soon captured the city’s collective palate. In another chapter, Pant reflects on the establishment of Pandara Road eateries, representing foods of those displaced by partition, Lahori, Peshawari and Pindi-style cuisine. This transformation is key to understanding how Delhi grew into a cosmopolitan food hub.

A culinary melting pot

Pant explains, how Delhi’s identity, extends beyond Punjabi and Mughal foods. The city’s population grew with migrants from across India, bringing with them the flavours of Bengal, Bihar, the Northeast, and South India. Each group contributed to the city’s diversity: Bengali puchkas and jhaalmuri at C.R. Park, South Indian idli-dosa tiffin centres, and spicy Andhra fare. Delhi, Pant asserts, is unique because of these regional confluences. From Calcutta-style chops to Naga curries and ‘Indian-Chinese’ Manchurian, Delhi’s food culture is inclusive and constantly evolving.

In Pant’s retelling, the South Indian tiffin culture brought by immigrants in the mid-20th century highlights the affordability and universal appeal of items like idli and dosa, which are today staples across the city. Similarly, the Parsi community brought to Delhi dishes like berry pulao and dhansak, still enjoyed by families at the Parsi Anjuman. Through these regional influences, Delhi has transformed into a culinary kaleidoscope, reflecting India’s diversity.

From dhabas to fine dining

From wayside dhabas to posh restaurants, Pant also tracks Delhi’s evolving dining scene, attributing much of the change to globalisation and a growing middle class. Pant observes that Delhi now claims to be a global food capital where one can find Japanese sushi, Thai noodles, Mediterranean falafel and Korean BBQ, mirroring the internationalisation of urban Indian food culture. However, the rustic dhabas with earthy flavours still retain their charm, with roadways to North India lined with stops famous for parathas, makki di roti, and sarson da saag.

The book’s chapters on modern Delhi trace how restaurant culture evolved with urban development, such as the rise of fine-dining establishments in neighbourhoods like the Asian Games Village. He explores how diplomatic enclaves, corporate parks, and upscale markets fostered a high-end restaurant culture. Author expertise reveals how Delhi’s food culture reflects its status as both India’s political capital and a culinary destination in its own right.

The essence of the ‘asli dilliwala’

For Pant, an asli Dilliwala is defined not only by a love for food but by an appreciation of Delhi’s diverse culinary traditions. This identity is woven into the food rituals of the Baniya, Kayastha and Punjabi communities, as well as the contributions of Bengalis, Kashmiris, Parsis and Christians. Pant’s fascination with Delhi’s cultural intersections lends warmth to his account. He highlights how dishes that originated in small community kitchens have become symbols of Delhi’s identity — chole bhature, papri chaat, parathas, and kebabs.

In one of the book’s most personal reflections, Pant shares nostalgic stories from his own past, painting a vivid picture of Delhi’s food scene in the 1960s. Memories of Sohan halwa, the Hanuman Mandir, and family visits to Wengers bakery bring to life the sensory pleasures that shaped his early experiences. Pant’s voice is both scholarly and sentimental, infusing historical facts with the charm of personal anecdotes.

Pant writes, “Dilli Haat, established in 1994 by Delhi Tourism, was first envisioned by Jaya Jaitley. It sought to bring craftspersons from all over India and provided space for eateries from different regions, to showcase the diversity of Indian cuisine. Bijoli Grill from Bengal had on its menu kosha mangsho, prawn cutlet, fish orly, aloo dom, Radhaballabhi; Awadhi Dastar Khwan offered galouti and kakori kebabs, shami and pulav; Kashmiri Wazwaan tempted walk-in guests with rishta, gushtaba, martswangan qorma, tsuk vangun, aloo bukhara qorma, and rogan josh. Rajasthan served pyaaz kachori, mirchi vada, ghewar, dal bati choorma. The Naga Kitchen had no qualms about mentioning pork and palate-scorching raja mirchi aka bhut jholakiya. A taste of Assam and Manipur introduced Delhi to other flavours from the North East. Peninsular India was represented by Tamil Nadu, and Anantam, that showcased delicacies from Kerala.”

The book is gives extra ordinary cultural insights, presenting Delhi not just as a city but as a melting pot of traditions, migrations, and flavours.

An evocative narrative for all tastes

Without burdening readers with academic jargon, Pant presents Delhi’s culinary history as an area woven with colourful threads of memory, culture and flavour.

The book’s pages brim with recipes, not as mere instructions, but as relics of eras and people. His scholarship is apparent, but it’s his love for Delhi, its spirit and its food, those shines through.

From the King’s Table to Street Food is not only a must-read for history buffs and food enthusiasts but also for anyone who wishes to understand Delhi from the inside out. It’s an experience that feels as satisfying as a hearty meal and as enlightening as a tour through time, making it a fitting homage to a city that, in Pant’s words, “never stops cooking up something new.”

Ashutosh Kumar Thakur is a Bengaluru-based management professional, curator and literary critic.

Rice or Cash? Maharashtra Experiment Reveals Gender, Household Dynamics

Do in-kind transfers for social assistance lead to ‘deadweight losses’ by restricting consumer choice?

Social assistance programmes typically involve making transfers to a disadvantaged target population either in cash or in kind (for instance, providing free or subsidised food, textbooks, electricity or housing). Standard economic theory favours cash transfers over in-kind transfers of equivalent values as the former avoids the inefficiencies associated with restricting consumer choice – often referred to as deadweight losses. Yet, in-kind transfers, such as the provision of free or subsidised food, remain widespread in social programmes across the globe.

The debate over whether to prioritise cash or in-kind transfers continues to stir significant discussion, particularly in social assistance policies in many countries. In India, this issue has been central to policy debates surrounding the country’s large-scale public distribution system (PDS) that provides subsidised food to more than 800 million people.

The PDS has been criticised for corruption and “leakage” of a substantial fraction of the subsidised product illegally diverted to the open market. This has led leading critics to call for cash transfers to replace the wasteful in-kind transfers. On the other hand, survey data have sometimes shown that households prefer food to equivalent cash transfers when offered a hypothetical choice between the two.

‘Incentivised’ experimental evidence on this issue has, however, been lacking. Our research addresses this gap by conducting a field experiment where respondents were given a real choice between a fixed quantity of rice and alternative amounts of cash. The experiment involved incentivising the respondents to reveal their willingness to pay (WTP) for rice. A comparison of the latter with the market value of rice then provides a measure of the deadweight loss (or gain) associated with the in-kind transfer of rice.

The experiment

We conducted our experiment with respondents from 250 randomly selected households across 10 slums of Nashik city in the state of Maharashtra. We conducted three rounds of the experiment in March, May and August of 2019.

Our respondents were targeted as the adult member in each household responsible for food purchases, which were overwhelmingly women in our setting, comprising 90% of our sample. In each round, we offered respondents a choice between 5 kg of rice of PDS-comparable quality and nine alternative cash amounts ranging both below and above the going market value of rice.

At the time of the experiment, the market value of 5 kg of rice was Rs 160, and our cash offers ranged from Rs 50 to Rs 500. The 5 kg quantity of the in-kind transfer was chosen to ensure that the respondents faced an intra-marginal choice insofar as it represented less than one-third of their average monthly consumption of rice.

We incentivised the experiment by informing the respondents that we will record their choices, rice or cash, for each of the nine cash amounts. Following this, they will randomly draw one slip out of a bag with nine slips, each bearing the cash amount associated with one of the nine choices.

The experiment will then end with the respondent receiving cash or rice according to their previously recorded preference against the cash amount they had randomly drawn from the bag. Knowing that one of their nine choices will be actually implemented acts as an incentive for the respondents to be truthful about their preferences.

As the respondents were offered increasing cash amounts against 5 kg of rice, the cash option becomes increasingly attractive. Our experiment aimed to identify the switch point where the cash option becomes preferable to rice for each respondent. This switch point offers a measure of the respondent’s WTP for 5 kg of rice. The difference between the market value of rice and the WTP then offers a measure of the deadweight loss (DWL). If the difference is negative, then the respondent experiences a deadweight gain (DWG).

Findings

Given that 90% of our sample respondents were female, our results focus on the sub-sample with female respondents to avoid confounding effects of respondent’s gender, though the key findings also generalise to the full sample.

Figure 1 presents the distribution of respondent choices against each of the cash offers, pooled over all three rounds. As expected, at higher cash amounts, a greater proportion of households opt for cash rather than rice, ranging from 32% choosing cash when offered the minimum amount of Rs 50 to 85% when offered the maximum of Rs 500. This pattern holds for all three rounds.

Figure 1. Percentage of respondents choosing cash against each cash offer, pooled across rounds

Based on the choices made by respondents, we can distinguish three types: first, the “single-switch respondents” as those who made a single switch from rice to cash as higher cash amounts were offered; second, “rice-only respondents” as those who chose rice for all nine cash offers; and third, “cash-only respondents” as those who always chose cash.

Table 1 presents the estimates of WTP and DWL by respondent type. Across respondents, we find a combination of positive and negative DWL. By construction, DWL for cash-only respondents is positive and that for rice-only respondents is negative. It also turns out that cash-only respondents account for more than twice as many cases as rice-only respondents. A more striking result is that the average DWL for single-switch respondents is also negative with an estimate of Rs. -171. Also, for our sample as a whole, the average DWL is negative, that is, DWG overall, with a point estimate of Rs 192 equivalent to 12% of the market value of rice.

Table 1. Distribution of willingness to pay and deadweight loss, by respondent type

Respondent type	Number of cases	Percentage of cases	WTP***	DWL***
Respondent type	Number of cases	Percentage of cases	(Rs)	(Rs)
Cash-only	208	32.7	25	135
Single switch	341	53.5	177	-17
Rice-only	88	13.8	550	-390
All	637	100	179	-19

Notes: (i) We define WTP for rice for a respondent as the midpoint of the cash choice interval at which the respondent switched to rice to cash. (ii) DWL for respondent i is defined as where Rs 160 is the market value of 5 kg of rice. (iii) Respondents with multiple switches are not included. (iv) For rice-only respondents, we assume WTP to be Rs 550. (v) For cash-only respondents, we assume WTP to be Rs 25. (vi) *** all reported values of WTP and DWL are significant at 1% level.

Also read: The Food Divide: How Solving Nutritional Inequality Can Fuel India’s Economic Progress

The puzzle of deadweight gain: intra-household bargaining

The prevalence of DWG is widespread in our sample and is observed for about 45% of all cases. A priori, this result appears puzzling. The design of the experiment rules out transaction costs and quality differences as possible explanations for DWG. Crucially, both cash and rice are redeemed by the same process at the same local grocery shop, and the quality of rice offered was comparable to PDS rice. A lack of trust in the cash option can also be ruled out. The experiment was preceded by a pilot that was successfully implemented. Furthermore, none of the respondents reported any concerns or difficulties with redeeming the vouchers for cash or rice at the local shop.

The dimension that cannot be ruled out, however, is the role of intra-household bargaining in shaping respondent choices between cash or rice. Survey-based and qualitative evidence points to the potential role of intra-household inequality and gender in influencing the choice over in-kind or cash transfers.

If women have a given allowance for the household food budget, provision of free or subsidised rice can augment their budget more than a cash transfer that would have to be shared with men. However, this consideration is likely to be less relevant for women who have greater bargaining power in the household. This motivates us to compare women respondents in male-headed households with women respondents in female-headed households, where they would have greater bargaining power.

This comparison uncovers an important finding: women respondents in female-headed households have a significantly lower WTP for rice than those in male-headed households (Rs 151 versus Rs 190). As a result, in contrast to a DWL for women from female-headed households of Rs 9 on average (5% of the market value of rice), we observe a DWG for women from male-headed households of Rs 30 (19% of the market value of rice) (Figure 2). These differences between male- and female-headed households in WTP and deadweight loss are statistically significant.

Figure 2. Deadweight loss for respondents from male- and female-headed households (Rs)

Note: The difference between respondents from male- and female-headed is significant at 0.006.

The likelihood of choosing cash varies both by amount of cash offered as well female-headship. The right panel of Figure 3 shows that the probability of choosing cash is increasing in the cash amount for both male- and female-headed households, but is systematically higher for female-headed households at every cash option. Testing for statistical significance, we find that the marginal effects for female-headed households remain significantly higher up to the cash amount of Rs 200 though and not thereafter.

Figure 3. Marginal effects of cash amount on probability of choosing cash, for respondents from male- and female-headed households

Our main findings thus indicate that women in male-headed households (in light of their lower bargaining power) are more likely to choose rice than women in female-headed households so long as the difference between the market value of rice and the cash offer is not too large. When subject to conditions of lower bargaining power, women are willing to forgo a certain amount of cash as a strategy to protect their share of the household budget. This is the basis of the overall DWG we observe in our experiment.

We also look into a number of alternative mechanisms underlying this result including those related to learning, intra-household renegotiation, and the use of rice as a commitment device, that is, a strategy to follow through a plan when there may be pulls to deviate from it. We conclude that (i) differential learning rates for respondents by male/female headship are not empirically plausible for our setting, (ii) while there is evidence of intra-household renegotiation over the three rounds of the experiment, this renegotiation occurs for women from male-headed households, which is consistent with our bargaining power-based explanation, and (iii) while women from both male- and female-headed households report using rice as a commitment device, a higher reported rate among male-headed households also points to women’s lower bargaining power as the underlying reason for their perceived greater need for a commitment device.

Conclusion

A key finding of our research is that whether there is a DWG or DWL associated with in-kind transfer depends on the balance of bargaining power within the household. We find DWL among women respondents from female-headed households and DWG among those from households with male heads. Given that most households are male-headed, DWG dominates overall.

Most welfare programmes are designed to provide either only cash or only in-kind transfers. The existence of DWG associated with in-kind transfers, as in our experiment, does not necessarily imply that in-kind transfers must be the preferred policy option. Rather, a key policy insight of our study is that there is a case for offering respondents a choice between cash or kind. The offer of such a choice can be important for those with weaker bargaining power to sustain a measure of control over the household budget, even if for a limited period of time. Not all of the potential gains available through the choice between cash or kind may be dissipated even with a renegotiated control over the household budget.

A version of this piece first appeared on Ideas for India.

Cost of Vegetarian Thali Soars by 20% in October: Report

After a 12-month decline, the cost of a non-vegetarian thali also rose by 5%.

New Delhi: The price of a home-cooked vegetarian thali increased by 20% in October, driven primarily by a surge in vegetable prices, according to a report by rating agency Crisil. After a 12-month decline, the cost of a non-vegetarian thali also rose by 5%, according to a report in the Indian Express.

The rise in the cost of a vegetarian thali is attributed to soaring prices of key vegetables, which make up 40% of the total cost. Onion and potato prices saw sharp increases of 46% and 51% year-on-year, respectively, due to reduced supply following heavy rainfall in September. Rainfall in Maharashtra and Karnataka has delayed the onion harvest, while rabi potato stocks, which constitute 95% of annual production, are dwindling, with fresh supplies not expected until December or January, Crisil noted.

Tomato prices more than doubled from Rs 29 per kg in October 2023 to Rs 64 per kg in October 2024, as rains disrupted arrivals from Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh. However, Crisil said prices may stabilise in November as new supplies come in from Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh.

Pulses, which account for 9% of the thali cost, recorded an 11% increase due to low opening stocks and festive demand. Prices are expected to ease in December with the arrival of fresh stocks.

A reduction in fuel costs prevented a further increase in the thali price. The price of a 14.2 kg LPG cylinder in Delhi dropped from Rs 903 in September last year to Rs 803 in March this year, Crisil noted.

Also read: How Much More Are Indians Going to Pay for Tomatoes This Diwali?

The cost of a non-vegetarian thali saw a slower rise, partly due to a 9% year-on-year drop in broiler prices, which account for half the cost. However, the increase in vegetable costs, which represent about 22% of the non-veg thali, contributed to the overall rise. Vegetable oil prices also rose by 10% month-on-month in October due to increased import duty and festive demand. On a month-on-month basis, the cost of the vegetarian and non-vegetarian thalis increased by 6% and 4%, respectively.

Onions, a key ingredient, saw a 6% month-on-month rise in October, as heavy rains in Maharashtra, Karnataka, Telangana and Andhra Pradesh caused crop damage and delayed the kharif harvest by 10-15 days. Similarly, tomato prices climbed 39% month-on-month amid disrupted supply from major tomato-growing regions.

UN World Food Programme Warns of Famine in Gaza Unless Immediate Action Is Taken

This missive comes as winter approaches, and with an acute lack of food and other vital humanitarian supplies that could lead to catastrophic consequences, according to the WFP.

New Delhi: The ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza could soon escalate into famine unless immediate action is taken, the United National World Food Programme (WFP) has warned.

This missive comes as winter approaches, and with a lack of food and other vital humanitarian supplies that could lead to catastrophic consequences, according to the WFP.

Israeli lawmakers recently voted in favour of a controversial bill that would ban the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) from operating inside Israel starting next year. The UNRWA is the main humanitarian aid provider in the Gaza Strip. WFP has also expressed concern over this, calling the UNRWA a “central component.”

Expert hunger findings of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification IPC projected in October that by November, more than 90% of Gaza’s population will face severe food insecurity. A large group among them will experience emergency hunger, while others could face “catastrophic” food insecurity — the highest hunger level, the WFP noted in its statement on October 29.

Now, as the situation in northern Gaza continues to deteriorate, the likelihood of a larger group being impacted by famine will surely increase, unless conditions on the ground improve. In October, Gaza got only 5,000 metric tonnes of food which WFP recognised was just one-fifth of basic food assistance for the 1.1 million people who depend on its lifesaving support. WFP’s stocks will only last four months, it adds.

The destruction of factories, croplands and shops have led to empty markets, cutting down all methods of production of and access to food inside Gaza.

To effectively roll out meaningful operations and deliver crucial food assistance, the UN food agency has also called for more secure and functional entry points into Gaza from places where its stocks are kept, like Ashdod, Egypt, and Jordan.

Is the FSSAI’s Hands-Off Approach Poisoning our Food this Diwali?

In many parameters from ghee to spices to edible oils, the FSSAI has failed to be effective and work in the interest of consumers. The price of FSSAI’s inefficacy is paid by all of us.

The alleged mixing of animal fats in ghee used at Tirupati Temple shocked the nation. No one asked a simple question: If ghee was being contaminated on such a scale, what was the national food safety regulator, FSSAI, doing?

The entire mandate of the Food Safety & Standards Authority of India is to prevent food adulteration. But it seems they are way behind the curve in preventing food contamination of any kind. Forget street food, FSSAI has repeatedly failed to curb adulteration at all levels including big corporates.

This fact is recognised by state governments too, hence Uttar Pradesh brought a special law against contamination of food with human waste. One would imagine if a state government has had to bring a special law in 2024 just to enforce food hygiene 101 this clearly indicates that the FSSAI has failed to curb food adulteration in practice and principle.

Also read: UP to Bring in New Stringent Law Against Contamination of Food With Spit, Human Waste

Let us look at some other instances. Reportedly the UP state food inspection team caught 400 kgs of stone powder being mixed in flour in Aligarh. Stone powder is a waste product from mines and stone processing factories and often times contains highly toxic substances which may cause stomach trouble and even cancer. This was one such instance. Imagine how many more greedy mill owners are working round the clock to poison our rotis.

But its not only stone powder, our food is adulterated with urea and paint for many years now and governments have pushed the issue under the carpet. When we look at the case of milk adulteration, the trends have only gone up. From ghee to sweets, India uses a lot of milk. But if the milk is contaminated can we expect the ghee and other products to be safe?

Inflation, scarcity and greed have prompted farmers and traders to use chemicals like urea to dilute milk. Whether we look at Punjab, Gujarat, Odisha, Maharashtra, etc. it is clear that milk there is highly adulterated and governments have failed to prevent this. The hormone overload in milk products is another major problem in India.

Adulteration of milk sweets during Diwali and other festivals has become a local trend each year. Experts have pointed out improper enforcement lies at the heart of this problem. There are many examples from Modi’s Gujarat where, in the last 15 days alone, contaminated food worth Rs 6.3 crore was seized. It is difficult to estimate how much more contaminated food is floating around the country.

Now moving from the unorganised sector to big corporates. The biggest name of course is Nestle, that was reportedly selling Maggi with excessive lead in it. What penalties were imposed on them? Were millions of Indians who are Maggi during this period ever compensated? The issue is very serious as children are big consumers of Maggi and lead poisoning during childhood could seriously hamper their neurological health. But like most corporates, the polluter here escaped fair punishment.

More recently, about 800 kgs of spurious tomato sauce were seized. The fake sauce has formalin, synthetic colouring agents, arrowroot powder, etc. Keep in mind that most tomato sauce is made by big and medium scale factories, which are all regulated under FSSAI, yet due to gaps in enforcement they are being allowed to contaminate the food they produce.

When we look at FSSAI’s performance in checking adulteration in spices, it is safe to say FSSAI fails all tests. Common household spices like chilli powder, turmeric, coriander powder, etc are heavily contaminated with cancerous materials like ethylene oxide. The EU has has also raised serious concerns about chilli powder and peppercorn from India. Even big brands like MDH and Everest are under scrutiny for mixing carcinogenic substances. Many Indian spice consignments are rejected each year from the USA, EU and other developed countries due to their toxicity.

Still, the FSSAI and the government are shying away from punishing the culprits and saving the health of Indians. Spices are an everyday item of consumption and many ailments are also treated with these household spices. If manufacturers are allowed to sell adulterated spices, public health will be a major casualty.

The last instance of FSSAI’s questionable scientific position I will talk about is the cottonseed oil. Contrary to scientific studies, the FSSAI allows for free blending of GM cottonseed oil in all our food and vegetable oils. They treat GM cottonseed oil the same as natural cottonseed oil. This is wrong on many fronts. First, it is allowing for GMOs to enter our bodies through oil even though India doesn’t allow GM food crops. Second, instead of insisting on true labelling, FSSAI is duping the consumer. It is taking away our right to know if our food has GM ingredients or not. In most EU countries and other developed nations, cottonseed oil will either not be allowed to enter their food systems or will carry a clear warning or label indicating that a particular food item has GMOs. The FSSAI brushes the issue in a haughty manner, playing to the GM lobbyists’ tune. If one analyses the biosafety documents for BT cotton at the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change, we find they are based on Monsanto data and the safety data is also provided by Monsanto and FSSAI has not conducted any tests to verify biosafety independently.

So, in many parameters from ghee to spices to edible oils, the FSSAI has failed to be effective and work in the interest of consumers. The price of FSSAI’s inefficacy is paid by all of us. It is time FSSAI takes its mandate seriously.

Indra Shekhar Singh is an independent agri-policy analyst and writer. He was the former director for policy and outreach at NSAI. He also hosts The Wire’s agriculture talk show, Krishi ki Baat/Farm Talks. He tweets at @indrassingh.

This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.

The Food Divide: How Solving Nutritional Inequality Can Fuel India’s Economic Progress

Gender-based inequalities in nutrition access widen the education gap and limits women’s participation in the workforce.

In a recent meeting with World Bank officials, former Union minister for women Smriti Irani discussed the need for gender equality in the Global South. She spoke about women-driven development in areas like education, healthcare and economic empowerment.

However, while she accepted the requirement for a cultural shift towards women, she failed to explain the mechanism through which this could be achieved. Her initiatives were largely policy-driven. But cultural attitudes, which are often significant barriers in achieving gender equality, were left unaddressed. Without strategies targeting those deep-rooted cultural norms, the impact of the policies may well be restricted.

One of the ways in which these cultural barriers manifest is through unequal access to nutrition between boys and girls. A study by economists Seema Jayachandran and Rohini Pande published in 2017 states that boys tend to receive larger and more nutritious portions of food in comparison to girls as it is believed that boys are more likely to act as the primary provider in the family.

A Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report underscores “Gendered norms revolve around who has control over property rights, land, and other resources further affect food access. Women and girls have limited control and means to purchase and consume healthy food for them, hence they are susceptible to the diets of their household members, mainly their husbands and in-laws (sic).” Moreover, some cultural norms also prohibit women’s entry into the kitchen or having particular meals during menstruation.

Thus, gender-based inequalities in access to nutrition continue to exist in India despite the state’s commitment to gender equality.

What does the data reveal?

The highly inequitable food distribution within families brings severe health repercussions in girls in the form of anaemia, stunted growth and deficiencies in the basic needs of a female body, such as iron, protein and vitamins. The National Family Health Survey data (NFHS-4 and NFHS-5), for instance, indicate that 54-59% of girls within the age group of 15-19 years are anaemic as opposed to 29-31% boys in the same group.

Anaemia combined with poor nutrition and menstruation contributes to chronic fatigue and inability to concentrate, impacting girls’ academic outcomes.

NFHS-4 and NFHS-5 surveys (2015-16 and 2019-21) also revealed that intra-household food discrimination often means that girls do not consume many food items that carry high iron content, such as meat, green leafy vegetables and pulses. Nutritional inequality is the main cause of anaemia, an iron deficiency.

More importantly, despite programs like the Anaemia Mukt Bharat (AMB) being introduced, girls still aren’t well informed about their body’s specific nutritional needs.

Several studies in recent years have shown that anaemic girls are significantly more likely to miss school and less likely to accomplish cognitive tasks than others, thereby further expanding the gender gap in education.

The link between menstruation, nutritional inequality and education

A study published in the American Journal of Clinical Nutrition shows that girls who experienced iron deficiencies were significantly more likely to struggle in maths and reading, underscoring the vital link between nutrition and cognitive development. Persistent stunting was also associated with lower proficiency in these subjects among boys and girls.

Poor menstrual hygiene and cultural taboos surrounding menstruation also contribute to absenteeism in school. A 2015 report by Dasra and USAID on menstrual health in India revealed that at least 23% of girls permanently leave school upon reaching puberty. For those who already suffer from anaemia, menstruation during puberty makes their condition worse, thereby intensifying fatigue and impairing girls’ academic performance.

This vicious cycle of bad nutrition, anaemia and menstrual challenges are some of the reasons why the educational gender gap persists in India. A meta-analysis of 64 studies examining school absenteeism linked to menstruation found that approximately one in four girls missed one or more school days during their menstrual periods. The reasons for absenteeism varied significantly by region. Common causes included physical discomfort or menstrual pain, inadequate water and hygiene facilities, lack of disposal options for menstrual products in school toilets, fear of staining clothes and restrictions imposed by family members or teachers.

The Indian government has launched various programmes, such as the AMB scheme, which aim to reduce anaemia by providing iron supplements and promoting dietary diversity among women and children.The mid day meal scheme, which delivers free food to a vast number of school children, has also played a very important role in enhancing nutrition outcomes among girls.

However, while these programs have made some progress, they still suffer from significant shortcomings. Deep-seated cultural biases that favour boys continue to exist, especially in rural areas, where food allocation often reflects and perpetuates the more extreme discriminatory practices.

A 2022 report by Concern Worldwide highlights that several patriarchal practices contribute to women being more likely to experience hunger than men. In many cultures, men are given priority during mealtimes. When food is scarce, women often reduce their intake or skip meals altogether to ensure that their partners and children receive enough to eat. In some instances, they do not have a say in this decision.

How can women’s nutrition outcomes fuel India’s economic progress?

In his book, An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions, Nobel laureate Amartya Sen highlights that countries with higher female participation in policy-making see better health outcomes and improved nutritional standards. He argues that empowering women often leads to greater household spending on health and education, which in turn drives significant social benefits.

Another study by McKinsey & Company and World Bank Open Knowledge estimates that a 10% rise in women’s labour force participation could contribute an additional $2.5 trillion to India’s GDP.

India needs not only policy interventions but also significant cultural transformations. To fully harness the potential of girls and women, it is imperative to address the systemic gender biases that sustain nutritional inequity.

Eliminating this gender-biased caregiving will be a strategic step toward an environment where children of both genders have an equal chance to thrive and contribute to the development of the nation.

Nimshi Lal and Rahul Sharma are Teaching Fellows of Economics at KREA University, Andhra Pradesh

A Pond in the Backyard: Odisha Women Secure Nutrition and Income With Fish Farming

India is the third-largest aquaculture producer in the world, but social and cultural barriers often exclude women from it. But in Odisha, rural women are beginning to use ponds in their backyards to secure nutrition, income, and dignity.

What Prompted Chandrababu Naidu’s Sudden Claims on ‘Contaminated’ Tirupati Laddus?

The apparently contaminated laddus of Tirupati was clearly a local governance failure of the temple authorities. But for some reason it assumed a communal colour at the national level.

Those familiar with Chandrababu Naidu and his politics were quite shocked at the manner in which the Andhra CM kicked up a storm around ‘contaminated’ laddus offered as “prasadam” to millions of devotees visiting the famous Tirupathi temple. Being a seasoned politician, Naidu would have known that making a definitive claim that beef tallow and other animal fats were mixed with ghee to make the Tirupati laddus would surely create a communally charged debate in the country.

The Deputy Chief Minister, Pawan Kalyan, went ten steps ahead and demanded a national forum for the protection of Sanatan Dharma! One doesn’t know how this giant leap from contaminated laddus to the need for protection of Sanatan Dharma occurred so fast. For good measure, Pawan Kalyan added if such a thing had happened in a mosque there would be an uproar in the country. Well, Kalyan should know that a 15th century mosque was replaced by a temple not so long ago without much uproar. Those with the insatiable capacity to create any uproar hold all the levers of power today.

The apparently contaminated laddus of Tirupati was clearly a local governance failure of the temple authorities. But for some reason it assumed a communal colour at the national level. The samples of the ghee, from a Tamil Nadu based supplier, AR Dairy Private Ltd, were tested and there is only a slight suspicion of some foreign fat content which is not confirmed yet, according to an IAS officer currently heading the temple administration. In no time the Hindutva ecosystem had begun speculating about AR Dairy’s alleged Muslim antecedents on social media. This is what Naidu and Pawan Kalyan had unleashed in no time.

Writing in The Print, author and journalist, Kapil Komireddy, said ,”The charade which Chandrababu Naidu is orchestrating around the Tirupati temple is the most repugnant act of his public life. Those who have known him are flabbergasted by his transformation into a noxious trafficker of communalism”.

Very strong words coming from someone who has known Chandrababu Naidu much before his alliance with BJP in the run up to the Lok Sabha elections. It is well known that Naidu joined the BJP only to save himself from the criminal cases launched by his arch rival Jagan Reddy who as the CM of Andhra had put Naidu behind bars in 2023. Needless to add that the Centre too had actively helped Jagan Reddy build a case against Naidu. Modi has been playing both ways. Even now, in the middle of this controversy, the PM seems to be playing both sides.

Also read: Did Tirupati Devotees Consume Non-Vegetarian Laddus?

But what is truly baffling to many political observers is that Naidu and his deputy Pawan Kalyan, both of whom have stayed away from divisive politics in the past, should start sounding like some seasoned mouthpieces of the Sangh Parivar. What is the compulsion for them to do this now? Especially when divisive majoritarian politics seems to have hit a plateau of sorts in the northern states like Uttar Pradesh, as was shown in the recent Lok Sabha elections.

Naidu’s spokespersons say his intention was to merely expose former CM of Andhra Jagan Reddy under whose administration things deteriorated in the running of Tirupati Temple affairs. Here again a communal twist is sought to be given by suggesting that Jagan Reddy , a practising Christian himself, had appointed another Christian politician as Chairman of the Tirupathi board of trustees. If this is true then the question to be asked is why so many BJP members agreed to become members of the Tirupati board under Jagan Reddy’s rule. Indeed, Jagan was also actively supporting the Modi government as a de facto ally all those years and even helped the BJP pass critical laws in the Lok Sabha.

So the Modi government cannot afford to throw Jagan under the bus now just because Chandrababu Naidu wants to avenge his predecessor for sending him to jail.

Indeed Naidu and his deputy Pawan Kalyan may have overplayed their cards by lending a communal hue to the Tirupati controversy. The debate has spread to the northern states where assorted characters of the Sangh ecosystem are fulminating against the minorities when the Muslims have nothing to do with what is happening in Tirupati.

Some say the controversy might help the BJP in the elections in Haryana and Maharashtra but that seems a far cry because by all accounts issues of livelihood dominate the elections in both the states where the BJP is firmly on the backfoot. Generally, the issue of Thirupati does not seem to be resonating at all beyond the Hindutva ecosystem which is trying to milk the issue.

In the southern states too this issue is hardly getting any traction. As The Hindu recently reported, the thousands of devotees who visit the temple every day continue to do so and accept the laddus with the same fervour as before. They are not responding to Naidu’s alarmist claims.

The only way forward for the CM of Andhra Pradesh is to honestly come out and do some damage control by treating the issue for what it is: a simple administrative lapse in procuring large amounts of ghee from multiple sources across India. Naidu has set up a Special Investigation Team to probe the matter. He will be well advised to let the SIT do a professional job. He must refrain from the temptation to politicise the SIT investigation. His focus must remain on what he has promised the people of Andhra Pradesh on the development front. That should be his real priority.

This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.

Did Tirupati Devotees Consume Non-Vegetarian Laddus?

Despite Chandrababu Naidu’s political allegations, all evidence points toward the use of plant-based adulterants rather than animal fats.

Since Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu alleged on September 18 that animal fat was used in preparing the famous Tirupati laddu during Jagan Mohan Reddy’s time in government, a burning question has emerged: Did crores of devotees unknowingly consume non-vegetarian laddus?

The allegation sent shockwaves through the devotee community, raising both spiritual and health concerns. Neither the NDA government nor the Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams (TTD), the trust managing the temple, has provided a satisfactory answer to this pressing concern.

This convenient equivocation has sparked widespread confusion in traditional and digital media, particularly on social platforms where misleading and concerted communal narratives are being actively propagated, fuelled by the Hindutva ecosystem. Circulating images of unverified lab reports, purportedly proving the use of animal fat in the ghee for laddu preparation, have lent several questionable narratives a veneer of scientific legitimacy.

Despite this, dairy scientists have independently clarified that the fatty acid profile is more consistent with plant or vegetable oils. Furthermore, the show cause notice issued to AR Dairy Food Private Limited only alleges adulteration with plant-based oils, citing the presence of β-sitosterol – a plant sterol – rather than animal fats.

TTD’s conflicting press conferences

Two separate press conferences by the TTD executive officer referenced the same National Dairy Development Board CALF report, which revealed ghee adulteration with plant-based oils rather than animal fats. CALF is the Centre for Analysis and learning in Livestock and Food.

However, executive officer J. Shyamala Rao drew different inferences from the report in each conference – initially identifying vegetable fat adulteration, but later citing dangerously low ‘S’ values suggestive of animal fats. Dairy scientists clarified that the fatty acid profile was more consistent with plant oils like coconut and palm oil. Meanwhile, ghee traders confirmed that plant-based adulteration is common, as cheaper oils are often used to cut costs, making animal fat adulteration unlikely.

On July 24, J. Shyamala Rao held a press conference to address concerns about the laddu’s quality. He revealed that an National Accreditation Board for Testing and Calibration Laboratories (NABL) test had uncovered one supplier providing ghee adulterated with vegetable fat. As a result, one of the five suppliers was blacklisted for failing to meet quality standards. Action was taken against another company, with show cause notices issued to two suppliers in total.

At the same press conference, Rao acknowledged that TTD currently lacks a device for testing ghee quality, though plans are in motion to acquire one soon. He highlighted ongoing challenges in procuring raw materials and ghee for the laddu prasadam. To bolster quality control, TTD has formed a committee of dairy experts – dubbed the “Ghee Committee” – comprising Dr. Mahadevan from Bengaluru, Dr. Surendranath, Dr. Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy from Hyderabad, and professor Swarna Latha. This committee’s primary task will be to assess the ghee’s quality, with a particular focus on its aroma and overall integrity.

Lab tests revealed significant adulteration, but rather than animal fats, the tests suggested the use of cheaper vegetable oils, complicating Naidu’s allegation.

On September 20, J. Shyamala Rao held another press conference two days after Naidu’s allegations about the quality of ghee supplied to the temple. Following complaints about the poor quality of laddus, TTD had sent ghee samples to the NDDB in Gujarat for analysis. The results revealed that four out of 10 tankers from Tamil Nadu-based AR Dairy Food Private Limited – one of TTD’s five contracted suppliers – were highly adulterated. This led to the rejection of these shipments and the blacklisting of the supplier.

Citing the NDDB report, Rao highlighted that the ghee’s ‘S’ value – a key quality indicator – was alarmingly low at 19.72, far below the required standard of 98.68 to 104.32 indicating it contained dangerously high levels of foreign fats, including fish oil, beef tallow, and lard, as revealed by the lab tests.

Also read: How the Tirupati Laddu Lent Itself to Politics

Analysing fatty acid profiles and adulteration claims

Interestingly, the NABL report Rao referenced in the July 24 press conference is the same NDDB-CALF report he mentioned in the September 20 press conference. The NABL is India’s primary accreditation body for laboratories. The NDDB, established by an Act of Parliament, operates under the Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry and Dairying. NDDB’s CALF in Anand is a multidisciplinary analytical laboratory. In 2013, CALF received ISO/IEC 17025 accreditation from NABL, validating its competence and reliability.

The Wire has obtained access to this five-page NDDB-CALF report (plus annexure). The report details the results of a chemical analysis conducted by NDDB CALF Ltd. on a ghee sample labelled “TN02BB 2070”.

The analysis revealed key findings about the ghee’s fatty acid composition and adulteration tests, marked with # in the report. The Free Fatty Acid (Oleic Acid) level was 0.440%, well below the FSSAI maximum limit of 2.000%. Milk Fat content measured 99.618%, surpassing the minimum requirement of 99.500% set by IS 3509:1966. The Butyro Refractometer reading of 43.400 fell within the acceptable range of 40.000–44.000. Adulteration tests yielded negative results for both the Baudouin Test (no sesame oil detected) and the Mineral Oil Test (no mineral oil contamination found).

However, the analysis identified several fatty acids outside the specified ranges: Lauric Acid at 11.713% (permissible range: 1.500–4.000%), Palmitic Acid at 39.462% (exceeding the 38.000% upper limit), and Linoleic Acid at 5.538% (acceptable range: 0.500–3.500%). Other parameters showed a Moisture Content of 0.124%, well within the maximum limit of 0.500%. The Saponification Value of 241.952 exceeded the specified maximum of 235.000, suggesting the presence of fats with lower molecular weights than expected.

Understanding ghee composition and adulteration

A dairy scientist based in Canada, speaking to The Wire on condition of anonymity, confirmed that analysing the fatty acid profile can help assess the possibility of ghee adulteration with animal fat. “While animal fats, particularly beef tallow or pork lard, have distinct fatty acid compositions, the report does not provide conclusive evidence to either confirm or rule out this type of adulteration,” she said.

Expanding on the report’s inconclusive findings, she explained, “Lauric acid, commonly found in tropical oils like coconut oil, was detected in high amounts, making plant oils a more likely adulterant than animal fats. Similarly, palmitic acid, which is common in both dairy and animal fats, exceeded the permissible limit. However, this alone does not specifically indicate animal fat adulteration, as palmitic acid could come from either source.”

She further explained, “Ghee, derived from cow’s milk, is rich in short-chain fatty acids like butyric acid. The report shows that butyric acid was below the limit of quantification (LOQ), which could raise suspicions. However, if animal fats were present, we would expect to see more significant differences in other key fatty acids, such as stearic and oleic acids.”

“These two fatty acids are common in both animal and dairy fats. Stearic acid at 9.614% is within the expected range for ghee (8.000–19.000%), which suggests there is not a high amount of animal fat, as tallow and lard have higher stearic acid content. Oleic acid at 26.302% also falls within the expected range for ghee (19.000–32.000%).”

“The Reichert-Meissl Value (RM) is 29.010, well above the minimum limit of 24.000. While a low RM value could indicate the presence of non-dairy fats, such as animal fats, the high RM value here suggests that the sample contains a significant amount of dairy fat. The Polenske Value is 1.700, within the range of 0.500–2.000. This value helps distinguish animal fats from dairy fats, and the result does not raise any red flags for animal fat adulteration.”

Show Cause Notice: Allegations of Plant-Based Adulteration

The Wire also obtained access to the show cause notice issued by the TTD to AR Dairy Food Private Limited on July 27. The notice cites the lab test report from NDDB CALF Ltd. dated July 23, 2024.

The show cause notice does not accuse AR Dairy of adding animal fats to the ghee. Rather, it alleges adulteration with plant-based oils, citing the presence of β-sitosterol – a plant sterol. This evidence points to the addition of vegetable fats, not animal fats. The abnormalities in the fatty acid profile, particularly the high levels of Lauric and Linoleic Acids, also align with the use of vegetable oils such as coconut or palm oil, rather than animal fats.

The show cause notice raises objections on three parameters: saponification value, presence of β-sitosterol, and milk fat purity. “The saponification value of 249.644, which is outside the permissible range, suggests the presence of non-milk or foreign fats, indicating adulteration. Additionally, the high β-sitosterol value of 167.895 mg/kg, which should be absent in pure cow ghee, strongly indicates possible adulteration with vegetable oils, as β-sitosterol is a plant sterol commonly found in plant oils,” Velugoti Padmanabha Reddy told The Wire.

Reddy is the vice-chancellor of Sri Venkateswara Veterinary University, Tirupati, and a distinguished veterinarian, and renowned dairy and food safety researcher with over 35 years of multidisciplinary professional experience.

Also read: Explained: Chandrababu Naidu, the Tirupati Laddu, and Why the Fat Is in the Fire

He emphasised that the milk fat content was 99.618%, exceeding the required 99.5%. “Achieving 100% purity is virtually impossible,” he explained. “The standard for ghee is 99.5% milk fat, with the remaining 0.5% allowance for moisture and vitamins. In this case, the moisture content was a mere 0.124%, well below the permitted 0.5% – a clear indicator of good quality in that aspect.”

The show cause notice clearly does not accuse AR Dairy Food Private Limited of adding animal fats to the ghee. Rather, it alleges adulteration with plant-based oils, citing the presence of β-sitosterol – a plant sterol. This evidence points to the addition of vegetable fats, not animal fats. The abnormalities in the fatty acid profile, particularly the high levels of Lauric and Linoleic Acids, also align with the use of vegetable oils such as coconut or palm oil, rather than animal fats.

Misinterpretation of results: The complexity of ghee testing

When asked about EO Syamala Rao’s claim that the ghee’s ‘S’ value was dangerously low at 19.72, Reddy explained that these values come from highly sophisticated tests. “The fatty acid test is extremely complex and typically reserved for research, not routine analysis. It’s also quite expensive,” he noted.

“The ‘S value’ actually refers to the separation value. In chromatography, when you have a sample with, say, 25 acids, these compounds separate and travel at different rates, indicating their nature. It’s not saponification, but separation. Many people are misinterpreting it as the saponification value,” he clarified.

He cautions that these sophisticated chromatographic tests can produce false positives due to trace amounts of foreign substances. “With such advanced chromatographic separation, the chance of false positives at these levels is quite high. That’s why annexure-1 outlines the conditions under which these false positives might occur,” he explained. “These cutting-edge testing methods can be incredibly sensitive, often detecting minute traces that don’t necessarily affect the product’s overall quality or safety.”

Furthermore, he elaborated: “Consider this analogy: if someone claimed that breast milk contains pesticides, would you believe it? In reality, pesticides can be present in extremely minute quantities. Sophisticated chromatography tests might detect these trace amounts. Most people would dismiss the idea of pesticides in breast milk. However, if you send a sample to a high-tech laboratory for chromatographic testing, they might detect traces of pesticides, microplastics, or heavy metals. Does this mean breast milk is contaminated? I believe they’re essentially taking a minuscule finding and blowing it out of proportion.”

Ghee traders weigh in

The Wire also reached out to multiple ghee traders who confirmed that ghee is one of the most adulterated substances. “Ghee is generally mixed with vegetable oils or vanaspati for two reasons,” Nirbhay Doshi, a former ghee trader from Ahmedabad, told The Wire. “First, they’re usually cheaper than animal fats like beef tallow or fish oil. Second, while animal fats might maintain a similar flavour and texture, the aroma is a dead giveaway. Fish oil, in particular, can be easily detected by its distinct smell in the ghee.”

The Ghee Committee’s draft report, submitted to the TTD executive officer in early September and first accessed by news organisation South First, acknowledges sensory testing as crucial for quality control. This method assesses the ghee’s organoleptic properties—aroma, flavour, and texture. However, the report also highlights this approach’s inherent subjectivity.

“It’s virtually impossible for ghee adulterated with animal fats, especially fish oil, to pass TTD’s sensory testing, given the institution’s experience and carefully selected team,” Prof. Reddy told The Wire. “The aroma of the ghee is so well-known to both TTD and devotees that even the slightest change would raise suspicion.”

When asked about reassuring the millions of devotees, he categorically stated, “There’s no need to worry. TTD’s practices are safe, and devotees can have full confidence in them.” Despite Naidu’s political allegations, all evidence points toward the use of plant-based adulterants rather than animal fats, offering some relief to devotees concerned about the sanctity of their offerings.

To Address Food Adulteration, Adityanath Renews Push for Eatery Owners’ Names to Be Displayed

The UP CM’s fresh directions to his officials came in the backdrop of at least four incidents over the last two weeks in UP where food stall staff or juice centres were accused of allegedly contaminating edible items with human waste or spit.

New Delhi: Uttar Pradesh chief minister Adityanath has instructed officials to ensure that the names and addresses of the operators, proprietors and managers of eateries in the state are prominently displayed at the establishment. If necessary, the Food Safety and Standards Act, which deals with the subject, could also be amended, Adityanath told officials at a high-level review meeting on September 24.

This is not the first time this year that Adityanath has issued directives requiring food sellers to display the names of their owners at their eateries. During the recent Kanwar Yatra, his government had mandated that food sellers display the names and identities of their owners at their eateries along the Kanwar Yatra route. The Supreme Court, however, put a stay on that controversial move, which many believed was a blatant act of communal identification and discrimination.

Adityanath’s fresh directions to his officials came in the backdrop of at least four incidents over the last two weeks in UP where food stall staff or juice centres were accused of and penalised for allegedly contaminating edible items such as juice and rotis with human waste or spit.

On September 19, while opening a three-storey ‘floating restaurant’ in Gorakhpur, Adityanath made a cheeky reference to these incidents, without naming the accused or revealing their identity.

“It’s good, at least what you get here won’t be the juice from Hapur. You won’t get rotis with spit on them. Whatever you get here, will be pure,” said Adityanath, to loud claps and a cheer of ‘Jai Jai Shri Ram’ from the audience.

Though Adityanath mentioned Hapur, he was probably referring to an incident in Ghaziabad where two persons – the juice stall owner and a minor who worked there – were arrested on September 13 for allegedly contaminating juice with human urine. The arrested accused was identified as one Aamir.

Additional Commissioner of Police, Ankur Vihar, Ghaziabad, Bhaskar Verma said that after some locals brought the matter to their notice, local police inspected the juice stall and found a can filled with one litre of human urine. Hindustan Times reported that the accused Aamir explained to police that since there was no place near his stall to urinate, he has been storing the urine in a plastic bottle. However, the police was not convinced by his reply. “The stall owner didn’t give a satisfactory reply,” said officer Verma.

An FIR was lodged in the case for charges related to adulteration of food or drink intended for sale, sale of noxious food or drink and malignant act likely to spread infection of disease dangerous to life.

In another incident, on September 7, police in Gautam Buddha Nagar arrested a restaurant employee, identified as Chand, for allegedly spitting on rotis while making them at the eatery. The act was allegedly caught on video and widely shared on social media. The first information report invoked charges related to negligent act likely to spread infection of disease dangerous to life, malignant act likely to spread infection of disease dangerous to life and disobedience to order duly promulgated by public servant causing danger to human life, health or safety.

A similar incident was reported in Saharanpur on September 10, where a minor boy was arrested for allegedly spitting on rotis while he was making them. The restaurant where the boy worked was also sealed by the food safety department, said police.

A case was registered in the matter for promoting enmity between different grounds on the grounds of religion, etc.

Another incident was reported in Shamli, also in west UP, on September 23 when a juice vendor was arrested for allegedly spitting into the mosambi (sweet lime) juice while he was squeezing the fruit with a hand-operated juicer. A short clip of the incident was shared on social media. The accused was identified as Asif, aged 20.

In his review meeting with officials of the Food Safety and Drug Administration department, Adityanath mentioned that incidents had been reported from different corners of the country where edible items such as juice, dal and roti were contaminated with “human waste, non-edible items and nasty things.”

“Such incidents are disgusting and can have adverse affects on the health of the common people. Such malicious attempts cannot be accepted at all. Concrete arrangements need to be made to ensure that such incidents do not happen in UP,” a government spokesman said quoting Adityanath.

The chief minister directed strict action against those who mix “human waste and nasty items” with food.

Adityanath’s directives did not stop there. He has also asked officials and police to run a state-wide campaign and probe all restaurants and dhabas, and conduct a verification of all staff and workers in such establishments.

Adityanath also wants CCTV cameras to be installed in dhabas, hotels and restaurants in the state, and that all the areas, including where the customers are seated, be covered. “It should be ensured that every establishment operator keeps the feed of CCTV cameras safe and makes it available to the police or local administration if required,” Adityanath told officials.

In July, when the Supreme Court had put an interim stay on the Adityanath government’s directives for eateries on the Kanwar Yatra route, the government had justified it by saying that the idea was to ensure “transparency and informed choice” of the Kanwariyas regarding the food they eat during the pilgrimage keeping in mind their “religious sentiments.”

To push its argument that the directives were issued to prevent confusion in the minds of the kanwariyas, the government attached details of three dhabas in Muzaffarnagar owned by Muslims but had names that did not reveal so. The three eateries are Raja Ram Bhoj dhaba, Rajasthani Shudh Khalsa Dhaba and the Pandit Ji Vaishno Dhaba.