Education

AICTE Data Shows Consistent Decline in Demand for MTech Degree: Report

According to the data, MTech admissions have fallen to a seven-year low of 45,000 students over the last two academic years.

New Delhi: Interest in India’s MTech courses has been on the decline, with data from All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE) showing that nearly two of every three MTech seats in India’s engineering colleges lie vacant.

This pattern of decline has persisted even as total postgraduate seats have decreased by a third since 2017-2018, reported The Indian Express.

According to the data, MTech admissions have fallen to a seven-year low of 45,000 students over the last two academic years. This phenomenon is in sharp contrast to increasing enrolments for BTech, with experts blaming this on factors including lack of value addition from an MTech degree, disconnect between the curriculum and industry requirements and no significant advantages in terms of salaries.

The data shows that seven year back, postgraduate engineering and technology programmes across the country had 1.85 lakh seats, of which only 68,677 were filled, with 63 per cent seats being vacant.

The vacancy rate increased to 64 per cent in 2023-24, even as the total number of MTech seats shrunk by 33 per cent to 1.24 lakh in response to declining demand, with only 45,047 students pursuing the degree.

“There is no interest in postgraduate studies, and it is a concern. Students are not finding much difference in salaries offered after postgraduation, compared to what they might get after completing BTech,” said AICTE Member Secretary Rajive Kumar.

‘Modi vs Khan Market Gang’ Book Promotes Patriotism, DU VC Says at Uni Event

While speaking about Modi versus Khan Market gang, Delhi University VC Yogesh Singh appeared to have assumed the role of a BJP spokesperson.

New Delhi: Delhi University vice-chancellor Yogesh Singh today (January 16) made his endorsement of the Narendra Modi government and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) public at an event organised to launch the book, Modi vs Khan Market Gang – the title a reference to a political binary that the prime minister has used to attack critics.

Speaking at the event, Singh said, “Everyone must read this book as it reflects concerns for the nation’s interest and promotes patriotism. I often say at Delhi University that the role of our education system and universities is to foster patriotism. It is our fundamental duty to cultivate love for the nation.”

The book in question, which critics claim is a work of BJP propaganda, is authored by Ashok Shrivastav, a news anchor who works for the public broadcaster Doordarshan News. The event, held at the convention hall of the vice-chancellor’s office, was organised by the Council of Media and Public Policy and Research, along with the Silence Foundation, in collaboration with the Delhi University.

Modi vs Khan Market Gang, Ashok Shrivastav, Council for Media & Public Policy Research, 2024. Photo: Atul Ashok Howale

Singh’s praise for the book and his emphasis on ‘patriotism’ echoed the event’s underlying theme of promoting the BJP and Prime Minister Modi as synonymous with India. The vice-chancellor’s statements – which reflect the increasing politicisation of educational institutions in the country – are likely to prove controversial as Singh appeared to be using his position to advance the interests of the BJP.

Shrivastav, the book’s author, thanked Singh for his role in organising the event, referring to him as the “chief architect” of the programme. Shrivastav claimed that the “Khan Market gang” – a term used to describe critics of the Modi government – has spread from Delhi to New York, and that Modi is the symbol of India.

Shrivastav said, “The Khan Market gang has spread from Delhi to New York. The Khan Market gang refers to those who are bothered by the progress of the country. Narendra Modi is the symbol of India, and because of this, the targets of the Khan Market gang are always India and Narendra Modi.”

“The main objective of bringing this book to the university is to make educational centres, students and the teachers who shape them aware of the importance of these fake narratives. If students and teachers understand these fake narratives, then India can remain safe,” he added.

Also read: PM Modi’s Degree | ‘RTI Can’t Be to Satisfy Third Party’s Curiosity,’ Delhi University Tells HC

Besides the principals of various colleges and students associated with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, the event was attended by BJP leaders, including the party’s national co-organisation secretary Shiv Prakash and former MP Jyoti Mirdha.

Presented as a book launch, the programme criticised journalists and media houses that question the government. There were also attempts to promote media outlets that provide uncritical support to the Modi government. For instance, Singh praised Shrivastav extensively and encouraged the audience to watch his show ‘Do Tuk’ on DD News. He also stated that the programme itself was “an example of patriotism”.

While speaking about the book, Singh suggested how various global rankings, such as the hunger index, press freedom index and happiness index were allegedly being used to spread fake narratives. Notably, India is ranked 159 out of the 180 nations considered in the 2024 edition of the press freedom index.

“Modi’s journey was nothing short of a revolution, and people like us have contributed to this revolution. Despite massive efforts to defeat him, the public chose to elect him,” BJP leader Mirdha said at the event, in an attempt to praise Modi.

She added, “In the last election, a narrative was set that the BJP government would change the constitution if it came to power. However, the provision to amend the constitution is itself provided by the constitution, and it has been changed 130 times. For instance, the Panchayati Raj system and women’s reservation were introduced through constitutional amendments. People need to understand this. Those from the backward classes who previously claimed that they feared the BJP and said their reservations would end if Modi came to power now admit after the elections that people were fooled at the time.”

NTA Should Have Avoided Needing to Abruptly Reschedule NET In Light of Pongal

The NTA must acknowledge India’s diversity and work to provide exam schedules that are as reasonable and desirable as possible.

With the National Testing Agency (NTA) – and by proxy the Union government – having locked horns with students and political parties in Tamil Nadu over the schedule for the University Grants Commission-National Eligibility Test (UGC-NET) exams, which coincide with Pongal celebrations in the state, the agency on Monday (January 13) evening abruptly rescheduled those exams originally set to take place on January 15 to a yet-unspecified date.

The NTA first notified the days on which the UGC-NET would be held on December 19, immediately after which a volley of questions were directed at it and at the concerned ministries. Despite this, it issued hall tickets for the exams and no response could be elicited from officials until about 36 hours before the exams scheduled for January 15 were to take place.

However, neither the NTA nor Tamil Nadu are new to such skirmishes. In November, deputy general secretary of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and Lok Sabha MP from Thoothukudi, Kanimozhi Karunanidhi (who is also sister of chief minister M.K. Stalin), ragingly took to social media to register her protest against the Institute of Chartered Accountants of India (ICAI) for its decision to conduct the CA foundation examination on Pongal.

Insisting that Pongal is Tamil Nadu’s “most celebrated cultural festival” and that the ICAI’s decision to hold the exam during Pongal was a “deliberate attack on our identity and heritage”, Kanimozhi said the Union government “must direct the Ministry of Corporate Affairs, under which ICAI operates, to reschedule the exam”.

Echoing similar concerns, Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) leader and Madurai MP Su. Venkatesan said, as per IANS: “The central [Union] government must take appropriate action and immediately revise the exam dates to honour Tamil traditions and the cultural significance of these festivals.”

The political commitment from different outfits like the DMK and the CPI(M), and perhaps discontent among students in Tamil Nadu, persuaded the ICAI to reconsider its decision and reschedule the exam to accommodate their concerns.

Concern over NET schedule not necessarily limited to Tamil Nadu

However, this sense of reassurance would be short-lived. Tamil Nadu soon became positioned for another tussle when the NTA scheduled the UGC-NET exams between January 3 and 16, which coincides with Pongal celebrations between January 14 and 16.

This concern was not just limited to Pongal or Tamil Nadu – the second week of January is marked by several auspicious harvest festivals across India that are aligned with the apparent movement of the sun with respect to the earth during this time, such as Lohri in Punjab, Poush Parbon in West Bengal, Makar Sankranti in Rajasthan, Maharashtra and the Telugu states, and Magh Bihu in the northeast, just to name some.

Considering the fact that this time of the year has a cultural and traditional significance in many states of the country, it is imperative for a Union government agency to take cognisance of such concerns in a timely manner. A disregard of regional traditions – and thus an indifference to regional autonomy – is a source of concern for India, which is a union of states.

That states can bargain with and lobby the Union government regarding their policy and legislative preferences is part of the inclusive approach our federal system provides for. And it is well-established that “legislating by consensus, rather than by majority rule, produces more efficient unions”, as articulated by the authors of this paper.

Also read: Paper Leaks and Cancellation of Exams Reveal the Rot in Indian Education System Runs Deeper

Controversy occurs at a time when NTA’s credibility under question

If students eagerly checked the UGC and the NTA’s websites and social media handles expecting a revision in the NET exam schedule, they received no solace for weeks. Stalin had also written to Union education minister Dharmendra Pradhan earlier this month insisting that the NET exams be rescheduled.

In the past year, the NTA came under scrutiny for the NEET-UG paper leak and the NET’s integrity being possibly compromised. This along with its insufficiently considering regional concerns has brought the credibility of the agency and its capacity to handle the scale of operations it leads into question.

The NTA was established with the cabinet’s nod as a premier, specialist autonomous organisation to coordinate various stakeholders like the UGC, the Medical Council of India, the All India Council for Technical Education and other higher education institutions to conduct their exams to select qualifying students.

In 2023, approximately 13.3 million students registered with the NTA for various exams. This number dropped to 8.5 million in 2024, possibly hinting at growing concerns regarding its mechanisms and processes.

Given that the NTA conducts exams for millions of students every academic year and thus plays a crucial role in their academic and professional careers, it bears a responsibility to provide them with a level playing field and also to enable them to fulfil their potential by providing them with favourable exam circumstances.

Hence, a sharp attention to detail in matters of regional concerns is fundamental when making decisions about exam schedules.

Way forward

While the NTA’s modifying the UGC-NET exam schedule has freed students from having to choose between exam and festival, it has by announcing the change at the last minute thrown students for a loop. Its abrupt decision will likely impact many students either in terms of their stress levels or in terms of material loss they may suffer by having to cancel their travel plans or reschedule them at short notice.

A way forward for the NTA could be taking the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC)’s lead. When the Election Commission last year declared the dates for the general elections, the UPSC acted promptly and adjusted the schedule for the preliminary Civil Services Exam in light of the election schedule, giving ample time to candidates to recalibrate their preparation and manage travel tickets and accommodation.

The NTA can also work with state governments and collate a comprehensive calendar of festivals and other regional events and leverage this so that each student has a chance to make use of career opportunities as well as participate in community traditions.

The agency must pre-emptively acknowledge the diverse landscape of India’s cultural geography and work to provide exam schedules that are as reasonable and desirable as possible. Its role of conducting national-level exams and announcing their results is not just a mechanical one, but one that must involve acknowledging the diversity of all stakeholders and incorporating an attitude whereby all voices are heard and respected.

This would also restore a semblance of autonomy on part of the states and cooperation between them and the Union.

The harvest festivals are marked by a preparation of rice in several states. There is a proverb which reads as follows: “The riper the rice, the more deeply it bows,” which means that as one’s learning and skills deepen, so does one’s humility.

One hopes that as the rice grows and bows as it nears the harvest season, the Union government’s agencies deepen their learning about the myriad juggernaut of cultural needs, ideas and consciousnesses that this country is.

Saumya Gupta is an an independent political and legislative consultant. Thirunavukarasu S. is a junior research fellow and doctoral scholar at the department of defence and strategic studies at the University of Madras.

PM Modi’s Degree | ‘RTI Can’t Be to Satisfy Third Party’s Curiosity,’ Delhi University Tells HC

The high court was hearing Delhi University’s 2017 plea against the Central Information Commission’s order asking it to allow inspection of records of the students who had graduated from its Bachelor of Arts programme in 1978.

New Delhi: The Delhi University has told the Delhi high court that the purpose of a Right to Information request cannot be to satisfy a third party’s curiosity – in a case relating to prime minister Narendra Modi’s college degree.

Representing the university was Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, who said that students’ information was held by a university in a “fiduciary capacity”. It could not be revealed “to a stranger”, he argued.

“Section 6 provides a mandate that information will have to be given, that is the purpose. But the RTI Act is not for the purpose of satisfying someone’s curiosity,” Mehta said to a bench of Justice Sachin Datta, according to a report by The Hindu.

‘Misuse’

LiveLaw reported that Mehta submitted that the RTI law cannot be “misused” by ordering disclosure of information which is “unrelated” to the transparency and accountability in functioning of public authorities.

While there is speculation and controversy over Modi’s degrees Mehta seemed to suggest that this will open itself up to more such requests.

“He wants everybody’s information in the year 1978. Somebody can come and say 1979. Someone 1964. This university was established in 1922,” he said.

A decade’s efforts

The CIC had passed its order almost a decade ago, in 2016, in response to RTI activist Neeraj Kumar’s application for details of 1978 DU graduates. The CIC had observed that every University is a public body and that all degree related information is available in the varsity’s private register, which is a public document, LiveLaw noted in its report.

In October last year, the Supreme Court refused to quash summons issued by a trial court to Aam Aadmi Party chief Arvind Kejriwal in a defamation case filed by Gujarat University over comments he made about Modi’s education. The Bharatiya Janata Party – Modi’s party – has alleged that he got his Masters degree from GU after the BA from DU.

In March 2023, the Gujarat high court had quashed another 2016 directive of the CIC asking it to provide details of Modi’s educational qualifications to Kejriwal.

How India’s Assembly Line Education System Shapes the Perfect H1B Candidate

We, the Indian STEM kids, remain ensnared in a web of simplistic binaries – our lives shaped from the earliest moments by family structures that demand obedience, caste hierarchies that normalise subjugation, and classrooms that reward quiet compliance.

The first shock of stepping into a US classroom was not the language, the syllabus, or the sprawling architecture – it was the casual defiance of power. Students, headphones dangling, backpacks barely zipped, would rise mid-lecture to take a call or leave without so much as an apologetic glance. Others raised their hands not to pose questions but to remind professors they had overrun their time, setting boundaries rather than deferring to authority. For someone like me, shaped by the rituals of deference and the rigid hierarchies of the Indian education system, this was more than surprising – it was seismic.

Fifteen years later, I can almost empathise with Vivek Ramaswamy’s viral critique of American cultural values. His argument that immigrant engineers thrive because unlike them, American society glorifies the jock over the nerd, almost rings true. It also fits neatly into a familiar stereotype: a disciplined, achievement-oriented “tiger-parent” upbringing juxtaposed against the perceived laxity of the American system, ergo decline in intellectual rigour. Yet, for all the attention his argument garners, it misses something vital about the American classroom – something that cannot be grasped without firsthand experience.

Having worked in the US on an H1B visa and navigating both American and Indian educational systems, I see the flaws in the arguments made by Ramaswamy and others like Musk about the alleged decline in American high-skilled labour. What struck me in those American classrooms was not irreverence or disorder but a different kind of respect – one which, unlike in India, was not conferred by title or demanded through hierarchy but earned through substance. Authority in that space was not imposed; it was invited, tested, and reaffirmed through merit and dialogue. Professors were not exalted for their positions but valued for what they brought to the exchange: expertise, openness, and the ability to inspire thought.

While Elon Musk advocates for expanding H-1B visas for “high-skilled” immigrants, and his stance is at odds with the broader MAGA movement‘s anti-immigration ethos. It is only fair to look at what makes the American education system unique and why is there an uproar by the tech oligarchs around the need to expand the H1B visa.

American versus Indian system

What does it truly mean to be educated? Is education the moulding of pliant minds into replicas of institutional ideals, or is it the awakening of a deeper self, the nurturing of the ability to question and create?

It begins rather early; step into an American classroom, and you will find an environment free of ceremony: no uniforms and no daily assemblies. A pledge of allegiance does exist, but students can opt out if they want to. Here, identity is shaped not through collective rituals but through the act of questioning – of teachers, of peers, of the world, and ultimately, oneself. The brash jock defying authority or the outspoken rebel challenging norms is more than a cultural archetype; they are reflections of a national ethos. This defiance, often dismissed as glorification of mediocrity, has birthed innovations that reshape the world. The Googles, Steve Jobses, and Zuckerbergs, however polarising, emerge from a system that values risk over rote, intuition over obedience, and audacity over silence.

In contrast, an Indian school assembly is a spectacle of conformity. Rows of children stand in geometric precision, in the morning assembly, designed like a panopticon, under the watchful eye of an authority figure. Every minor deviation, from an untucked shirt to an unpolished shoe, is corrected as though order hinges on uniformity. The march-past exemplifies this ethos – discipline for its own sake, fostering obedience without purpose. Such rituals discourage questioning, embedding a broader societal pattern where authority remains unchallenged.

The American system for example asks you to do a book report on Adventures of Huckleberry Finn and share it in front of your class. This allows a child to look for meanings themselves, an ability to read between the lines, consider, too, the structural fluidity of a system that allows the exceptionally talented child in mathematics to join the advanced class of the grade above or provides remedial support to those who struggle. This flexibility is a recognition that learning is not about conforming to an arbitrary standard but about meeting the individual where they are and guiding them toward where they could be.

Also read: ‘Rise of Anti-Indian Hate Posts on X by Trump Supporters is Organised, Systemic Hatred’: Report

The Indian cultural ethos that creates the perfect H1B specimen

The Indian system, which produces one of the world’s largest pools of engineers, has struggled to make revolutionary impact on global research. Often, it is only when an Indian moves abroad that innovation occurs. When the previous Karnataka government decided to ban hijabs in classrooms, it proved how schools are seen as “qualified public spaces” where individual rights should merge into the collective.

Education in India operates less as a crucible for critical thought and more as a conveyor belt of conformity, its primary test being not how well one can question but how thoroughly one can internalise. The measure of a “good student” is not creativity or innovation but the capacity for disciplined memorisation, and the ability to regurgitate with precision what has been fed. The system rewards obedience to the text, not inquiry into its gaps, and for many, this becomes a lifelong framework. Once a path is charted – whether by parental expectation or societal norm – Indian students tread it with unwavering diligence.

This is not without its triumphs. Consider the dominance of Indian-origin children in American spelling bees. In such arenas, the Indian educational ethos finds its validation. But this same conditioning, which makes us formidable in spaces defined by strict rules and clear answers, erects invisible barriers when the task demands navigating ambiguity, embracing nuance, or asking questions that have no immediate or tangible answers.

We, the Indian science and tech (STEM) kids, remain ensnared in a web of simplistic binaries, our lives shaped from the earliest moments by family structures that demand obedience, caste hierarchies that normalise subjugation, and classrooms that reward quiet compliance. From our first lessons, we are trained to nod in agreement, to affirm the authority that governs us—be it parental, societal, or institutional. This is not education in the sense of expanding horizons but indoctrination into the art of acquiescence. We learn to accept the world as it is, to skim its surface without probing its depths, to absorb its narratives without questioning their origin or purpose.

This conditioning functions with ruthless efficiency. It inoculates us against curiosity, preempts dissent, and convinces us that the visible order of things is not only natural but just. We mistake this facade for equity, believing the world to be inherently fair because we are spared its harshest inequities. This is why figures like Musk, who value efficiency over curiosity, find us so appealing – we do, without question, what is asked.

Training workshops disguised as universities

A 2017 CSDS-Lokniti report found that higher education levels in India correlate with stronger right-wing authoritarian views. Educated individuals showed the highest support for punitive actions on divisive issues like beef consumption and religious conversions, with many endorsing mob violence, dictatorship, and the suppression of free speech – stances less common among the less educated.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty.

During my graduate school years in the US, classes and exams often felt like workshops – collaborative, exploratory, and, at times, almost chaotic. Teachers wielded flexibility like a tool, adapting lesson plans to the moment, while students were afforded the freedom to chart their own academic paths within the framework of their chosen degree plans. This autonomy was not just a logistical feature; it was a philosophical cornerstone. What emerged was a system built on choice, negotiation, and mutual respect. The American classroom was not a temple where one bowed to the infallible teacher but a space for dialogue, experimentation, and even dissent.

But to create something new, one needs a certain amount of rebellion. The many Indian startups are an example of this vacuum. Few of the known Indian startups are original creations – from the ride-sharing apps to the food-delivery apps. The only ones that are somewhat original are those 10-minute grocery delivery apps which are a means for this same “educated” and rich upper class to exploit the cheap labour available all around. It is no surprise that many of these startup founders are also ex-H1B graduates.

In India, at 16, an Indian student pursuing technical education severs any ties with the liberal arts, cutting off their only avenue for grappling with ethical dilemmas or societal complexities.

These technical training institutes, unlike their Western counterparts, are not full-fledged universities, they have a limited focus and there is hardly any multi-disciplinary academic programme that allows for technical education to be complimented with any broader inquiry that can come from association with other academic streams. They do not foster philosophical inquiry or political debate. They function more as workshops, designed to produce efficient workers, not critical thinkers, cultivating a narrow conformity.

Students at these colleges, like me, are trained to see the world in binaries of questions and answers. There is no grey area of abstraction. Politics, if it appears at all in our lives, stems either from the unquestioned authority in the home or the curated algorithmic echo-chambers of social media – spaces inhospitable to the disruptive spark of a foreign idea. So, without the messy friction of diverse thought, the Indian techie becomes a semi-autonomous machine, programmed for specific tasks, but untouched by the forces of diversity. Therefore, our ‘upper’ caste, middle class global aspirations make us hugely suitable to the American H1B factory line. Our education system has primed us for productivity, not introspection, fostering a mindset that aligns much better with authoritarianism than liberal pluralism.

The flaw in Ramaswamy’s critique lies in its failure to recognise this nuance. The American system’s lack of rigidity is not a bug but a feature, fostering innovation precisely because it values questions over answers and boundaries over blind obedience. It is not perfect – no system is – but its willingness to embrace disorder and dissent has birthed some of the world’s most revolutionary ideas. What Ramaswamy perceives as weakness is, in many ways, the source of its strength.

So, yes, H1B is great for the American oligarch because it allows them to hire cheap automatons much like me. But is it a better system of imparting education than the American one? The answer is a hard no, bro.

Raj Shekhar Sen is based out of San Francisco and works in the area of data privacy regulations. He also occasionally contributes as a freelancer writing on politics and runs a podcast on politics called the Bharatiya Junta Podcast.

TN CM Stalin Slams UGC’s ‘Unconstitutional’ Move to Give Governors More Power in VC Appointments

The draft regulations allow individuals from senior positions in industry, public policy, administration, or public sector undertakings to be eligible for university vice-chancellor roles, even if they are not professors.

New Delhi: The new guidelines under the draft University Grants Commission (UGC) regulations for 2025 provides chancellors or visitors the authority to constitute a three-member search-cum-selection committee to appoint vice-chancellors. Tamil Nadu chief minister M.K. Stalin criticised the move calling it “authoritarian,” “direct assault on federalism” and “unconstitutional”.

On Monday (January 6), Union education minister Dharmendra Pradhan unveiled the draft University Grants Commission (Minimum Qualifications for Appointment and Promotion of Teachers and Academic Staff in Universities and Colleges and Measures for Maintenance of Standards in Higher Education) Regulations, 2025, introducing significant changes to the selection process for vice-chancellors and faculty appointments.

The search-cum-selection committee for vice-chancellor appointments will consist of three members: the chairperson, nominated by the visitor/chancellor, and two members representing the UGC chairman and the university’s apex body, such as the syndicate or senate, The Hindu reported.

The failure to comply with the guidelines of empowering chancellors or visitors to form a search-cum-selection committee for vice-chancellor appointments may lead to consequences, including potential disqualification from participating in UGC schemes or offering degree programmes, as per the draft regulation.

Also read: When Profit Trumps Purpose: The Commodification of Indian Education and Loss of Moral Accountability

Notably, governors are chancellors of several state-run universities. This move may potentially alter the dynamics of vice-chancellor appointments, particularly in Opposition-ruled states like Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, and Kerala, where conflicts between governments and governors have arisen.

Stalin wrote on X, “The new UGC regulations granting governors broader control over VC appointments and allowing non-academics to hold these posts are a direct assault on federalism and state rights. This authoritarian move by the Union BJP government seeks to centralise power and undermine democratically elected state governments. Education must remain in the hands of those chosen by the people, not dictated by Governors acting at the BJP government’s behest.”

“Tamil Nadu, which leads the nation with the highest number of top-ranking HEIs [Higher Educational Institutions], will not stay silent as our institutions are stripped of autonomy. Education is a subject under the Concurrent List in our constitution, and hence we consider that the move of the UGC to issue this notification unilaterally as unconstitutional. This overreach is unacceptable, and Tamil Nadu will fight it legally and politically,” he added.

The new UGC regulations granting Governors broader control over VC appointments and allowing non-academics to hold these posts are a direct assault on federalism and state rights. This authoritarian move by the Union BJP government seeks to centralise power and undermine… https://t.co/yEivSL19uo

— M.K.Stalin (@mkstalin) January 7, 2025

According to The Indian Express report, the draft regulations allow individuals from senior positions in industry, public policy, administration, or public sector undertakings to be eligible for university vice-chancellor roles, even if they are not professors.

In another key development, the UGC has introduced flexibility in faculty appointments, enabling individuals to qualify for positions based on their performance in the UGC-NET, regardless of their undergraduate and postgraduate disciplines. This change aims to foster a more multidisciplinary academic environment, as envisioned in the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020.

Other notable features of the draft regulations include:

Emphasis on Indian languages: Encouraging publishing in Indian languages and recognsing academic qualifications in these languages.
Relaxation of marks: Allowing a 5% relaxation in marks at undergraduate or postgraduate levels for candidates from Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe/Other Backward Classes (OBC) (Non-creamy Layer)/EWS/Persons with Disabilities categories.
Notable contributions: Considering innovative teaching, research, or teaching lab development, consultancy contributions or sponsored research funding as a principal investigator or co-principal investigator, as well as teaching in Indian languages, as notable contributions for assistant professor appointments.

The UGC has invited stakeholders and the public to provide comments on the draft regulations within 30 days. Once implemented, these regulations will apply to central, state, private, and deemed universities.

Bihar Paper Leak Row: Why are BPSC Aspirants Still Protesting After 3 Weeks?

Candidates who appeared for the BPSC exam have been protesting after rumours of a paper leak during the preliminary round caused disruptions. Today, the Supreme Court refused to hear a plea seeking the cancellation of the exam.

Patna: At Gardanibagh, barely 300-400 metres from Bihar assembly in Patna, a long temporary tent has been erected. Dozens of youths aged between 22-37 years are sitting and continuously giving bytes to YouTube channels.

They are raising slogans against the Nitish Kumar government and Bihar Public Service Commission (BPSC). Anti-government slogans posters are hanging on the tent.

One such poster, written in a multiple-choice-question format, reads: “Expected questions in BPSC’s 71st exam: As per BPSC chairman, protesting aspirants are – (a) Non-serious (b) Anti social elements (c) Trouble maker (d) All of the above.”

Sumant Kumar has been sitting on a dharna at Gardanibagh since December 18, braving the bone-chilling cold. He wants the government to re-conduct the 70th preliminary examination of Bihar Public Service Commission (BPSC) as he suspects that the examination was not conducted in a transparent manner.

A banner at protest site at Gardanibagh, Patna, Bihar. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray

“The examination has been compromised. The exam should have been held with the same question paper at all exam centres, but the examination at Bapu examination centre in Patna was cancelled and now the government has re-conducted the exam at the centre which had a different question paper,” he says.

This is Sumant Kumar’s second attempt in appearing for the BPSC exam. A history graduate, Sumant says this exam is very important for him. If he fails to qualify this time, he will have to take over the family’s small business, which he does not want.

“This is my last chance. I have been preparing for this, staying in Patna for the last three years. I am spending Rs 5,000 every month,” he says.

He alleges that the BPSC exam paper was leaked at many centres. He feels that because of this, only those who are in cahoots with the paper leak mafia will be able to pass the exam, while thousands of aspirants like him will not be able to qualify this time.

Abhinav Kumar, another candidate protesting at the site since December 18, has attempted for the fourth time.

“Mosquitoes bite us all night, cold winds blow, there is a foul smell from the drain flowing nearby. Still, we are sitting here…but the government is not listening to us,” he says and adds, “I think the government is being run by bureaucrats and not by chief minister Nitish Kumar.”

“The same allegations were made during the 67th preliminary examination. At that time, the BPSC had agreed to conduct the examination afresh at all centres. This time, it seems that the entire government is being run by bureaucrats. Nitish Kumar is not conscious. At least we should have gotten one statement from him. Does he not watch TV? Does he not read the paper? Aspirants were lathi-charged, but the chief minister did not give any statement. No police officials responsible for lathicharge were suspended.”

“How can a chief minister, whose political career started with the student movement, be so insensitive towards students?” he asks.

Over 3 lakh candidates appeared for BPSC exam on December 13

The Bihar Public Service Commission came into existence on 1 April 1949, which is governed by Articles 320 and 321 of the Indian Constitution.

The commission recruits candidates for Bihar government services on the basis of competitive examinations. Not only this, the commission also advises the state government in important decisions like appointment, transfer and promotion of officers.

The competitive examination is held in two stages. The first stage is called the preliminary examination. The candidate who clears it has to appear for the main (written) examination. Those who qualify the main exam, then have to appear for an interview round.

Since its inception, BPSC has conducted the examinations 69 times and on December 13, the council conducted the 70th preliminary examination for a total of 2,031 posts in 17 state government departments.

A total of 4.83 lakh candidates had applied for the exam, of which 3.25 lakh candidates appeared.

A total of 912 exam centres were set up across the state. Out of these, 22 centres were at the Bapu exam centre in Patna – the epicentre of the news of paper leak – from where a demand grew for re-examination across centres.

Candidates alleged that several questions in the paper were similar to the model paper of a coaching centre, which suggests that the paper had been leaked. There was also a rumour that BPSC was cancelling this exam.

What happened at the Bapu exam centre?

It was the Bapu exam centre where the paper leak rumour started; nothing has been confirmed yet. Aspirants who were present at Bapu exam centre told The Wire that a number of suspicious things took place at the centre.

One of the candidates says, “First of all, the question paper reached us late. The exam was to start at 12 pm, but the question paper was delivered to the room at 11:55 am. There were more than 250 candidates in our centre, so it also took time for the questions to reach each person. I received the paper at 12:25 pm – 25 minutes late. In that case, the answer paper should also have been collected at 2:25 pm, but it was collected at 2.10pm.”

“In the centre next to ours, many students tore the OMR (optical mark recognition) sheet alleging paper leak. Other aspirants tore the OMR sheet believing that BPSC is cancelling the exam. They thought that since there will be an exam again, there is no point in submitting the answer sheet. The torn OMR sheets were scattered from the bathroom to the stairs. Even the attendance of candidates was taken on a register instead of the biometric,” he says.

The BPSC, on the other hand, termed it a “rumour” and a “well-planned conspiracy”.

Prashant Kishor with aspirants at Gandhi Statue in Gandhi Maidan, Bihar.

Prashant Kishor with aspirants at Gandhi Statue in Gandhi Maidan, Patna. Photo: Umesh Kumar Ray

“No complaint was received till 10 days after the exam that some of these questions were taken from the model question paper of a coaching institute. Some unwanted elements are spreading the rumour that some questions in the question paper of the said exam have been taken from the model question paper of a coaching institute. This is a well-planned conspiracy to mislead and provoke people,” BPSC said in a press release.

Regarding the examination at the Bapu exam centre, the commission said that between 1 pm and 1:15 pm, students were writing the exam peacefully. Then, some miscreants entered the other room, tore the OMR sheet, threw it in the air, spread the misconception of the examination being cancelled and incited the students to boycott it.

“Despite this, about 5,200 students completed their examination at the said examination centre and submitted the answer sheets,” the commission said.

Later, the commission announced a re-conduct of the examination at the Bapu examination centre, which was held on January 4.

The protesting candidates say that on the day of the exam, the commission claimed that there was no irregularity anywhere, whereas a few days later, the commission itself admitted that there was irregularity at the Bapu exam centre and the exam will be conducted again.

“How can we trust the commission then?” asks a protesting candidate.

“It is ironic that the commission is asking for proof from us. We did not go to the exam centre with mobile phones so that we can show the proof. If the candidates have doubts, then an inquiry committee should be formed for this,” demands another candidate.

Protest grows louder

Unhappy with the decision of BPSC, scores of candidates sat on a dharna at Gardanibagh from December 18. Many private coaching teachers extended their support as well.

Initially, it remained untouched by mainstream media coverage but the protest has grown louder since.

Also read: Bihar’s Descent From Ancient Centre of Learning to Hub of Education Mafia Is For All to See

A protesting candidate, on the condition of anonymity, says, “Neither the media nor the government was taking notice of our protest. Therefore, we decided that we will gherao (circle) the BPSC office on December 25.”

On December 25, they marched towards the BPSC office and sat in front of the office. Police resorted to lathi charge. Many candidates sustained injuries and were admitted to hospital.

A Delhi-based private coaching operator, Rohit Priyadarshi, who was with protesters since December 18, was arrested on December 26. Senior police superintendent Rajiv Mishra alleged that he was instigating the aspirants.

He was later given bail on the condition that he will neither write anything about BPSC, nor will he protest or give any public statement about it.

The Supreme Court has refused to hear a plea demanding cancellation of the December 13 exam. The top court said it the petitioner should have approached the Patna High Court first. According to a report by The Indian Express, the counsel appearing for the aspirants, led by petitioner Anand Legal Aid Forum Trust, pointed out the lathi charge on the protesters, stating that the high court could have taken suo motu cognisance. The Supreme Court did not make any comment.

Opposition clamour on police action

Following the lathi charge, opposition parties stepped in to condemn the police action.

The Jan Suraaj party entered this movement. Former election manager and Jan Suraaj founder leader Prashant Kishor announced a march from Gardanibagh to the Gandhi Maidan and on December 29, he reached at Gandhi Maidan with party workers and protesting aspirants. A student parliament was organised there and the future strategy was decided.

The same evening, once again, the candidates faced police violence.

Narrating the incident, Nitish Thakur, a BPSC aspirant present at the spot, tells The Wire that after the student parliament, the crowd started moving towards Dakbungla crossing with Prashant Kishor but the police stopped them by barricading near Biscomaun Bhawan.

There, the police asked Kishor to give his demands in writing. He then received a message that the secretary of the commission has agreed to meet the delegation of protesting aspirants.

“Kishor told the protestors that since commision is ready to talk, aspirants should return to Gardanibagh. But the crowd had grown to more than seven thousand. Shortly after Prashant Kishor left the spot, the police launched water cannons and used lathi charge on the protesters,” Thakur says.

The next day, a delegation of aspirants met with the chief secretary of Bihar to put forward their demand. The chief secretary, according to the delegation members, did not accept their demand for a total re-exam, nor did he reject it. He said that decisions will be made for their welfare.

Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (CPI-ML) protested against this lathi charge and the party leaders took out a march to the Raj Bhavan the next day and also met the Governor.

“There should be only one paper for an examination. The government will have to accept the demand of these candidates and conduct the examination again. Also, the government should apologize to the candidates for lathicharge,” said CPI-ML MLA Mehboob Alam.

Prashant Kishor arrested

Meanwhile, on December 31, Prashant Kishor started a fast unto death in front of the Gandhi statue at Gandhi Maidan against the lathi charge.

However, on the second day of the fast unto death, the police arrested him late at night. He was produced in the court on Monday and was granted bail.

Talking to the media after bail, Prashant Kishor alleged that there had been huge irregularities in the exams and said that he will continue his protest until the government fulfills the aspirants’ demand.

Also read: BPSC Protests: Arrested on Day 5 of Fast, Prashant Kishor Released from Jail on the Same Day

Government jobs have been sold at Rs 1-1.5 crores. It is a scam of more than Rs 1000 crores, he said.

While the protest in front of the Gandhi statue has ended for now, the one at Gardanibagh is still underway.

“Candidates have been given centres in far away locations, and if the exam is held again, it will only cause trouble to them. There are additional expenses, hard work will be wasted again. Still, we want the exam to be held again,” says Nitish Thakur.

“It is possible that the second time, the exam paper may be tough and those who could have cleared the first paper may fail. But if there is transparency, at least we will get satisfaction,” he adds.

Another aspirant says, “We prepare by staying away from the family and then we come to know that the exam is compromised, then everything goes to waste. This was the last chance for many candidates because they have grown old. If exam papers are leaked like this, their career will be over.”

‘Campus Placements Drop at Most First Gen IITs Except IIT-Delhi’: Report

An IIT official cautioned that it would be misleading to draw conclusions only based on placement data, without comparing it with exit surveys.

New Delhi: Campus placements at most first generation IITs have taken a hit in the last few years, according to data accessed by the Indian Express.

The report analyses six of the seven older IITs – IIT Kanpur, IIT Kharagpur, IIT Roorkee, IIT Delhi, IIT Guwahati and IIT Bombay. Of the seven institutions, five shared their placement data from 2018-19 to 2023-24 in response to a Right to Information (RTI) query. IIT Guwahati and IIT Madras shared their annual reports instead.

Among those that responded, campus placements dropped by 5-16% at IIT Kanpur, IIT Kharagpur and IIT Roorkee.

IIT Bombay provided data only for 2022-23 and 2023-24, indicating a drop from 82% to 75%.

At IIT Guwahati, placements rose from 67% in 2018-19 to 71% in 2023-24 – higher than the pre-pandemic levels – however, it was lower than the 2022-23 which saw a placement record of 78%.

The only IIT that maintained a consistent placement record was IIT Delhi. It has recorded around 85% placement rates since 2018, barring the pandemic years when it fell to 80% in 2020 and 75% in 2021.

Why is placement falling?

The fall in numbers was attributed to post-pandemic mass hiring in 2022, a slowdown in the tech sector and increase in batch size, as per students and teachers at the IITs.

“In 2022, there was a spike in placement percentages as the market recovered after Covid, with rates exceeding 85%. This spike followed a two-year hiring freeze. Hiring in 2023 was more conservative, with fewer top MNCs coming in and a decline in software and tech recruitment. Placements this year might improve over last year, but are unlikely to match 2022 levels. The numbers may normalise by 2025,” a source from IIT Kanpur was quoted as saying by the paper.

Officials from both IIT Kanpur and Guwahati also said that placement numbers are better for B. Tech graduates as compared to post-graduate students, who prefer to go for higher education.

“PG students often prefer higher studies – they register for placements but do not pursue them further. The actual placement scenario is best reflected in undergraduate placements, where close to 80% students secure jobs, while 10% go for higher studies, 5% opt for civil services, and others pursue MBA programs,” an official was quoted as saying by the paper.

The official also said that it would be misleading to draw conclusions solely based on placement data, without comparing it with exit surveys.

“Many students shown as ‘not placed’ take routes like higher education or off-campus placements or entrepreneurship. The dip does not offer a true reflection unless compared with the exit survey,” the official said.

A newly introduced exit survey revealed that from 2018-2022, 57% of students were placed through campus placements, 10.3% found jobs independently, 1.6 % initiated start-ups, 8.3 % entered public services, 6.1 % were still seeking jobs, and 12 % pursued higher education in India or abroad, the Indian Express reported.

According to an exit survey by IIT Delhi this year, 53% confirmed receiving job offers, 8.4% said that they were self-employed, nearly 2% were working for a start-up and 2.5 % students were involved in entrepreneurship, the report said.

An Entity Without Memory: Public Erasure of Manmohan Singh at South Asian University

The university owes its very existence to Singh, whose passing it has institutionally and conspicuously decided to overlook.

When Manmohan Singh passed away on December 26, 2024 at the age of 92, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was fulsome in his praise of his predecessor. His statement, despite the vast difference between the two men in their ideological and political sensibilities, is significant but hardly surprising, given Singh’s local and global stature. Modi’s words represented what should ideally be the norm in mainstream politics and in the realm of public decency. Hence, it was only to be expected that political and ideological divisions would collapse as local and world leaders, both past and present, united to pay tribute to Singh – a clear demonstration of the respect he commanded in politics and life.

In stark contrast to this outpouring of grief and respect at the national and international level, the usually loud and persistent X and Instagram handles of South Asian University (SAU), as well as its website, were abjectly silent on Singh’s death and his life. One might ask why a university in India’s national capital – nominally led by SAARC, but in reality, run today solely on Indian funding and based on Indian interests – should have any interest in a national leader. The answer is simple and self-evident: without Singh’s political intervention and leadership, SAU would not have come to being in Delhi or elsewhere. The university owes its very existence to the man whose passing it has institutionally and conspicuously decided to overlook.

Why Singh should have been remembered by SAU

Singh is remembered as the architect of economic liberalisation in India. One may agree or disagree with his neoliberal principles, but anything happening in the Indian economy today would be inconceivable if he had not taken the first step. This is to say, the present is always built on the past and memory, like hindsight, helps us look at things more reflectively and cautiously. But SAU does not seem to take heed of this uncontested truism.

Also read: A Prime Minister of Quiet Strength and Decency: Remembering Manmohan Singh

Singh should have been important to SAU on multiple grounds. One, he was simultaneously a nationalist, regionalist and globalist. It is in his regional incarnation that former foreign minister of Pakistan, Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, referred to Singh’s well-known wish that “he looked forward to the day when it would be possible to have breakfast in Amritsar, lunch in Lahore and dinner in Kabul.” In this sense, more than any other political leader from the region, Singh clearly epitomised the regional underpinnings of what SAU was supposed to be: a regional intellectual platform where the divisions between nation states in South Asia would diminish in classrooms, in students and teachers’ activities and even in the food served in the canteens. The fact that these expectations were once partly achieved and now have been almost fully dismantled is a discussion for another day.

Two, it was Singh who ensured that the university was established when it was merely a lofty idea that had been floating around the region for a long time, initially conceptualised by South Asianists such as Ashish Nandy, Imtiaz Ahmed, Kanak Dixit, and others – including myself. The university’s website still notes – almost grudgingly – “the idea of establishing a SAU (SAU) was mooted by the Prime Minister of India at the 13th SAARC Summit in Dhaka in 2005.” Singh was the 13th prime minister from 2004 to 2014. I say ‘almost grudgingly’ here because there was a time in this same historical context when the university identified Singh by name and didn’t relegate him to a nameless, cold single-sentence reference as it has done today.

While this erasure has happened on multiple fronts, SAU’s social media feed is updated with ordinary and mundane occurrences. They also vociferously flash incidents related to its current president as ‘news’, varying from receiving awards to opening a Yoga Center in the university. In comparison to this, there is still nothing on the man who is one of the university’s most important founders, nor its authors, who also have been erased from the university’s conscience.

Watching from afar, I was reminded of Romanian-American writer Elie Wiesel’s words, “without memory, there is no culture. Without memory, there would be no civilisation, no society, no future.” This is effectively what has now happened to SAU. Its current leaders, including the president, have no sense of history or memory, despite their fundamental necessity as a civilisational attribute. Even the iconic programs that gave impetus and identity to the university – such as the lecture series, ‘Contributions to Contemporary Knowledge’ and many others – have been relentlessly dismantled, rendering the university not only non-iconic but also mediocre. But this absence of history, memory and traditions which makes organisations rootless can also be seen in all new private universities too. Most universities today are no longer centres of thought or reflection, but factories churning labour for the job market.

Also read: Manmohan Singh: A Man of Integrity Among the Unscrupulous

It is regrettable that SAU’s essence has been destroyed in recent years, amidst the choreographed timidity and deafening silence of all employees.

It appears that Singh’s specific erasure from the university’s public institutional memory and history also stems from the way mediocre minds generally work. The university’s president, and the people he has surrounded himself with, have surmised that this erasure is expected by the current Indian government. This symbolises a typical thought process only explained through utter subservience and a complete lack of gratitude. However, to its credit, the Indian government suffers from no such amnesia, as is evident when it comes to its clear public statements about Singh.

With this unforgivable act of public callousness and ahistorical collective misbehaviour, SAU and its employees have become as Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey once noted, like ‘a tree without roots… A people without knowledge of their past history, origin and culture.’

As a Buddhist, my thoughts are with Singh’s family and all Indian citizens with a sense of memory and history: “Anicca vata sankhara. (Impermanent, alas, are all conditioned things).”

Sasanka Perera is chairman at the Colombo Institute for Human Sciences and director at Tambapanni Academic Publishers.

This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.

From Manmohan Singh’s Lenience to Modi’s Clampdown, JNU Has Seen an Erosion of Dissent

The contrasting approaches of Manmohan and Modi toward student protests at Jawaharlal Nehru University reflect a broader shift in governance. While Singh’s restraint upheld democratic values, the Modi era has witnessed an unprecedented suppression of dissent within university spaces.

New Delhi: When Manmohan Singh visited Jawaharlal Nehru University as prime minister in 2005 , some students protested by waving black flags at him.

Following this incident, the university issued notices to the protesting students, and some were taken into custody by the Delhi Police. The next day, Singh intervened in the matter, advising the then Vice-Chancellor, B.B. Bhattacharya, to be lenient in his dealings with the students. Bhattacharya recalled this incident in a 2015 interview.

“Manmohan Singh had told me ‘Please be lenient, Sir’. I said I have to at least warn them… but the problem today is that lines of communication with students have broken down,” the former vice chancellor had said.

Singh passed away on Thursday (December 26) at the age of 92. Tributes from around the world have highlighted his dignified demeanour and his commitment to democratic values.

The shift under Modi’s tenure

While Singh handled the 2005 protests in JNU with remarkable restraint and grace, such an approach has not been seen in the past decade under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Protests have been a tradition at JNU since its inception, but recent years have seen a noticeable suppression of dissent. After protests, students face cases filed against them, alongside obstacles imposed by the university administration during the academic year.

In 2016, during Modi’s tenure, an event was organised at JNU on February 9 to mark the third anniversary of the execution of Afzal Guru, who was convicted in the 2001 Parliament attack. Following this, a poetry reading session titled ‘The Country Without a Post Office’ was violently disrupted by the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), a student organization affiliated with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Also read: Manmohan Singh Was More Than an Architect of India’s Economic Reforms

Subsequently, Kanhaiya Kumar, then president of the JNU Students’ Union, along with others, was accused of chanting “anti-national” slogans. The accused students faced charges of sedition along with other criminal offences. However, an inquiry ordered by the Aam Aadmi Party government in 2016 revealed that many of the videos alleging such slogans were doctored.

The investigation also found that security guards at the university had provided false testimony implicating the students during an internal inquiry conducted by the JNU administration.

Jawaharlal Nehru University Teachers Association (JNUTA) president, Professor Moushmi Basu, commented, “This [2016] was the big turning point for JNU. From the floor of parliament to media newsrooms, there was an orchestrated attack on the institution. Unlike previous instances where the government stayed out of university politics, the Modi government seized the opportunity to clamp down on the autonomy of university spaces for its own political agenda.”

‘The current govt is more arrogant’: JNUSU president

In January 2023, JNU students planned a screening of the BBC documentary India: The Modi Question, which scrutinised Modi’s role as chief minister in the 2002 Gujarat riots. The first part of the series held Modi and his party accountable for the targeted violence against Muslims that year.

The Modi government had already banned the documentary in India, and the JNU administration denied permission to screen it on campus. Despite this, students insisted on proceeding. During the event, as the documentary was being shown on laptops, the electricity and internet connections on the campus were disrupted. Additionally, students participating in the screening faced violent stone-pelting from right-wing student groups, resulting in injuries to several students.

The current JNUSU president, Dhananjay, said, “If we compare the Manmohan Singh government with the current Modi government, the contrast is clear. The current government shows more arrogance compared to Singh’s government. The right of students to protest is no longer safe – students now face proctorial inquiries, hefty fines, FIRs and charges under draconian laws like the UAPA.

He added that while there were certain restrictions during the previous government, it cannot be denied that there was still space for protests and the freedom to express opinions. “However, under the Modi government, democracy, the right to protest, and freedom of expression have been curbed to an unprecedented extent. Once a symbol of active dissent, JNU is now constrained in raising voices on students’ daily issues and other national matters. This government is continuously attempting to suppress students’ voices in various ways.”

JNU students have long protested on issues related to oppressed communities and student welfare. However, under the Modi government, there has been a concerted effort to silence dissent.

After the 2019 fee hike protests and several other demonstrations, students faced inquiries and police cases. Many claim that the Union government and university administration have consistently undermined their rights.

Regardless of the government in power, JNU students have always raised questions and protested against systemic injustices. But during the Modi government’s tenure, the intensity of efforts to suppress students’ voices has grown. Even the iconic walls of JNU, adorned with revolutionary posters and banners, now face threats. In 2023, the university administration announced fines of Rs 20,000 or suspension for students involved in putting up posters or staging protests.

For many on campus, the contrast between Singh’s lenience and Modi’s clampdown reflects a larger erosion of democratic freedoms in India’s academic spaces.