K’taka HC Stays Probe Into Complaint Alleging Sitharaman Used Electoral Bonds For Extortion

Justice M. Nagaprasanna of the high court said the complainant was not the aggrieved party in the alleged extortion case.

New Delhi: The Karnataka high court on Monday (September 30) paused the investigation into a complaint filed last week alleging that Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman and others committed extortion using electoral bonds as a pretext and “benefitted” by over Rs 8,000 crore.

In his order staying further investigation till October 22, the next date of hearing in the case, Justice M. Nagaprasanna of the high court said the complainant was not the aggrieved party in the alleged extortion case.

“It is settled principle of law that criminal law can be set into motion by any person, but there are provisions under the IPC that they can be set into motion only by the aggrieved to illustrate, offence of assault, offence of thieving, under Section 379 of the IPC, or extortion under Section 383 of the IPC,” Justice Nagaprasanna said.

He noted that it was not the case of the complainant, one Adarsh Iyer who is co-president of the Janadhikara Sangharsha Parishath, that he was “put into fear to deliver any property” or that he had “parted with any property”.

“Therefore, the complainant, in the case at hand, if he wants to project Section 384 of the IPC, should be an aggrieved informant, under Section 383 of the IPC, which he is not,” the judge added.

Section 383 of the IPC defines the offence of extortion while Section 384 prescribes the punishment for it.

Prashant Bhushan, appearing for Iyer, said as per Justice Nagaprasanna that no person put into fear by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) – one of the accused in the case – would ever come forward to complain and so investigation ought to be allowed in this case.

But Justice Nagaprasanna responded: “The submission of [Bhushan] cannot be accepted. If the offence is Section 384 of the IPC, he should necessarily be a victim who has suffered extortion from the hands of the accused. The case of the complainant is not that he has suffered.”

At the end of hearing he said that “prima facie, the ingredients of Section 383 of the IPC are not met in the case at hand for it to become an offence under Section 384 of the IPC.

“Therefore, permitting further investigation, into the aforesaid crime, would become an abuse of the process of the law, again prima facie. Therefore, further investigation in the case at hand shall remain stayed till the next date of hearing.”

On Saturday, police in Bengaluru filed an FIR in the case on the directions of a special court in the city.

In his complaint, Iyer named Sitharaman, BJP president J.P. Nadda, Karnataka BJP leader Naleen Kateel – in whose petition the high court delivered its order on Monday – Karnataka BJP president B.Y. Vijayendra and the ED, The News Minute reported.

Iyer alleged that the accused “committed extortion under the guise and garb of electoral bonds and benefitted to the tune of 8,000 and more crore of rupees,” PTI reported.

He also alleged that Sitharaman conspired with the ED to raid major companies in order to extort them through electoral bonds, TNM cited his complaint as saying.

Electoral bonds were interest-free financial instruments that individuals or groups could use to make anonymous donations to political parties. The BJP government introduced them in 2018.

But on February 15 this year, the Supreme Court said the bonds violated voters’ right to information and were thus unconstitutional.

The opposition has often alleged that the BJP has used ED raids as a political weapon against its opponents.

ED Files Money Laundering Case Against Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah

Meanwhile, Siddaramaiah’s wife B.M. Parvathi has surrendered the 14 sites in question to MUDA after the ED filed the case. She wrote to the MUDA commissioner to take immediate action to cancel the title deeds.

Bengaluru: The Enforcement Directorate (ED) has filed a case on Monday (September 30) against Karnataka chief minister Siddaramaiah, his wife B.M. Parvati and others, alleging money laundering in connection with the alleged Mysuru Urban Development Authority (MUDA) land scam.

The ED has invoked sections of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) to book Siddaramaiah and others in its Enforcement Case Information Report (ECIR), equivalent to an FIR, The Hindu reported. This empowers the agency to summon the accused for questioning and potentially attach their assets during the investigation.

This move follows a recent FIR registered by the Mysuru-based Lokayukta police on September 27.

Meanwhile, Parvathi has surrendered the 14 sites in question to MUDA after the ED filed the case. She wrote to the MUDA commissioner asking him to take immediate action to cancel the title deeds and underlined that the decision is of her own.

In a press release, the chief minister’s wife underlined that she was “determined to give back these sites to MUDA in order to secure mental peace” of her husband and demanded an “impartial enquiry into the entire MUDA scam”. 

“My husband has been in public life without any black dot or remark since 40 years. I restrained myself throughout from public appearance and political forums not to cause embarrassment to his political carrier. I never aspired for gold, money or any kind of materialistic wealth. I was very concerned and conscious about his political image and conducted myself to protect him from any dent. I was immensely happy and proud from far off seeing people’s love and affection he was getting from across. Despite all this, I never imagined even in my dream that these 14 sites, given as compensation in lieu of the land acquired by MUDA and later gifted to me by my brother would create such a havoc in facing these allegations against him,” Parvathi wrote in a press note.

She added: “I never aspired for any of this nor this wealth is of any importance to me than my husband’s peace and self respect. So, I decided to surrender these 14 sites which are of no value for me than my husband’s self respect. If anyone asks me as to why am I surrendering these sites now, I had in fact decided to do this then only, but gave up this thought as my well wishers advised me not to fall prey to their conspiracy, but to take up a legal fight for justice. Now, I am determined to give back these sites to MUDA in order to secure mental peace of my husband and strongly demand an impartial enquiry into the entire MUDA scam. At the end, I would draw the attention of the media and journalists to protect the interest of females of political families from getting dragged into these kind of uncalled for embarrassing situations.”

The allegations centre on the allotment of 14 compensatory sites to Parvathi by MUDA in a prime locality in Mysuru. The sites were allocated under a 50:50 ratio scheme in exchange for 3.16 acres of land, which was supposedly developed into a residential layout. The allocated land allegedly had a significantly higher property value. Further, it is alleged that Parvathi did not hold legal title to the 3.16-acre land in question.

Activist Snehamayi Krishna filed a private complaint, raising concerns about the legality of the site allotment process.

Also read: ED Lodged 132 Money Laundering Cases Against Politicians Since 2019, Conviction in Only 1 Instance

The alleged MUDA scam has sparked a political row in Karnataka, with Opposition parties demanding Siddaramaiah’s resignation.

As the chief minister’s wife surrendered the land, Leader of the Opposition in Karnataka legislative assembly R. Ashoka took a dig at Siddaramaiah saying “those who said they have done nothing wrong have now admitted their mistake” and called it “another victory in the path of our struggle”.

“As the noose of the law tightens in the Muda scam, CM @siddaramaiah has decided to return 14 sites that he had acquired in his wife’s name, and the fact that those who said they have done nothing wrong have now admitted their mistake and surrendered to the truth is another victory in the path of our struggle. But as soon as the stolen goods are returned, does the thief become innocent? Is the theft forgiven as soon as the stolen goods are returned?” Ashoka wrote on X.

He added, “It is a comforting thing that even now Siddaramaiah has not realized his mistake, as if he had come to his senses. But CM Siddaramaiah’s ‘honor that goes to the nut, will not come even if you give it to an elephant’. They should face investigation. They should resign from their posts for an impartial and transparent investigation. Until then, our struggle will continue.”

Calling it a “political case”, Siddaramaiah has denied any wrongdoing and has refused to resign.

Reacting to his wife’s decision, the chief minister said that it has “surprised” him.

“My stand was to fight without bowing down to this injustice. But my wife, who is upset with the political conspiracy going on against me, has taken a decision to return these plots, which has surprised me too. My wife, who never intervened in my four decades long politics and was confined to her family, is a victim of the politics of hate against me and is suffering psychological torture. I am sorry. However, I respect my wife’s decision to return the plots,” Siddaramaiah wrote on X.

After the news of the ED case surfaced today, senior Congress leader Jairam Ramesh wrote on X, “It is no secret that the ED has become an instrument of harrassment, vendetta, revenge, and vengeance on his political opponents by the non-biological PM.”

The people of Karnataka rejected Him resoundingly in May 2023 and He has not forgotten that humiliation. @INCIndia believes that He and His ED will stand thoroughly exposed soon. We have nothing whatsoever to fear. The CM of Karnataka will be vindicated,” he added.

Similarly, Karnataka minister Dinesh Gundu Rao wrote on X, “The Congress party is confident that PM Modi and His ED will be fully exposed in the near future. CM @Siddaramiah will be vindicated.” 

The FIR names Siddaramaiah, his wife Parvathi, brother-in-law Mallikarjuna Swamy, and Devaraju, who sold the land to Swamy that was later gifted to Parvathi.

The Lokayukta FIR was lodged after a special court in Bengaluru ordered a probe against Siddaramaiah. This decision came a day after the Karnataka high court upheld Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot’s sanction to investigate the chief minister.

The FIR has been registered under various sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), including criminal conspiracy, public servant disobeying law, dishonest misappropriation of property, criminal breach of trust, cheating, mischief, forgery, wrongful confinement, and assault.

In the Shadow of Exodus, a Cautionary Tale of Displacement, Resilience and Erasure

The story of displacement in V.J. James’s novel, The Book of Exodus, is no doubt a nod to the biblical exodus undertaken by enslaved Israelites in Egypt to Canaan under the leadership of Moses, referenced in the original Book of Exodus of the Pentateuch.

Originally written in Malayalam in 1999, V.J. James’s The Book of Exodus begins with the story of a firebird who abandons its home amongst the clouds and descends to earth, only to be met with a terrible fate at the hands of vultures. This story serves as a cautionary tale to readers that nothing is permanent in “Potta Thurthu” or the “Isle of Reeds”, where James’s novel is set. 

James’s first novel, The Book of Exodus, originally titled Purappadinte Pusthakam in Malayalam, was a project twelve years in the making. Although initially intended for serialised publication in the Malayalam weekly, Mathrubhumi, it was eventually published by D.C. Books as the winner of their silver jubilee celebrations, placing James on the literary map as one of Kerala’s most promising emerging authors.

Purappadinte Pusthakam received several accolades, like the Malayattoor Prize and the Rotary Literary Award. James is an award-winning author, having received the Kerala Sahitya Akademi Award and the Vayalar Award for his work Nireeshwaran (2014). Ministhy S, the translator of Exodus, also translated Anti-clock (2021), a novel which was shortlisted for the J.C.B. Prize for Literature. 

A narrative experiment with lyrical prose

The Book of Exodus, V.J. James, Penguin Random House India, 2024.

The Book of Exodus can be categorised as a magic realist novel with elements of the epic. In Magic(al) Realism, Maggie Bowers notes that the term “magical realist” is used to describe narratives that incorporate “magical happenings in a realist, matter-of-fact narrative.” Serving as precursors to contemporary magic realism, the oldest epics and folktales like the Jataka Tales (from 400 A.D) and One Thousand and One Nights (from the 9th century) have long incorporated supernatural and mythical elements, often through non-linear narrative structures. 

As a literary genre, the term “magical realist” is associated with the likes of Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s One Hundred of Solitude (1967), Günter Grass’s Tin Drum (1959) and, in the Indian subcontinent, with Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children (1981). However, one of the pitfalls of literary canon formation is that it is not always inclusive and usually adheres to a Eurocentric logic of literary merit, as evidenced in the omission of the literary genius of O.V. Vijayan from this corpus. 

In 1969, the publication of O.V. Vijayan’s Khasakinte Ithihasam marked, according to Malayalam littérateur K. Satchidanandan, a “revolutionary” moment in Malayalam literature (as well as in the canon of magical realism) for its experimentation with “lyrical prose”, usage of myth and critique of MarxismSet in the fictional town of Khasak in Palakkad, the novel recounts the story of Ravi and his encounters with the various characters that inhabit the village. The book was twelve years in the making when it was finally published two years after Marquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude (1967). However, Divya Dwivedi notes that despite being translated into several languages (including English and French), Vijayan continues to be “punished by the remoteness of his own language” and has not been given his due in international literary discourse. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that the literary genre of magic realism in Kerala owes its legacy to Vijayan. It is in this tradition that James and The Book of Exodus innovatively inserts themselves.

Lives and deaths in Island Apologies 

Potta Thuruthu, where The Book of Exodus is set, is no ordinary island. Secluded and largely untouched by modernity, the island, characterised by salt-leaden winds, coconuts and a rotting gooseberry tree — remains in a relatively pristine form, although not for long. Through the midst of the isle runs an unnamed river, filled with reeds, mangroves and screw pines, with “brackish” waters that flow into the Arabian Sea. Backwaters, rivers, and oceans which are central to Kerala’s topology, make the island a microcosm of the region and its histories.

According to French philosopher Gilles Deleuze, islands are often viewed as isolated and excluded geographical landscapes with transformative and regenerative capabilities, like the islands featured in Thomas More’s Utopia (1516), Danie Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719) and Sara Joseph’s Aathi (2018). However, caught between the ocean and the land, islands are also indicative of spatial instability, a phenomenon that has only been exacerbated by climate change. In fact, several islands that border the city of Kochi (like Pothuvype island), although rich in ecological resources and biodiversity, are slowly falling prey to the throes of unregulated development policies. The fictional island of Potta Thuruthu reflects this dark reality. Drinking water is scarce and diseases are rampant. James’s use of the island landscape signifies how its relative seclusion from the city does not immunise it to the dangers of globalisation. 

Also read: Why a 17-Year-Old Novel on Bombay Cinema Rings True Even Today

Like islands, the backwaters too are significant waterscapes; they signify a part of the river where the flow has stemmed, thereby, indicating a stagnation. Yet, when seen as part of a more extensive interconnected system with the river and the sea, the backwater takes on new layers of meaning. Literary theorists such as Steve Mentz and John R. Gillis emphasise how water bodies should be understood as “fluid sites of narrativity” that shape human-nature relationships.

It’s no surprise that magical creatures, ancient spirits, and deities inhabit the backwaters of Potta Thuruthu. For example, Chira Mallan, the God residing in the river dykes, bestows upon you a bounty of fish if appeased with catfish, toddy, kallappam, coconut and other delicacies. Then, there is the hairless, monstrous human head of “Kayal Pottan”, who silently prowls the waters at night, sinking unsuspecting boats. 

As the narrative unfolds and its space undulates, Kunjooty (the protagonist) listens to his Valyammachi’s (grandmother) tale of exodus —  a “dark exile” that she embarked on a fateful night after her house was set ablaze by an angry mob, trapping her husband inside. Leaving everything behind, Valyammachi rebuilds her life in “Potta Thuruthu” with her only son, Zavarias, Kunjootty’s father.

The story of this displacement is no doubt a nod to the biblical exodus undertaken by enslaved Israelites in Egypt to Canaan under the leadership of Moses, referenced in the original Book of Exodus of the Pentateuch. While there is no historical evidence of a similar exodus in Kerala, the region has experienced waves of migration since the second century B.C.E., including the arrival of the Chinese, Arabs, Babylonians, Assyrians, Egyptians, enslaved Africans, and ultimately, colonial European powers. According to cultural anthropologists Filippo Osella and Caroline Osella, these migrations, driven by trade and the search for land, have profoundly shaped Kerala’s cultural and religious landscape. 

In the present of Potta Thuruthu, twenty-one years after Valyammachi’s story, Kunjooty is gradually returning to his routine after a grave incident that left him in a deep coma. Through Kunjooty, the reader is introduced to several new characters, many of whom meet solitary and miserable deaths. One such character is Koppan (Zavarias’s helper), a renowned healer known for curing even the deadliest of snake bites, who ironically meets his end from leprosy caused by the bite of a highly venomous snake.

Koppan’s lonely death in the depths of the lagoon indicates the narrative power of death in advancing the novel’s plot. Some deaths underscore new beginnings or definitive ends, like the mysterious death of Susanna (Kunjooty’s lover), which acts as a catalyst for the rest of the events in the story. Koppan’s death, in particular, can be interpreted as an instance of retributive justice for brutally decapitating a snake, an animal that is considered sacred in Kerala and worshipped in protected ecological areas like the sacred groves or “Kaavus”.

Some deaths may appear to have no underlying meaning but, act as ellipses, or gaps within the narrative in order to underscore the arbitrariness of life and death. For instance, consider the sudden demise of the mute girl (who earns a living by performing tricks for onlookers) who falls violently into the sea and washes up battered on the shore. Or, Murali’s abrupt passing, leaving behind his fatally ill daughter, Nandini and his wife, Savitry. Then, there is Teressa, who, believing herself to be unlucky in marriage, takes her own life. 

Within the novel, there are other characters who do not die but fade into complete oblivion, like Chathutty, the sole heir to the affluent Brahmin household of Karangady Mana and Koppan’s helper who is forced to flee Potta Thuruthu due to the unwanted sexual advances of his wife, Unnicheera. What purposes do these deaths and erasures serve, one might ask? Simply, to relieve these characters from a life of misery, abjectness, poverty and the unbearable weight of societal expectations that equate the worthiness of a successful life to one’s place within a patriarchal familial unit.

Polyphonic imaginary

Much like Vijayan’s Khasak, James effortlessly blends several dialects of Malayalam, along with English, Tamil and French, in order to showcase the complexity of the characters that constitute the novel. However, this rich heteroglossia is not as fully captured in the translation as in the original.

In most of his books, James cites extensively from various Hindu, Christian and Buddhist religious sources such as the Upanishads, the Mahabharata, the Bible and the Tathagata. The placement of such quotes within the text of Exodus is intended to encourage the reader to introspect on their sense of self and, according to James, identify that God resides within oneself. 

Also read: Why Are So Many Indians Moving to Germany?

While James strives to achieve a democratic vision of God as the unifying force behind all life and religions, one wonders whether the usage of such sources without acknowledging their ideological context and their appropriation by Hindu groups like the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh, can be a fruitful exercise.

Nevertheless, James subtly critiques the continued existence of caste, class and gender inequalities within the small ecosystem of Potta Thuruthu. For instance, when Murali, a Dalit, marries Sarojini, a Brahmin, she is excommunicated from her family through the ritual of “Irikkapindam,” a rite typically reserved for the dead. Another character, David (previously Chiriyankan), left the island for France several years earlier due to caste-based discrimination. He returns years later with his half-French daughter, Anita, who would alas die a lonely and dreadful death on the island. As for the future of the island’s inhabitants, it appears bleak. After all, nothing is permanent in Potta Thuruthu — neither the people nor the river. In the end, all that will remain is Kunjooty’s Book of Exodus, a permanent archive of the lives and the people who once lived on that beautiful island.

Gopika Gurudas is a doctoral researcher at The University of Queensland – IIT Delhi Academy of Research. Her research interests include Dalit studies and Australian Literature, specifically focusing on contexts of caste discrimination, racialisation and indigeneity.

The Economics Behind US Presidential Debates: A Deep Dive into Key Issues

Immigration affects businesses, society and employment opportunities. Trump has repeatedly pledged that, if re-elected, he will implement “the largest domestic deportation operation in history”.

“It is the economy, stupid,” former US President Bill Clinton used this slogan successfully, in his presidential campaign in 1992 against the incumbent George W. Bush. 

Economic issues have again acquired primacy in the ongoing US elections given the rising income inequalities and inflation, hurting the middle class voter. The last presidential debate between Donald Trump and Kamala Harris was marked by numerous arguments and counter-arguments, but much of the discussion focused on economics and how each candidate plans to address the aspirations, ambitions, and dreams of the Americans.

Businesses and consumers

There is a perception that Trump is likely to succeed in this election since he is being funded by major corporations and supported by the White Protestants and Catholics. Historically, US business leaders have consistently supported Republicans. Between 2007 and 2017, 57% of the CEOs of S&P 1500 companies contributed politically to the Republican Party, 19% gave to the Democrats, and the rest split their contributions between the two parties.

In fact, big businesses support Trump’s plan to cut corporate taxes but they are wary of his proposal to increase tariffs. The business groups also appear to oppose Harris’s proposal to address price gouging, which seek to implement a law that would prevent grocery and pharmaceutical companies from raising prices beyond a certain limit. 

Figure 1: Political contributions (%) by CEOs of S&P 1500 companies, categorised by market capitalisation, namely, small-cap, mid-cap, and large-cap. Source: Cohen et. al. (2019).

Harris aims to diminish the influence of big businesses backing the Republicans by reaching out to smaller businesses and consumers. For the small businesses she wants to give tax break of $50,000. For the consumers, Harris has proposed increasing tax breaks for families with children, providing more affordable care for the elderly, and offering credits to first-time home buyers, among other initiatives. The average cost of childcare is approximately $11,582 per year. The cost of childcare has risen nearly twice as fast as the inflation rate, largely due to a labour shortage in the sector. 

The higher cost of childcare has implications for inter-regional mobility. Many working families prefer to stay in the same neighbourhood as their parents due to this cost, even if it means passing up better-paid jobs in other states. In this regard, Harris’s promise of a $6,000 tax cut for families with newborns and the assurance that no one earning under $400,000 will face a tax increase will help support the American middle class. Harris also promises to build 3 million new homes over four years and provide up to $25,000 in assistance to first-time buyers. This move is designed to increase housing availability and help contain inflationary pressures in the real estate market. 

Also read: Experts Warn of Post-election Violence in US, Say It Could Be Worse Than Jan 6

However, historical evidence suggests it is not easy to build houses in the US. The housing market is tightly regulated. Studies pointed out stringent zoning regulations, such as height limitations and historical site preservation, increased housing costs in New York City by an average of 50%.

In 2021, in the US, there was a shortage of 7.3 million affordable homes and rental units, an increase of 500,000 from just two years earlier. And the situation is deteriorating largely due to a group of “Not in My Backyard (NIMBY)” supporters who believe that increasing residential development will erode the openness, privacy, and exclusivity of their neighbourhoods.

NIMBYs are motivated by concerns that kids will no longer be able to play in the streets, increased traffic will disrupt suburban life, and schools will become overcrowded with new students. The legislators seem to be yielding to the anxiety of their suburban constituents and a smaller yet vocal group of NIMBYs who oppose development in New York City. This issue regarding residential housing will be a tough challenge to address, even if Harris wins the election.

Immigration

Immigration affects businesses, society and employment opportunities. Trump has repeatedly pledged that, if re-elected, he will implement “the largest domestic deportation operation in history“.

Trump criticised the Biden-Harris administration for being lenient on immigration, claiming that their policies have allowed “terrorists,” “criminals,” and “drug dealers” to enter the US. Additionally, a more liberal approach to immigration contradicts Trump’s own “America First” policy. It may be common perception that the migrants might take away jobs and lead to unemployment issues. However, this may not always be the case. 

Whether for high-skilled or low-skilled positions, the US has a historical record of effectively utilising foreign migrant labour without significantly displacing native workers and increasing the wage.

A recent analysis by the Brookings Institution estimated that employers could add 160,000 to 200,000 jobs per month this year without significantly leading to a rise in wage or price inflation. The June 2024 unemployment rate of 4.5% is considered low by historical standards. Inflation has dropped below 3%, down from a high of 9.1% in mid-2022

A study at the Yale University found that without immigration, the labour force would have decreased by about 1.2 million people from 2019 to the end of 2023 due to population aging. The nation’s aging population are leading to labour shortages in some industries and may result in a smaller workforce paying taxes to support federal programs like Social Security and Medicare.

Take for example, the State of Maine in the East Coast. With a median age of 45.1, Maine has the oldest population of any US state. Maine is known for its abundance of lobsters and its large older population, many of whom are increasingly unable or unwilling to catch, clean, and sell these crustaceans, which constitute a $1 billion industry for the state. As a result, companies are turning to foreign-born workers to fill the gap. As the US as a nation ages overall, Maine provides a glimpse into the potential economic impact and highlights the crucial role that low-skilled immigrants are likely to play in filling the labour market gaps created by the retirement of native-born workers. 

Also read: The Elephant in the Room: Donald Trump and Kamala Harris’ Shared Silence on Palestinian Genocide

While the influx may present near-term challenges, it is also enhancing the American economy’s potential. Employers are able to hire more quickly, thanks in part to the influx of labour. The Congressional Budget Office has revised its population and economic growth projections for the next decade upward, reflecting the positive impact of this new wave of newcomers. Immigration could help reduce the federal deficit by stimulating economic growth and expanding the working-age tax base. Data suggests that immigration has contributed to a growth of 1 million in the labour force, annually. Job growth has been strongest in childcare, leisure, hospitality, and construction and most part of the labour requirements are complemented by migrant workers. 

Slower growth in Japan and continental Europe can be attributed to an aging population and historically a restrictive immigration policy. As populations in wealthier nations age, GDP growth tends to slow, support costs rise, and government budgets come under increased pressure. Many empirical studies have found that GDP growth slows roughly one to one with declines in labour force and population growth. Viewed through this lens, the US’s openness to labour immigration has helped maintain the US consumption — a key component of GDP.

Nilanjan Banik is professor, Mahindra University, Hyderabad. He can be reached at nilbanik@gmail.com.

Court Orders FIR Against Finance Minister, Others in Electoral Bonds Case: Will This Be a Futile Exercise?

Will Sitharaman’s self-esteem and honourable profile permit her to filibuster this one through unbecoming sophistry?

Tucked away in a diminished and inoffensive corner of an inside page in The Indian Express of September 29 is a story the sort of which one does not expect to read these days.

It speaks of a special court in Bengaluru ordering a first information report against the union finance minister, some members of the Bharatiya Janata Party and officers of the Enforcement Directorate under sections 384 (extortion) and 120 B (conspiracy) in relation to their alleged role in having forced two corporates, M/S Sterlite and M/S Vedanta to cough up some Rs 230 crores in electoral bonds.

This follows failed attempts made earlier from April 15 by a citizen’s organisation to persuade the police to do so.

 The complainant, Adarsh R. Iyer, co-president of the Janadhikaara Sangharsha Parishath alleged that these corporates were subjected to multiple raids till they complied with the objective of buying electoral bonds.

As per said report, the complainant has submitted details of the processes through which the episode was carried out.

Unsurprisingly, the Congress at a press conference has demanded the resignation of the finance minister, the summoning by the law enforcement agencies of all those named and involved, and a Special Investive Team enquiry under the aegis of the Supreme Court.

The senior advocate, Abhishekh Manu Singvi has speculated that the revelations have unmasked the true face of the BJP, especially their number one and two where the buck stops.

He has underlined that the FIR in the case is not an ordinary one, but significantly ordered by the special court and then filed by the Bengaluru police.

Here is the question: given the practice of the ruling BJP in time and again demanding the resignation of adversaries on mere, non-registered allegations levelled against them, how may the party-with-a-difference talk its way out of the enormity of the case in point?

And will the finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s self-esteem and honourable profile permit her to filibuster this one through unbecoming sophistry, or will she indeed prove her mettle by stepping down till her innocence in the matter is established?

And will all the others involved in the FIR follow that example?

After all, there may not be a washing machine big enough to  neuter a court-ordered investigation.

It will of course be the hope of all those who regard Nirmala Sitharaman highly that allegations against her will prove to be infructuous, but surely she is not someone who would want to duck the probe.

Badri Raina taught at Delhi University.

In Photos: The Tram, Kolkata’s Pride, Now History

Bengali literature, cinema, photography and daily lives is blended with the tram in many ways. From Mrinal Sen to Satyajit Ray to Rabindranath Tagore, the tram is a visceral presence. 

Like an electric reptile, the tram rattles through the lanes of Kolkata, its two bogies inching along the steel tracks as a matter of habit. The Calcutta Tramway Company (CTC) has been ferrying people non-stop since 1902. Although first introduced to the city in 1873, when a 3.9-km route was established from the Sealdah area to Armenian Ghat Street, trams were discontinued in 1880. Once the service resumed at the dawn of the new century though, it never came to a halt. The tram is now laid to rest. 

To become history one has to stop existing in the present, they say.

I would often take a tram ride to the University area or Writers Building. Sometimes, I would take a joy ride along the Maidan where the breeze would blow. I remember my mother would say that the ride from Calcutta University in College Street to the Belgachia Tram Depot wold cost only 15 paisa in the sixties. Trams would start early as 4 am and the last tram would be at 11 pm.

Bengali literature, cinema, photography and daily lives is blended with the tram in many ways. From Mrinal Sen to Satyajit Ray to Rabindranath Tagore, the tram is a visceral presence.

All photos are by Shome Basu.

Sri Lanka: Dissanayake’s Win Represents a Wholesale Rejection of Dynasticism and Corruption

The key question now is whether the National People’s Power can deliver on its promises and successfully navigate the complexities of governance.

The election of Anura Dissanayake as president of Sri Lanka marks a path-breaking shift in the country’s political landscape. As the leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a party deeply rooted in Marxist-Leninist ideology and historically associated with violent insurrections, Dissanayake’s victory reflects a radical departure from the dominance of Sri Lanka’s traditional political elites.

The JVP’s journey – from its violent past during the 1971 and 1988-89 insurrections to its evolution into a democratic force – is a remarkable transformation. Once considered a fringe party operating on the margins of parliamentary politics, the JVP has now risen to lead the nation due to its ability to adapt and capitalise on widespread public disillusionment with the entrenched political establishment.

This electoral outcome represents much more than the ascent of a new leader. It is a wholesale rejection of the dynastic politics and corruption that have plagued the country for decades, particularly embodied in the Rajapaksa family.

The Rajapaksas, who had once enjoyed significant popular support, saw their grip on power unravel due to their mismanagement of the economy, culminating in the 2022 economic crisis. The devastating impact of their governance created a ripe environment for the JVP and its broader alliance, the National People’s Power (NPP), to emerge as the force of change.

The electorate’s embrace of the JVP and its call for systemic reform reflects a deep desire for change at every level of governance. Voters have expressed frustration not only with the political elites but also with a system that has, for too long, concentrated power in the hands of a few families. By choosing Dissanayake, Sri Lankans have signalled their desire for a new political order that rejects authoritarianism and promotes transparency, accountability and governance free from the grip of traditional elites.

In this context, Dissanayake’s victory can be seen as a tectonic shift, as it represents a break from the past and a step toward rebuilding Sri Lanka’s political, economic and social structures on a new foundation.

Evolution of the JVP

The JVP’s history is often remembered for its violent attempts to seize state power, first in 1971 and again in the late 1980s. What is rarely referred to is its leader, Rohana Wijeweera, announcing in 1977 that his party was abandoning armed struggle and accepting the parliamentary process. Later, Wijeweera contested the presidential elections in 1982 and won 4.19% of the vote.

The JVP did not get an opportunity to contest further as President J.R. Jayewardene extended parliament’s tenure for another six years based on a referendum. Following the anti-Tamil riots in 1983, Jayewardene proscribed the JVP and drove the party underground.

Despite the brutal repression that followed the 1988-89 insurrection, the JVP underwent a significant transformation by the late 1990s. It abandoned violent tactics in favour of parliamentary politics, not as a retreat from its core principles but as an adaptation to a changing political landscape. The growing dissatisfaction with Sri Lanka’s neoliberal policies and the failures of the political elite provided fertile ground for the JVP to reposition itself. 

After decades of evolution, the party was instrumental in the formation of the NPP, a broad alliance committed to systemic change and a new political culture.

Misgovernance by the Rajapaksa regimes

A critical factor in Dissanayake’s victory was the widespread disillusionment with the Rajapaksa family and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). The economic crisis of 2022, which led to mass protests and the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, was primarily attributed to the Rajapaksa regime’s economic mismanagement. Excessive borrowing, costly infrastructure projects and ill-conceived tax reforms under Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapaksa plunged the country into an economic meltdown.

In the past, the Rajpaksas have also made effective use of racism in the 2010 and 2019 presidential elections. Mahinda Rajapaksa capitalised on Sinhalese nationalism in 2010, leveraging the victory in the civil war against the Tamil Tigers. In 2019, the Rajapaksa camp shifted its focus from anti-Tamil rhetoric to anti-Muslim racism, strategically stoking fear among the electorate after the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings, in which over 270 people were killed.

Despite their short-term success, the long-term consequences of these divisive strategies contributed to the growing public disillusionment with their rule.

The SLPP’s base was further alienated by its arrogance, corruption and ineffective governance. By the presidential election, the party’s support had shrunk drastically – from 52% in 2019 to just 16%, according to polls.

The Aragalaya and the demand for systemic change

The 2022 Janatha Aragalaya (‘People’s Struggle’) protests were a turning point in Sri Lankan politics. It was driven by frustration over economic mismanagement, corruption and the political system’s failure to respond to the people’s needs.

The protests, which led to the resignation of two Rajapaksas from the highest offices, were more than a rejection of individual leaders; they embodied a call for systemic reform. The slogan “system change” became the rallying cry for a complete rethinking of governance in Sri Lanka.

While the protestors did not propose a concrete alternative system, their demands created space for political actors to respond.

The NPP, under Dissanayake’s leadership, responded to this challenge. It called for a social revolution, promising to dismantle the entrenched political elite and return power to ordinary people. In contrast, other political actors, particularly those aligned with the Rajapaksa regime, were seen as defenders of the corrupt and failing system that had brought the country to collapse.

The Aragalaya envisioned a change in the existing governance system and a complete break from the kleptocratic ruling families that had bankrupted the country. The protestors’ message was clear: the people no longer needed the political elite and demanded a new leadership untainted by corruption and committed to real reform. The NPP’s platform aligned closely with these demands, making Dissanayake the natural choice for voters seeking systemic change.

Fragmentation of the party system

In the last decade, Sri Lanka’s traditional party system has fractured, paving the way for Dissanayake’s victory. The SLPP, United National Party (UNP) and Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) all saw significant declines in support due to internal divisions and growing public disenchantment. Despite his party’s electoral defeat, Wickremesinghe’s manoeuvring to become president further deepened the public’s distrust of the political elite.

Wickremesinghe’s leadership since 1994 has coincided with the UNP’s gradual decline, particularly in rural areas. The party’s split in 2020 and the emergence of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) as a breakaway faction weakened the UNP’s traditional voter base. Although the SJB remained somewhat cohesive, it failed to present a compelling alternative to the NPP, lacking the ideological clarity and urgency that Dissanayake offered.

The fragmentation of the established parties allowed the NPP to position itself as the only credible option for those seeking genuine change.

Image makeover of the JVP

A key factor in Dissanayake’s victory was the JVP’s alliance with the NPP. While the JVP’s past is marked by violence and insurrection, the party has transformed over the past three decades into a democratic force.

Though the insurrections of 1971 and the 1980s left painful memories for many, particularly those now in their late 60s or 70s, the passage of time has softened this legacy. During those events, today’s JVP leaders were either very young or not yet born.

The JVP’s willingness to critically reflect on its past, express remorse and reshape its agenda has been crucial to its revival.

The NPP, led by the JVP, combines elements of Marxism, socialism and social democracy with a pragmatic approach to governance. This broad-based appeal resonated with voters from various backgrounds. The NPP’s focus on anti-corruption, good governance and economic reform struck a chord with an electorate frustrated by the inefficiency and corruption of traditional political elites.

Also read | Interview: ‘Not IMF Deal But Disgust With Establishment Drove Sri Lanka Election Result’

A mandate for change

Dissanayake’s victory in the 2024 presidential election signals a strong mandate for profound change in Sri Lanka. While his victory is undeniably historic, it comes with immense challenges and high expectations from the electorate.

The key question now is whether the NPP can deliver on its promises and successfully navigate the complexities of governance. Public demand for systemic change is overwhelming, and any failure to meet these expectations could risk deepening political instability.

Despite these challenges, the 2024 election marks a significant turning point in Sri Lanka’s political history, offering a real possibility of ushering in a new era of governance focused on transparency, accountability and reform.

President Dissanayake has taken a decisive first step by dismissing parliament and calling for new elections in November, seeking a parliamentary mandate to govern effectively.

To achieve meaningful reform, the NPP will need to secure a two-thirds majority in parliament, especially if it aims to abolish the executive presidency introduced in 1977 that has been widely criticised as a form of “constitutional authoritarianism”. The executive presidency has empowered a series of “strongmen” leaders like Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa and the Rajapaksa brothers, whose concentration of power has led the country into its current crisis.

Restoring the parliamentary system that existed from 1948 to 1977, before the executive presidency, is essential for strengthening democracy in Sri Lanka. By shifting power back to the people’s representatives, the NPP can dismantle the legacy of authoritarianism and build a more accountable, democratic system.

The road ahead is difficult, but Dissanayake’s early moves suggest that Sri Lanka may finally be on the path toward the systemic change that its people are now demanding.

Ajay Darshan Behera is a professor at the MMAJ Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.

Who is Subhankar Sarkar, the New Bengal Congress President? 

Sarkar is a Congress veteran but not known to have a mass base of his own.

Subhankar Sarkar, the new Bengal Congress president, has a tough task ahead – rejuvenating a party that has reached its nadir in the state. The 2021 assembly election saw the number of Congress MLAs in the state coming to nill and the 2024 Lok Sabha election recorded its parliamentary tally from the state coming down to one from two.

The news of Sarkar’s appointment triggered curiosity, as he replaced Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, a staunch critic of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her Trinamool Congress (TMC) party.

Chowdhury is one of the last Congress leaders with a mass base of his own, though in recent years his influence on his home turf of Murshidabad district has much diminished, which was reflected in his loss from Baharampur Lok Sabha that he represented since 1999.

Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury at the Baharampur constituency. Photo: Joydeep Sarkar/The Wire.

Two other Congress leaders have some mass bases of their own – the sole Lok Sabha MP, Isha Khan Choudhury of Malda Dakshin, who enjoys certain popularity in Malda, the old Congress bastion, due to the overwhelming popularity of his late uncle, the Congress stalwart A.B.A. Ghani Khan Chowdhury.

Besides, Purulia’s Congress leader and former MLA Nepal Mahato enjoys some popularity in some pockets of the district. Among other senior Congress leaders, former MLA Abdul Mannan has reduced his involvement due to health-related issues, while former Rajya Sabha MP Pradip Bhattacharya is almost 80.

The 64-year-old Sarkar is not known to have any mass base of his own in any district. However, being a Congress veteran who has never switched camps (just like Chowdhury, Mahato, Mannan and Bhattacharya), Sarkar is known to Congress workers across the state.

‘No compulsions to protect local base’

According to several Congress veterans who spoke to The Wire on condition of anonymity, Sarkar’s lack of a base in districts worked in his favour.

“Local compulsions make leaders like Chowdhury, Khan Choudhury and Mahato take an anti-TMC pitch. They believe it is by fighting the local power that they can survive. However, national compulsions make the Congress high command to ensure a cordial relation with the TMC,” said a leader.

Another leader pointed out how Chowdhury’s frequent outbursts against Banerjee and the TMC caused embarrassment to the Congress national leadership. “Since Sarkar has no compulsions to protect his local base by fighting the TMC, the high command will find it easier to work with him,” the leader said.

Whether Sarkar will restrain himself while commenting on Bengal situations or continue with Chowdhury’s policy remains to be seen. After taking charge, he told the media that questions like political alliance are not his priority. “My priority is to strengthen the organisation,” he said.

Sarkar said he does not like to be seen either as a hardliner or a softliner (on approach towards the TMC) and would take a stand on issues on their merits.

“We have recently seen the rise of civil society in Bengal. Who knows, this rise of civil society would not create new political equations?” he asked while arguing why choosing an ally is not his primary concern.

“The festive season is knocking on the door. After the Durga puja, I will embark on a tour of the districts and speak with and listen to our leaders, workers and the public,” Sarkar said.

Adhir’s loss is whose gain?

The question of alliance keeps troubling the Bengal Congress. Chowdhury was a strong supporter of the Left-Congress alliance and enjoys a good rapport with Bengal CPI(M) secretary, Md Salim. The Left and the Congress fought the 2016 and 2021 assembly elections and the 2024 Lok Sabha election together.

Though the Congress national leadership was keen on striking an electoral alliance with the TMC ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections to give a nationwide message of a strong INDIA bloc, Chowdhury’s consistent TMC-bashing throughout this period of electoral negotiations was considered to have played a role in spoiling the alliance. TMC leaders directly blamed him. Chowdhury did not hide his reservations against allying with the TMC.

According to Chowdhury’s colleagues in the party’s state unit, his loss to the TMC’s Yusuf Pathan, a former India cricketer, seems to have convinced the top leadership that irking the TMC too much was detrimental to the party’s interests since it did not help the party electorally in Bengal either.

Also read: Congress’s Adhir Chowdhury Draws Crowds at 44°C, Language Proves Yorker for TMC’s Yusuf Pathan

There are whispers in the Bengal Congress circles that the party’s national leadership prefers an electoral alliance with the TMC over one with the Left, as the TMC, with 29 Lok Sabha MPs and 12 Rajya Sabha berths is more relevant at the national level as a force opposed to the BJP.

Sarkar has been associated with the Congress for over three decades, beginning as a leader of its student wing, the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI). From 1993 to 1996, he served as a national general secretary and spokesperson of the NSUI and then served as the president of the NSUI Bengal unit, known as Chhatra Parishad.

He thereafter served as a national general secretary of the Youth Congress, in various roles in the Bengal Congress unit and later in the All India Congress Committee (AICC), including an AICC secretary. He has also handled party responsibilities in northeast India.

The TMC challenge

“His advantage is that he enjoys a good relationship with all factions of Bengal Congress. But the challenge he will face is less likely to come from Congress factionalism and more likely from the question, how will he revive the party without fighting the TMC on the ground?” said a Bengal Congress veteran.

TMC leaders did not want to comment on the record regarding this appointment, arguing it was the Congress’ internal affair. Kunal Ghosh, a TMC spokesperson, wished Sarkar the best in a social media post, referring to him as an old friend. “I hope your steps will reflect the reality of Bengal politics,” Ghosh wrote.

A TMC minister told The Wire, requesting anonymity, that the party sees Chowdhury’s removal as a positive message from the Congress high command.

“We have repeatedly said that Chowdhury was weakening the anti-BJP struggle by turning the TMC into the focus of Bengal Congress’ attacks. It looks like good sense has prevailed over the Congress’s national leadership but we will have a better idea only after a few months,” the minister said.

Sarkar, at the beginning of his tenure, has not remained silent on the TMC rule. He said in media interviews that there are concerns about the culture of extortion from industrialists and investors, employment generation and issues related to law and order. His tone was unmissably softer than Chowdhury’s, though.

‘Expect the Gods to be Kept Away from Politicians’: SC Raps Chandrababu Naidu Over Tirupati Laddu Controversy

The court expressed concerns that Naidu’s statements could affect the sentiments of millions of people worldwide.

New Delhi: The Supreme Court on Monday (September 30) criticised Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu for making public allegations about the use of adulterated ghee in the preparation of laddus offered as prasadam at the Tirumala Tirupati Temple.

A bench comprising Justices B.R. Gavai and K.V. Viswanathan questioned the propriety of Naidu’s statements, made while the matter was under investigation.

The court expressed concerns that Naidu’s statements could affect the sentiments of millions of people worldwide.

“We expect the Gods to be kept away from politicians,” Justice Gavai observed, as per Live Law.

The bench also noted that the lab report prima facie indicated that rejected ghee samples were tested, sparking doubts about the authenticity of the allegations.

“The petition pertains to sentiments affecting crores of people living in the entire world. The Hon’ble Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh had gone in public making a statement that the animal fat was being used to make Tirupati laddus under the previous regime. However, some press reports also show that the chief executive officer of the Tirupati Tirumala Devasthanam [TTD] had also made a statement that such an adulterated ghee was never used. The petitions have been filed seeking various prayers including an independent enquiry and directions for regulating the affairs of the religious trusts and specifically the manufacture of prasadam,” the bench was quoted as saying by Live Law. 

Also read: What Prompted Chandrababu Naidu’s Sudden Claims on ‘Contaminated’ Tirupati Laddus?

The bench added: “We are prima facie of the view that when the investigation was under process, it was not appropriate for the high constitutional authority to make a statement which can affect the sentiments of crores of people.”

The court is hearing a batch of petitions seeking a court-monitored investigation into the controversy. The petitions, filed by senior Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Subramanian Swamy, Rajya Sabha MP and ex-TTD chairman Y.V. Subba Reddy, and others, demand an independent enquiry and directions for regulating religious trusts and prasadam manufacture.

During the hearing, senior advocate Mukul Rohatgi, representing the state, faced intense questioning from the bench.

Justice Viswanathan asked, “Here are some disclaimers in the lab report. It is not clear, and it is prima facie indicating that it was rejected ghee, which was subjected to test. If you yourself have ordered investigation, what was the need to go to press,” Live Law reported.

Further, Justice Viswanathan was quoted as saying, “When somebody gives a report like you, does not prudence dictate that you take a second opinion? First of all, there is no proof that this ghee was used. And there is no second opinion.”

The court also sought clarification on whether the ghee in question was actually used in preparing laddus.

Also read: Did Tirupati Devotees Consume Non-Vegetarian Laddus?

The Solicitor General of India, Tushar Mehta, has been asked to consult with the Union government on whether a central investigation is necessary. The matter has been postponed until Thursday.

The controversy erupted after Naidu made public a lab report allegedly showing the presence of foreign fats, including beef fat and fish oil, in ghee supplied to the temple during the previous YSRCP government’s term. The Andhra Pradesh government has since constituted a Special Investigation Team to probe the matter.

Option Before the Allies: Retain Identity or Turn Modi’s Cheerleaders

Even as he has to roll back some decisions, Modi has continued to pursue his agenda undeterred.

From allowing government employees to join the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Waqf bill changes, to the broadcast bill, lateral entry and a ‘secular civil code’, an array of decisions has been taken ignoring the NDA partners

Spin dictators of the 21st century are experts in tweaking constitutional democracy to remain in power. Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey had in 2018 imposed a presidential system of government using an existing provision, which necessitated a constitutional amendment. This enabled him to continue his hegemony with more powers and greater authority. Now, Narendra Modi has got his ‘one nation, one election’ proposal approved by the union cabinet. This is a much smarter move to perpetuate power without being seen as resorting to any systemic violations.

The union cabinet on September 18 gave its formal go-ahead to the Kovind panel report that proposes simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, as also civic bodies, every five years. This, it is claimed, will avoid frequent disruptions in the development process and stop ‘wasteful’ expenditure.

In the coming days we will be flooded with publicity material extolling the virtues of simultaneous polls and highlighting the precious national resources splurged on every election. But a closer look will show that the procedural hurdles in the way of implementing the proposal appear insurmountable in the existing political matrix. Look at the bare statistics. At least five constitutional amendments, requiring two-thirds majority in both Houses of Parliament, are needed. The NDA’s present strength in the Lok Sabha is 293, including the seats held by allies TDP (16), JDU (12), and Chirag Paswan’s party (6). How home minister Amit Shah plans to get the support of 69 more MPs is anybody’s guess. The position in the Rajya Sabha is similar.

The cabinet go-ahead came days after a senior BJP functionary asserted that the ‘one nation, one election’ plan would be rolled out by the government during this term. Dismissing speculation that the BJP was under pressure from allies to revisit policy matters, the functionary said: “This confusion should now be over… This government will work as it should. In the last 10 years, there was no area where policy decisions and follow-up have not led to a change.” These statements were widely covered in the media.

The message was that the government would not soft-pedal on any of its core policies. “It is naive to say that this government is soft and there is pressure from the allies,” the functionary asserted. He added that tough decisions such as waqf board reform have been initiated to bring transparency, which was a “blow to the politics of appeasement”.

Don’t miss the use of words such as ‘appeasement’ and the unconcealed tone of warning. This appeared to be the start of an offensive by the Modi-Shah regime to intimidate the allies and get them to yield to unilateral policy initiatives. A day before the go-ahead to the proposal for simultaneous elections, Amit Shah declared that the Waqf Board Bill would certainly be passed in the coming session of Parliament. The Bill is before a joint parliamentary committee. He also promised to defreeze the work on the census and keep an open mind on caste census.

In the cabinet, the decision to enforce the proposal for simultaneous elections was ‘unanimously’ endorsed. This was among Modi’s 100-day guarantees. Allies Nitish Kumar, Chirag Paswan and Chandrababu Naidu supported it. Like the waqf board bill earlier, Naidu’s support came with a rider. He said the implementation of the cabinet decision on the Kovind panel report should be on the basis of a consensus. It is not known how seriously Naidu would insist on this condition. Naidu was among the Opposition leaders who had in 2019 boycotted a meeting called by Modi on the Kovind panel.

While the NDA allies remained silent, members of the parliamentary committee on the waqf board objected to Shah’s interference.

Shah’s doctrine is loud and clear. As the NDA partners have already accepted Modi’s leadership of the coalition, they must now endorse his position as a Super Boss whose decisions are not to be questioned. The Prime Minister should have unlimited powers for himself, to decide and declare the government’s agenda as and when he deems fit. There is no room for prior consultations and discussions with the allies. Their role, like that of his own senior party leaders, is to act as cheerleaders. In the name of ‘continuity’ and a stable policy, all constituents must accept the BJP’s manifesto and the policies announced by Modi from time to time as those of the NDA. Thus, Shah has set his own brand of coalition dharma.

The option before the NDA constituents is to either fight back and retain their independent secular identity and minority support base or to turn Modi’s permanent cheerleaders. Consider the graveyard of former Modi allies such as the SAD, AIADMK, BJD, YSRCP, Telangana’s BRS and the People’s Democratic Party.

Also read: Modi’s Embrace Leaves Allies Weak and Voiceless

That the Big Two of the BJP do not believe in consultation is evident from the sequence of events that have unfolded since the party returned to power in June, depleted and dependent on allies for the government’s survival.

On July 21, the 58-year-old ban on government employees participating in RSS activities was lifted.

Two weeks later came the Waqf Board Amendment Bill, which was sent to a joint parliamentary committee on the Opposition’s insistence.

In between came the draft of a draconian broadcast bill to control the digital media. This bill encountered strong criticism from journalists and media organisations, even those that are government-friendly, and was subsequently withdrawn.

On August 17, the Modi regime announced its unilateral decision to recruit joint secretary-level staff to the civil services through the lateral entry route. Rahul Gandhi said this was an attempt to openly snatch SC/ST reservation and to fill the services with RSS cadre through the back door. The issue of reservation directly impacts the support base of allies JDU and Chirag’s party. The RJD taunted them for betraying the interests of the backward sections, forcing the allies to protest, and the proposal was withdrawn forthwith.

But even as he has to roll back some decisions, Modi has continued to pursue his agenda undeterred. From the ramparts of Red Fort, he announced a brand new ‘secular civil code’ (whatever that means) and the implementation of the Kovind panel report. Modi also valiantly asserted that his ‘war against corruption’ – seen as a reference to the ED/CBI raids and arrests of Opposition leaders – would continue.

When rumbling over the Waqf Bill that is seen as anti-minority got too loud, BJP president J.P. Nadda met the alliance partners to pacify them. At the meeting held on August 16, the BJP agreed to call monthly coordination meetings of the NDA parties. The BJP has always been averse to any kind of formal coordination. Modi yielded to the proposal by Chandrababu Naidu, but the Nadda-led coordination meant little. In the past, all coalition Prime Ministers — Deve Gowda, I.K. Gujral and Manmohan Singh — convened coordination panels and discussed government policies. Singh also participated in Congress core committee meetings where critical decisions were taken and briefed to the waiting newspersons. Vajpayee did not have a coordination committee, but he was always available to hear the allies. He frequently met NDA constituents, and RSS and BJP leaders separately or in groups at dinner meetings at his residence. As a true authoritarian, Modi refuses to sit with lesser leaders as equals.

P. Raman is a veteran journalist.