President of Maldives Likely to Travel to China in January, Before a Trip to India

This will make him the first democratically elected head of the Maldives to travel to Beijing before he gets to New Delhi.

New Delhi: Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu is likely to be travelling to China soon, which will mean that he is the first head of the Maldives to travel to Beijing before he gets to New Delhi.

It is understood that Muizzu is going to be travelling abroad in early January. Sources have indicated that his destination is likely to be China.

This will be his third foreign trip abroad since taking over the presidency in November 2023. There is, however, no official announcement of the visit yet.

Starting with the first democratically elected president, Nasheed, in 2008, all successive heads of state have followed the pattern of making India their first foreign port of call. This included Mohamed Waheed and Abdulla Yameen in 2012 and 2014 respectively, both of whom were perceived to be less favourably disposed towards India.

However, Muizzu broke with tradition and chose Turkey as his first foreign destination as president. Till his visit, the two countries didn’t have resident ambassadors in each other’s capitals. Thereafter, he went to the United Arab Emirates to attend the CoP summit.

Widely believed to be more sympathetic towards China, Muizzu had won a comprehensive victory in the presidential election, with his campaign attacking the incumbent President Ibrahim Solih for endangering Maldives’ solidarity by fostering military ties with India.

A day after assuming office, he officially requested India to remove its military personnel manning two helicopters and a Dornier plane, which were operating humanitarian assistance and medical emergency sorties between the islands, according to New Delhi.

During his meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of the CoP summit in UAE, he again brought up the demand for removal of Indian military personnel. Both countries expressed their intention to engage in discussions regarding this matter.

Two weeks ago, Maldives conveyed to India its intention to withdraw from a bilateral agreement that permitted New Delhi to collaborate in hydrographic survey of Maldivian territorial waters.

President Muizzu, during his term as mayor of Malé, had worked closely with the Chinese government and companies who were involved in infrastructure projects, including the Sinamalé Bridge. He has repeatedly unfavourably compared the pace of work in the India-funded Thilamalé Bridge to the Sinamalé bridge, which was earlier called the China-Maldives Friendship Bridge.

Earlier in December, Maldivian Vice-President Hussain Mohamed Latheef went to China on his first foreign trip to attend the China-Indian Ocean Region Forum on Development Cooperation. At around the same time, Mauritius hosted the regional group on maritime security, led by India. Maldives, a co-founder, did not send any senior official to the meeting.

Today, In the News: December 31

Arvind Panagariya is the new Finance Commission head, Congress hits out at the BJP over failed promises, and more.

New Delhi: Here are the big headlines from December 31, 2023.

Arvind Panagariya

The Union finance ministry appointed economist Arvind Panagariya, also a former advisor to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as the chairman of the new Finance Commission which will look into federal taxes shared with the states.

Panagariya will be the head of the 16th Finance Commission, while Ritvik Ranjanam Pandey will be the secretary of the commission. Panagariya served as the first vice-chairman of the NITI Aayog from January 2015 to August 2027, in the rank of a cabinet minister. He is a former chief economist of the Asian Development Bank, held key posts at World Bank, IMF and UNCTAD, and also taught at the University of Maryland, US.

The new Finance Commission is likely to submit its report by October 31, 2025. Currently, the Centre shares 42% of federal taxes with states.

Congress

Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge hit out at the Narendra Modi government on the New Year’s eve, alleging that “BJP’s lies are the strongest”, citing the prime minister’s failed promise of doubling farmers’ incomes by 2022 among others.

Kharge said on X, “Narendra Modi-ji, today is the last day of 2023. You said that by 2022 every farmer’s income will double, every Indian will have a house and 24×7 electricity, The economy will become USD five trillion. All this did not happen but every Indian knows that BJP’s lies are the strongest!”

Meanwhile, former Congress president Rahul Gandhi attacked the Union government for shielding powerful BJP MP Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh in the wake of women wrestlers’ allegations of sexual harassment against him, and more recently, Olympian Vinesh Phogat returning her Khel Ratna and Arjuna awards.

Gandhi said, “For every daughter of the country, self-respect comes first, any other medal or honour comes after that. Does the price of ‘political benefits’ received from a ‘proclaimed Bahubali’ exceed the tears of these brave daughters? The Prime Minister is the guardian of the nation, it hurts to see such cruelty on his part.”

Party media chief Jairam Ramesh hit out at the BJP for delaying the decennial census, which was due in 2021.

Bhagwant Mann

The rejection of Punjab’s tableau for the Republic Day parade soon became a political row between the AAP and BJP, when Punjab’s AAP chief minister Bhagwant Mann took to social media to lash out at the Union government.

Mann said that the tableau highlighted the sacrifices of freedom fighters Bhagat Singh, Rajguru, Sukhdev, Lala Lajpat Rai, Udham Singh and others and they will not be displayed in a “rejected category”. “They are our heroes, we know how to respect them,” he said.

NDTV reported that after Punjab’s tableau did not make the cut, the Union defence ministry had written to the state government to accept the tableau during Bharat Parv from January 23 to 31. However, Mann opposed the move, saying that it will not send the state’s tableau to a “rejected category”.

However, government sources dismissed such allegations of “discrimination” as “baseless”, India Today reported.

Tehreek E Hurriyat

Union home minister Amit Shah declared Kashmiri political party Tehreek-e-Hurriyat as an “Unlawful Association” for five years, according to the sections of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) on Sunday. The home ministry claimed that the organisation had been advocating separatism and establishment of Islamist rule in Kashmir.

“Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, J&K (TeH) has been declared an ‘Unlawful Association’ under UAPA. The outfit is involved in forbidden activities to separate J&K from India and establish Islamic rule. The group is found spreading anti-India propaganda and continuing terror activities to fuel secessionism in J&K,” Shah said in a social media post.

“Under PM Narendra Modi Ji’s zero-tolerance policy against terrorism, any individual or organization found involved in anti-India activities will be thwarted forthwith,” Shah added.

TeH was once helmed by Syed Ali Shah Geelani and has played an important role in the past to facilitate talks between the Centre and separatists.

Russia-Ukraine

Soon after what Russia called a “terrorist attack” on the city of Belgorod on Saturday, Russia launched fresh drone strikes against Ukraine on Sunday morning.

NDTV reported that Iranian-made “Shahed” drones targeted Ukraine’s north-eastern city of Kharkiv. Many civilian buildings of Kharikiv were reported to be damaged

On Saturday, Ukraine’s attack on Belgorod killed at least 22 people while many were left injured, in what was the deadliest attack on Russia since the beginning of the conflict in February 2022. Moscow said that the attack used the controversial cluster munitions, and told an emergency meeting at the UN Security Council that Kyiv had targeted a sports centre, an ice rink, and a university, with Russian envoy Vasily Nebenzya calling the attack a “deliberate, indiscriminate attack against a civilian target”.

Meanwhile, Kharkiv mayor Ihor Therekov said, “On the eve of the New Year, Russians want to intimidate our city, but we are not scared.” Ukraine’s allies countered that responsibility ultimately lay with Russian President Vladimir Putin for invading the neighbouring country two years ago.

Feisty Journalist and Documentary Maker John Pilger Passes Away

Australia-born Pilger was adversarial, feisty and uncompromising, drawing praise and respect from people across the ideological fence.

New Delhi: John Pilger (84), journalist, activist, documentary maker and a legend for many news reporters and news analysts, is dead.

His family announced his death, “It is with great sadness the family of John Pilger announce he died yesterday 30 December 2023 in London aged 84. His journalism and documentaries were celebrated around the world,” they said, adding, “but to his family he was simply the most amazing and loved Dad, Grandad and partner. Rest In Peace.”

Australia-born Pilger was adversarial, feisty and uncompromising, drawing praise and respect from people across the ideological fence.

Pilger was born and grew up in Bondi, Sydney, Australia. His website confirms that he launched his first newspaper at Sydney High School and later completed a four year cadetship with Australian Consolidated Press. “It was one of the strictest language courses I know,” he says. “Devised by a celebrated, literate editor, Brian Penton, the aim was economy of language and accuracy. It certainly taught me to admire writing that was spare, precise and free of cliches, that didn’t retreat into the passive voice and used adjectives only when absolutely necessary. I have long since slipped that leash, but those early disciplines helped shape my journalism and writing and my understanding of moving and still pictures.”

Like many of his Australian generation, Pilger and two colleagues left for Europe in the early 1960s. He has been mostly based in the UK since 1962. According to Pilger’s official website:

“They set up an ill-fated freelance ‘agency’ in Italy (with the grand title of ‘Interep’) and quickly went broke. Arriving in London, Pilger freelanced, then joined Reuters, moving to the London Daily Mirror, Britain’s biggest selling newspaper, which was then changing to a serious tabloid.

He became chief foreign correspondent and reported from all over the world, covering numerous wars, notably Vietnam. Still in his twenties, he became the youngest journalist to receive Britain’s highest award for journalism, Journalist of the Year and was the first to win it twice. Moving to the United States, he reported the upheavals there in the late 1960s and 1970s. He marched with America’s poor from Alabama to Washington, following the assassination of Martin Luther King. He was in the same room when Robert Kennedy, the presidential candidate, was assassinated in June 1968.

His work in South East Asia produced an iconic issue of the London Mirror, devoted almost entirely to his world exclusive dispatches from Cambodia in the aftermath of Pol Pot’s reign. The combined impact of his Mirror reports and his subsequent documentary, Year Zero: the Silent Death of Cambodia, raised almost $50 million for the people of that stricken country. Similarly, his 1994 documentary and dispatches report from East Timor, where he travelled under cover, helped galvanise support for the East Timorese, then occupied by Indonesia.

In Britain, his four-year investigation on behalf of a group of children damaged at birth by the drug Thalidomide, and left out of the settlement with the drugs company, resulted in a special settlement.

His numerous documentaries on Australia, notably The Secret Country (1983), the bicentary trilogy The Last Dream (1988), Welcome to Australia (1999) and Utopia (2013) all celebrated and revealed much of his own country’s ‘forgotten past’, especially its indigenous past and present.

He has won an American TV Academy Award, an Emmy, and a British Academy Award, a BAFTA for his documentaries, which have also won numerous US and European awards, such as as the Royal Television Society’s Best Documentary. The British Film Institute includes his 1979 film, Year Zero: the Silent Death of Cambodia among the ten most important documentaries of the twentieth century.”

His book, Hidden Agendas, on journalism, is said by some to best encapsulate his journalistic philosophy of never hesitating to take sides despite invariably finding himself ranged against the most powerful forces of the time.

The latest piece of work by him that can be accessed online is an essay titled, “We Are Spartacus”: Resistance and the unmoving shadow of war. It can be accessed here.

Gyanvapi Mosque Row: Looking for ‘Character’ When History Establishes it Unequivocally

The ‘de-religiosification’ of Hinduism by India’s judiciary has allowed the forces of Hindutva to pose Hinduism as a supra-religious order that naturally makes available to its adherents, unquestionably, the best moral code of conduct.

India, or more precisely, north India, has been gripped by a frenzy. A frenzy of temple construction. Even more obnoxious is the fact that the latter bit is being accomplished by staking claim upon existing mosques.

Courts in India, which should ideally be the sentinels of the constitutional doctrine of secularism, are actively aiding and abetting such acts. Three decades ago, Justice J.S. Verma pronounced that Hinduism is not a religion but a way of life.

This ‘de-religiosification’ allowed the forces of Hindutva to pose Hinduism as a supra-religious order that naturally makes available to its adherents, unquestionably, the best moral code of conduct.

Secondly, the judgment made the term immune from scrutiny under the Representation of the People Act, 1951, which deemed the use of religion in elections as a ‘corrupt practice’.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)–Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) combine has made the best use of this. From Advani to Modi, all have shielded themselves from the allegations of political usage of Hinduism by saying that it is not a religion but a way of life.

The recent judgment by Justice R.R. Agarwal of the Allahabad High Court on the Gyanvapi mosque issue has opened a Pandora’s Box. In an act of legal acrobatics, Justice Agarwal has found a new way to undermine the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991.

The Act unequivocally stipulates “the maintenance of the religious character of any place of worship as it existed on August 15, 1947”.

The Supreme Court, in its Ram Mandir judgment, had argued that ‘‘the Places of Worship Act is intrinsically related to the obligations of a secular state. It reflects the commitment of India to the equality of all religions… [T]he law speaks to our history and the future of the nation.

Cognisant as we are of our history and of the need for the nation to confront it, independence was a watershed moment to heal the wounds of the past.’’

It must be remembered that when the Bill was being debated, some BJP members of Parliament (MPs) questioned 1947 as the cut-off date, arguing that the real cut-off date should be the 12th century.

Justice Agarwal in his judgment has argued that the court has the prerogative to define the “religious character of the place of worship”. The court further said that the plaintiffs have not demanded the “conversion of any place of worship”, hence it is a title suit.

One wonders what the religious character of a mosque, temple or church may be, if not a mosque, temple and church, respectively. Justice Agarwal seems to be making an undue distinction between forms of worship practised in the place of worship vis-à-vis the ‘character’ of the said place.

The Cambridge Dictionary defines the word ‘character’ as “the particular combination of qualities in someone or something that makes them or it different from others”.

Going by this definition, a mosque has a combination of architectural, ritualistic, and religious qualities quite different from a temple or a church, which makes its character distinct.

However, the syncretic history of India has examples of mosques being constructed in the Hindu architectural style. For instance, the Cheraman Juma Mosque in Kodungallur, the oldest mosque in South Asia, had hanging oil-lit lamps.

The mosque still burns an oil lamp which is believed to be over 1,000 years old. People of all faiths bring oil for the lamp as an offering, thereby underlining the secular and pluralistic tradition of India.

Another example of pluralistic Indian tradition that is often forgotten is the Sikh Guru Arjan Dev’s invitation to Mian Hazrat Mir, a Muslim Sufi saint, to lay the foundation stone of the Golden Temple in Amritsar.

Considering Justice Agarwal’s judgment, one wonders what the ‘religious character’ of the Cheraman Juma Mosque and the Golden Temple would be if not a mosque and a gurudwara respectively adorned by a centuries-old quilt of syncretism.

The judgment has done nothing but fanned the fires of communal notoriety. The court’s injunction to the lower court to deliver its final judgment within six months has chimed with the 2024 general elections. This is nothing but the biggest cause of worry for all secular forces in the country, especially the biggest religious minority of India— the Muslims.

This whole business of temple construction and mosque destruction has at its base the logic of authoritative majoritarianism. India is not alone in this. Turkey’s strongman leader Recep Erdogan also marked the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque as a great step towards reclaiming the lost glory of the Ottoman caliphate.

The difference between India and Turkey is that such acts in the latter would not endanger the existence of religious minorities. Turkey is a 99 percent Sunni Muslim country.

In India, Muslims account for 14.5 percent of the population (approximately 20 crore in number) and account for 11 percent of the world’s Muslim population. Therefore, the ramifications would be much larger and harsher.

This brings us to the question of ‘historical mistakes’. It must be understood that Mughal India was not a democratic State with mass-participatory democracy. Aurangzeb did not contest elections. Rulers, both Hindus and Muslims, ruled by the sword. State policy was nothing but the monarch’s will.

Aurangzeb’s destruction of the temples in Varanasi, Mathura and Thatta had deep political reasons. Mathura was for long the region of the Jat peasantry’s rebellion against the extractive Mughal State. Another reason for Aurangzeb’s wrath towards Mathura’s Krishna Dev temple was that it had been patronized by Dara Shukoh, his major rival for the throne.

According to Saqi Mustaid Khan, a historian who wrote after Aurangzeb’s death, “In 1669 the king learned that at Benares, deviant Brahmins were teaching false books at their established schools. Curious seekers— Hindu and Muslim alike— traveled great distances to gain depraved knowledge from them.”

Historian and Aurangzeb’s latest biographer Audrey Truschke has noted, “Aurangzeb evinced concern with elite Brahmins deceiving common Hindus about their own religion and was perhaps especially alarmed that Muslims were falling prey to charlatans.”

The Mughals had given grants to many temples. Aurangzeb himself had given grants and gifts to Hindu temples. For instance, in his ninth year of reign, Aurangzeb conferred land upon the Umananda Temple in Guwahati, Assam.

In 1687, the emperor gave some empty land on a ghat in Benares (which was, incidentally, near a mosque) to Ramjivan Gosain to build houses for “pious Brahmins and holy faqirs”.

In 1691, Aurangzeb conferred eight villages and a sizable chunk of tax-free land on Mahant Balak Das Nirvani of Chitrakoot to support the Balaji Temple.

In 1698, he gifted rent-free land to a Brahmin named Rang Bhatt in eastern Khandesh in central India.

The list goes on and includes temples and individuals in Allahabad, Vrindavan, Bihar and elsewhere.

Imagine if Indian Muslims started retaliating against the temple frenzy of the Hindus by demanding the re-possession of land grants to Hindu temples by the Mughals. India would not be a liveable place anymore.

Shubham Sharma is a research scholar at the Department of Political Science, University of Connecticut, US.

This article was originally published in The Leaflet.

2023: A Year of Ironies and Paradoxes in J&K

The BJP continues to uphold its most cherished mantra when it comes to governing J&K – running with the hares and hunting with the hounds. 

The year 2023 for Jammu and Kashmir was a year full of ironies, paradoxes and blatant double standards — all packaged and sold under the name of economic progress, democracy and normalcy.

Take for example the issue of elections, which the people of J&K last saw nine years ago in 2014. The Union government is perhaps acutely aware of what conducting a free and fair election in a Muslim-majority region would mean – a complete ouster from being able to direct the state of affairs (assuming that statehood will be restored). So it has devised a new stratagem. It has put out ceremonial statements from time to time, emphasising the indispensability of holding elections to the legislature, but without actually proceeding to hold them.

More talk and less action

In January, the election commissioner pledged that polls in J&K are due and would be held after taking the weather and security concerns into account. The following month, Union home minister Amit Shah said that “the voter list is about to be finalised. After that the Election Commission of India (ECI) will take a call on holding polls.”

In March, chief election commissioner Rajiv Kumar acknowledged that “there is a vacuum in the Union Territory which needs to be filled”, and said that the qualifying date for the revision of electoral rolls for the UT was to precede the national-level special summary revision (SSR) – as if to convey the seriousness on the government’s part to restore democracy in J&K.

In April, the Commission extended the date for filing claims and objections on SSR, and a month later, the Divisional Commissioner of Kashmir was holding meetings to “review the progress achieved”. In July, Lt Governor of J&K Manoj Sinha appointed Braj Raj Sharma, retired IAS officer, as the state election commissioner. Yet another intent of good faith, perhaps? In September, Sinha went on to claim that if elections were held now, “Eighty percent of the people will vote and favour the prevailing system here.”

And yet despite the Union government in its submission in the Supreme Court in August, which was hearing the Article 370 case, saying that polls can be held ‘any time now’, it refused to set a time frame.

Ultimately, it took the Supreme Court to finalise September 2024 as the deadline for holding the assembly polls. So one might genuinely ask, what role was the government playing all along, except for prevaricating over the issue of holding elections?

Mother of ironies 

Another bitter irony of 2023 was the J&K Raj Bhawan commemorating West Bengal Statehood Day in June even as J&K’s own statehood remains forfeited.

This was also the year when people started to realise the adverse ways in which the legal changes to J&K’s status enacted pursuant to the loss of Article 370 in August 2019 were going to affect them. In January this year, the government sent bulldozers fanning out across many parts of the UT to raze the properties it claimed have been built on the “encroached” State land. In one case, a petitioner had moved the JK and Ladakh high court arguing that he could get his 2,000 square feet of proprietary land exchanged in lieu of the kahcharai (grazing) land that he was accused of holding “illegally”.

Technically, he was right because the laws that existed in J&K before 2019 permitted for such an exchange. But judges had to set his petition aside as Section 133(2) of the Jammu and Kashmir Land Revenue Act, 1996 which legitimised such allowances no longer existed in its previous form, thereby making the petitioner as well as thousands of other “encroachers” vulnerable to expulsion, with their properties liable to be bulldozed.

Much ado about nothing

While the government was showcasing the mounting tourist numbers as evidence of normalcy and economic growth, it simultaneously slashed the duties on apple imports from the US and Iran. With the apple yield of 17 lakhs metric tonnes, J&K accounts for 75% of India’s total apple production. And for all the talk of it being a boon for J&K’s economy, tourism contributes only 6% to the UT’s GDP.

By contrast, it is the agriculture, trade and allied sectors that are the major drivers of growth in Kashmir. But with the government’s decision to waive surcharges of imported apples, it is likely to impact the Kashmiri growers adversely.

Dispensing justice selectively

Such ironies have abounded in 2023. Take for example the decision of the State Investigation Agency (SIA), a nodal unit for the National Investigation Agency in J&K, to trace out the perpetrators involved in the militancy incidents taking place during the 1990s. As part of the whole campaign, the SIA also reopened the case of Retired Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo, who was among the first to be killed at the onset of insurgency in 1989. The SIA also arrested two absconding militants 33 years later who were involved in the assassination of Kashmiri religious leader Mirwaiz Moulvi Farooq.

Of course, nothing happens in Kashmir without it being part of the overall optics. The government has been asserting time and again that it wants to put the history of insurgency behind and start a new chapter. But the reality is perhaps that it can only go so far in this attempt. As 66-year-old Abdul Rashid Baba, brother of one of the 67 persons who died in the massacre following Mirwaiz’s killing, told one journalist,”What about justice for us?”

Or think about the case of Army Major Bhoopendera Singh of 62 Rashtriya Rifles (RR) whose sentence was suspended by the Armed Forces Tribunal that also granted him bail. Singh was involved in extra-judicial killings (locally called fake encounters) in Ashimpora Shopian.

With incidents like these occurring every now and then, the government exposes itself to the allegations of being insincere and duplicitous, especially when it’s making vaunted claims of being committed towards justice.

Media and civil freedoms

In terms of civil freedoms, the year 2023 was hardly dissimilar to previous years. The arrest of journalist and editor Irfan Mehraj brought into sharp focus what critics have called the appalling press freedom conditions in J&K.

This year, the J&K administration also stepped up the passport policing of journalists and politicians who tend to be critical of its policies.

In August, Middle East Eye reported that at least seven Kashmiris living overseas have had their passports suspended on the grounds that they are a threat to national security.

Separately, a special NIA court in Srinagar denied permission to Waheed ur Rehman Para, a political leader from South Kashmir’s Pulwama region, from travelling to the United States to attend the Yale Peace Fellowship.

But when some of these decisions reached the JK&L high court, the State’s grounds for withholding or suspending passports were set aside as in the case of Mehbooba Mufti’s octogenarian mother, Gulshan Nazir where the judges promptly ordered that her passport be released while criticising the authorities for acting as a “mouthpiece of CID”.

In July, the authorities at Kashmir University removed works of authors such as Agha Shahid Ali and Basharat Peer from the curriculum, in yet another attempt to suppress dissenting views inside institutions of learning.

In August, the Kashmir Walla website and its social media handles were blocked on the instructions of the government. Separately, the editors of the publication were served eviction notices, forcing them to relinquish the office.

If there was any good news pertaining to press freedom in 2023, it was the bail order served to three incarcerated Kashmiri journalists. But that intervention came from the judiciary.

Militancy on decline but dangers remain

As far as the militancy is concerned, it has been a pretty peaceful year in the Kashmir Valley. The hit-and-run killings that had spiked over the last few years came down, if not getting completely eradicated. The J&K Police data shared with The Wire indicates a precipitous decline of local recruitment which stands out as one of the most significant developments of 2023. The local recruitment has come down from 122 in 2020, 155 in 2021, 119 in 2022 and 22 in 2023. 172 militants were killed in J&K last year, while this year the number stands at 113.

But this aspect has gone hand-in-hand with increasing foreign participation. As General Officer Commanding-in-Chief (GOC-in-C) Northern Command Lieutenant General Upendra Dwivedi said in September, for the first time since the insurgency began, the “number of foreign terrorists killed is four-times higher than local terrorists”.

It is this shifting dynamic which is resulting in the Jammu region becoming the new epicentre of violence in J&K. This year, at least 34 soldiers have died in various militant attacks in J&K of which 20 alone were killed in the two districts of Rajouri and Poonch, accounting for more than 50% of casualties among the armed forces in J&K.

It was perhaps for this reason why General Officer Commanding of Chinar Corps (GOC) Lieutenant General A.D.S. Aujla remarked that the time was not yet ripe for the Army to move to barracks in J&K, in a sharp contrast to the BJP government’s discourse around normalcy.

In October, the Indian Express reported that the “new spurt in terror incidents in J&K, where infiltration peaks before the onset of winter, has prompted security forces to reassess their counter-terror strategy in the Union Territory, and plans to  redistribute Rashtriya Rifles (RR) units might not be implemented immediately”.

The year 2023 thus offers a subtle reminder that the BJP continues to uphold its most cherished mantra when it comes to governing J&K – running with the hares and hunting with the hounds.

Shakir Mir is a Srinagar-based journalist. He tweets at @shakirmir.

Weeks Before Ram Temple Inauguration, PM Modi – and a PR Blitzkrieg – Visit Ayodhya

All three pillars of the BJP’s politics – Hindutva, development and welfare – were covered in Modi’s speeches and agenda.

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Ayodhya on Saturday, ahead of the inauguration ceremony of the Ram Janmabhoomi temple on January 22, 2024, was accompanied by an all-round PR blitzkrieg. The larger-than-life media overdrive projected Modi not only as the chief overseer of the controversial temple, but also as a development icon while he threw open a newly-built airport and a railway station and an unfailing welfarist backward class leader through his visit to a Dalit household which was the 10th crore beneficiary/laabarthi of the Union government’s Ujjwala Yojana, a subsidised LPG cylinder delivery scheme.

That makes it all three pillars of the BJP’s politics – Hindutva, development and welfare – all of which are centred around one personality cult, Modi. The prime minister’s Ayodhya visit, by all means, was the BJP’s declaration of its 2024 Lok Sabha election campaign, and came on the heels of its primary rival Congress’s similar but much more understated effort in its grand celebration of its founding day on December 28, 2023 in Nagpur where the party laid down its campaign pitch around the rising problems of unemployment, income inequality, price rise and communal polarisation.

Nevertheless, Modi’s Ayodhya visit was planned to the hilt. He inaugurated a modern airport and railway station, flagged off six Vande Bharat and two Amrit Bharat trains, and laid the foundation stone for 46 new infrastructure development projects. He then went on to hold a roadshow where he interacted with people, all curiously raising ‘Har Har Modi’ slogans almost in unison. The other firebrand Hindutva leader in his own right – UP chief minister Adityanath – played second fiddle, and stopped at nothing to credit Modi for each and every progress in his own state and especially Ayodhya.

Ram became the leitmotif to foreground Modi as a modern-day deity, as Meera Manjhi whose house the prime minister visited to congratulate her on being a recipient of the Ujjwala Yojana herself declared. In fact, each of Manjhi’s answers strengthened the BJP’s claims about how all government schemes were reaching the laabarthis without any leakage. Modi spoke about how he related to Manjhi’s condition as he was a chaiwala once.

Also read: As Modi Decrees a New Diwali, Remember There’s More to Indian Politics Than BJP’s Ram

In his rally, Modi said that “vikas” (development) and “virasat”(heritage) will take India forward in the 21st century, laying the foundation for the campaign talk which promises to make India the third largest economy in the world by 2026 and a developed nation by 2047. At the same time, he appealed to all “Ram Bhakts” to celebrate Diwali on January 22, 2024, the day when the Ram Janmabhoomi temple will be inaugurated by him. He asked everyone to light a lamp in their houses, and urged all not to crowd Ayodhya on the day of inauguration. “You have waited for more than 500 years. Do wait for some more days and then come to Ayodhya after considering all the security aspects,” the prime minister said.

“Light a Ram jyoti in your respective houses when the Lord reaches his new home; celebrate Diwali,” he said, even as he and all the other BJP leaders missed no opportunity to convey that Lord Ram will be returning to his home after a gap of 500 years – a political instrument to remind people that the supposedly original Ram Janmabhoomi temple was destroyed by the “Mughal invaders” to build the Babri Masjid at its place.

He then went on to add, while talking about India’s long strides in digital technology even when it comes to preserving pilgrimage sites, “This was the same Ayodhya where Ram Lalla lived in a tent for years. But now not only has Ram got a permanent temple, but also four crore people have received their own permanent house (under PM Awas Yojana).”

Social media was also flooded with videos of how people were celebrating the new Ram temple and modern infrastructure in Ayodhya alike. The passengers of the first Indigo flight to Ayodhya were seen chanting Ram Bhajans in the cabin, even as the Captain addressed them as being the fortunate one to pilot the first flight to Ayodhya, ending his speech with “Jai Siya Ram”. Supporters of Hindutva organised themselves to lash out at “Left, liberals, English-speaking seculars” for “deracinating” Indians through their deliberate erasure of Hindu history.

“Today we are witnessing the grandeur of development, and after a few days we will see the splendour of heritage. Yahi toh Bharat hai (This is all India is all about),” Modi declared, fusing his messages of vikas and virasat.

Strong Emotions Could Literally Break Your Heart

Sudden severe emotions, or acute stress, can cause a heart to literally break. Fortunately, in many cases that broken heart recovers and the patient survives.

 

The Lord is near to the brokenhearted and saves the crushed in spirit.
∼ Hebrew Bible and Holy Bible, Psalm 34:18

You have to keep breaking your heart, until it opens.
∼ Rumi (1207–1273)

The heart was made to be broken.
∼ Oscar Wilde (1854–1900)

Blessed are the hearts that can bend; they shall never be broken.
∼ Albert Camus (1913–1960)

Hearts will never be practical until they can be made unbreakable.
∼ Tin Man in The Wizard of Oz

What is stronger than the human heart which shatters over and over, and still lives?
∼ Rupi Kaur (b. 1992)

These quotes, dating back three thousand years, demonstrate the repeated use throughout human history of the metaphoric broken heart in literature, philosophy, and religion. Even today the concept of breaking one’s heart remains one of the most known and used metaphors. But can strong emotions truly break a heart? Well, yes, they can.

If a tiger chases you, a number of changes will happen in your body; this is referred to as the fight or flight response. The amygdala in your brain triggers a signal telling your body to run. That signal travels to the adrenal glands, where the adrenal medullae release adrenaline. The adrenaline quickly makes its way to your heart’s pacemaker cells and speeds up your heart rate. It also causes heart muscle cells to let in more calcium, which makes them contract harder. This provides oxygenated blood to your leg muscles so you can run. However, on occasion, the body’s stress system can run amok and damage the heart, causing a stress-induced heart attack.
Stress-related heart attacks are also referred to as “broken heart” or takotsubo syndrome. Takotsubo is Japanese for “octopus pot.” First described in 1990, Japanese physicians were observing patients, mostly women, who suffered a heart attack after experiencing acute severe emotional grief or stress. Their heart dysfunction made their left ventricle look like an octopus pot—a pot with a wide bottom and a narrow neck. These patients had classic signs and symptoms of a heart attack: chest pain, elevated heart enzymes, EKG changes, and regional heart wall motion abnormalities. But on cardiac catheterization their coronary arteries were found to be free of atherosclerotic disease.

Vincent M. Figueredo
The Curious History of the Heart
Bloomsbury, 2023

In the majority of broken heart syndrome cases, heart function recovers. We know that the resulting abnormal shape of the Takotsubo heart reflects the distribution of adrena- line receptors in the normal heart muscle, but we don’t know exactly why stress-induced heart attacks happen. A sudden surge of adrenaline can damage heart cells. Studies after earthquakes—1994 in Northridge, California, and 1995 in Kobe, Japan—found that the incidence of heart attacks was much higher on the day of the earthquake than on the same day the previous year. In addition, during and immediately after World Cup penalty shoot outs and Super Bowls, a surge in stress-induced heart attacks occurs.

Sudden severe emotions, or acute stress, can cause a heart to literally break. Fortunately, in many cases that broken heart recovers and the patient survives. As the seventeenth-century English poet Lord Byron wrote, “The heart will break, but broken live on.” Under no other conditions do the metaphorical heart and the biological heart intersect more closely.

§

Are we surprised that lifelong couples tend to die within months of each other? Johnny Cash and June Carter Cash died within four months of each other. The theory is that death of the surviving spouse follows quickly during bereavement because of the intense physical stress of grief—and a broken heart.

The single saddest moment of my career occurred when I was a cardiology fellow. Stepping out of a patient’s room, I had to inform her husband of over sixty years that his wife had passed away. He knew, as well as we did, that she was not going to survive. But as I told him the news, I watched his face melt into such anguish and fear. He looked up at me and asked, “What do I do without her?” The sorrow in his eyes hurts me to this day. He grabbed my shoulders for support and kept looking at me for an answer. I held this small man in my arms and cried with him for a long time that day. He passed away five months later in hospice care.

Despite all of our science and the disillusionment of the heart as nothing more than a pump, these cases seem to describe moments when the emotional and physiological parts of our heart become one. The sixteenth-century anatomist Gabriele Falloppio stated, “Man cannot live with a broken heart.”

The emotions we feel in our brain reverberate in our heart, and the resulting physical sensations are manifestations of the heart’s response. This interdependence, the heart-brain connection, is vital to our health. It’s what led humans over thousands of years to place our emotions, reasoning, and very soul in this hot, pumping organ that signifies we’re alive. Ancient societies taught that a happy heart meant a happy body and a long, healthy life. Modern science and medicine are now suggesting that our ancestors may have been more insightful than once thought. It may be that the heart’s role in our emotional and physical well-being is more significant than what physicians and scientist have led us to believe in the past five hundred years. It may be that the heart talks to the brain as much as the brain directs the heart, and that this heart-brain connection plays a vital role in our overall health.

Excerpted with permission from The Curious History of the Heart by Vincent M. Figueredo, published by Bloomsbury.

Vincent M. Figueredo has been a practicing cardiologist and physician-scientist for thirty years. His experience spans academic medicine, medical research, teaching, private practice, and senior hospital administration, including as chair of cardiology and professor of medicine. Figueredo’s research interests include how the heart responds to injury, alcohol, and stress.

As Modi Decrees a New Diwali, Remember There’s More to Indian Politics Than BJP’s Ram

There are three axes on which the election of 2024 will turn – Hindutva, a re-energised Congress, and the social justice agenda of the socialists-federalists.

These are the days of bold political reclamation.

Three principal axes of India’s mainstream politics seek centre-stage at perhaps the most fraught moment of post-Independence history.

First was the quite impressive aggregation of leaders and workers of the grand old party held in Nagpur. The meet was organised to celebrate the 138th anniversary of the birth of the Indian National Congress.

This was a well-thought-out reminder to the nation that Nagpur was first an emblematic venue of the life and activities of the Congress, before it came to be propagated as the enclave of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.

It was here that Bapu-Gandhi gave his call for the non-cooperation movement in 1920, where Indira Gandhi was crowned president of the Congress in 1959, where she made her triumphant return with a public address in 1980 at the time of  the collapse of the Janata experiment, sweeping Vidharba in the elections thereafter, where, in resounding rebuff to the sanatan, Ambedkar converted to the Buddhist faith in 1956 along with some 600,000 compatriots.

How many devotees of the right-wing might know that of the 18 Lok Sabha elections that took place in the Nagpur constituency from 1952 onwards, the Congress won 13, and of the 11 that happened there after the establishment of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party in 1980, the grand old party won eight.

Thus this episode of political reclamation seems to have been entirely ingenious and justified. That it was attended by some 200,000 Congress people must go down as especially significant, given the current zeitgeist which is everyday laced with stories of the demise of the Indian National Congress.

Not so.

It is another matter that the grand old party must now rise to embrace a praxis in which it operates as first among equals, with a selfless, common objective in mind.

Second came the proclamation of the new Ram Temple at Ayodhya as, if you like, the long-awaited Hindu counter to Mecca and the Vatican.

Given that this event has had the full muscle and money of the state to prop it, what wonder that the media should have flashed it as unrelentingly continuous fare on television, no holds barred.

The culmination of the politics here is the stunningly audacious call given by the prime minister that the nation celebrate Diwali on January 22 of the new year when the idol of Lord Ram is due to be consecrated and installed in the sanctum sanctorum of the temple.

Does it seem sacrilegious that Modi should have made bold to rearrange the hallowed sanatan calendar of holy days rather to suit the political purposes of the right-wing?

Is there a mahant in town who might make bold to point out to the chief executive of the as yet non-denominational government that it is not for him to recast the time of day on the calendar when Lord Ram is understood to have returned to the kingdom of Ayodhya after his 14 years of exile?

So unchallenged seems now the sway of the Modi cult that the Bonapartist edict to celebrate Diwali some nine months before the sanatan calendar warrants it may come to be lapped up with fervour.

Thinking back, what church after all had the guts to stand  up to Henry VIII, when he sought sanction for the annulment of his marriage with Katherine of Aragon?

Well, our Tudor days are here. So why can’t Diwali  be celebrated nine months before it is due if doing so helps hasten our leap to global majesty, breaking more Guiness records in the process.

The Tudors are indeed here, proclaiming a daringly imaginative new Indian greatness wherein the sacred is as ready and willing to yield to the profane as the profane to the sacred.

Lastly, there is that third axis of modern Indian political life, the socialists, who have unsurprisingly, even adroitly, decided to resurrect and celebrate the memory of that first north-Indian ideologue of social justice, namely, the legendary Karpoori Thakur of Bihar. Since many of the socialists and social justice champions are powerful in individual states, it is useful to also see them as Indian federalists.

Cannily, this event will coincide with the consecration of the Ram idol in the new temple, offering thus both a discomforting reminder of the fault-lines that continue to bedevil the sanatan, and, indeed, also of an alternate interpretation of the legacy of lord Ram – one in which he is best emulated as someone who renounced his claim to state power for a higher ethical ideal, in contrast to so-called Ram bhaktas who think nothing of using Ram cynically to latch on to state power

Altogether, a fascinating configuration is set to vie for the heartstrings of the people as the terminally significant general elections of April-May 2024 draw near.

It will be up to the citizen to take her pick.

And, thereby may hang quite a devastating tale.

Badri Raina taught at Delhi University.

 

Factcheck: Was the Landmark at Rezang la Dismantled as Part of Disengagement With China?

A memorial constructed in Chushul in 1963 and refurbished in 2021 stands kilometres away from the cemented construction at Rezang la that marks the site where the body of late Major Shaitan Singh, PVC was found after the battle.

New Delhi: On Christmas day, Chushul councillor Konchok Stanzin revealed that the cemented construction which marks the site at Rezang La where the body of late Major Shaitan Singh, PVC was found after the epic battle in 1962 was dismantled by the Indian Army as it fell in the buffer zone agreed upon with China. Most newspapers chose to ignore the news but it was covered, among others by The Wire, The Telegraph and BBC Hindi.

The accompanying picture in the councillor’s post on social media showed a raised plinth construction by 8 Kumaon in October 2020 which says, “At this site, Maj Shaitan Singh, PVC (P) is believed to have been mortally wounded leading his brave men into battle.” On the sidearms of the raised plinths are etched the words, “In memory of the brave soldiers of C Coy, 13 Kumaon” and “May their souls rest in peace”.

On December 29, a question was posed to the Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson, Arindam Bagchi, during his weekly press briefing. In response to the question by Sandeep from News18 India, Bagchi said, “As many of you know, there is a longstanding memorial to the Heroes of Rezang La, on the border. Any imputation that there has been any change in that monument is incorrect. And for any details, I would refer you to the concerned authorities.”

Questioned further by Snehesh Alex Philip of The Print that “Sandeep was referring to was Shaitan Singh Memorial, which is there has that been dismantled or not. The Rezang La Memorial, of course remains where it is,” Bagchi replied: “Look, as I said, the Rezang La Memorial stands there. On the other one, I don’t have any information. As I said, for any details of that one, you would have to ask the concerned authorities, but the one which is longstanding and well known is the Rezang La Memorial.”

The concerned authorities are the army and the defence ministry, both of whom have maintained silence on the matter. Army PRO Lieutenant Colonel Sudhir Chamoli told the BBC that he had no information about the matter and he could not comment on it right now.

However, BJP MP from Ladakh Jamyang Tshering Namgyal told the BBC, “The removal of the old memorial and the construction of a new one is not related to any kind of buffer zone. Has the Government of India said that a buffer zone has been created? We have built a big memorial for Major Shaitan Singh and it is in recognition of his sacrifice. Those who are saying that that area has been made a no-man’s land are not telling the truth. The population of Chushul is living there and the roads there are also the same. It is possible that there was some problem for the people around because people from all over the country used to come and pay obeisance at the martyr’s site and there was tourism. But the memorial of Major Shaitan Singh and his sacrifice have not been diminished in any way.”

The statements of Namgyal and Bagchi point to a deliberate misdirection of the construction at Rzeang La with the memorial at Chushul 27 km away from the site. The Chushul memorial was erected at the cremation place of 96 soldiers of 13 Kumaon in Chushul High Ground and inaugurated on August 5, 1963.

After the 1962 war, the Indian Army was not deployed at Rezang la. It constructed the memorial at Chushul to mark the battle fought on November 18, 1962. Out of a total of 127 all ranks, one officer, two JCOs, and 105 other ranks fell in battle; one JCO and four other ranks were taken prisoner – one of them later succumbed to his wounds. Only four soldiers returned alive. Two of them spoke about it on the 50th anniversary of the battle.

On February 12, 1963, an Indian Army patrol reached Rezang La and discovered Major Shaitan Singh’s body near where he was last seen by his two men. The official Indian history of the war records that his well-preserved body due to freezing temperatures showed that “he had received eight bullets and was still clutching his gun”. Major Shaitan Singh’s mortal remains were flown to Jodhpur on February 19, 1963. Subsequently, Brigadier T.N. Raina, Commander of 114 Brigade personally went to Rezang la with a large party to collect the dead. Rezang la had 96 bodies which were cremated at Chushul, at a site which the battalion headquarters of 13 Kumaon during the 1962 war.

The structure that has been dismantled in February 2021 was the site near Rezang la where Major Shaitan Singh’s body was discovered in 1963, months after the war.

The dismantling was a part of the disengagement plan agreed upon by the Indian Army and the Chinese PLA. This was announced by defence minister Rajnath Singh in Parliament in February 2021, but no details of the buffer zone were provided. Reports state that under the plan, both sides would withdraw from the Kailash range (which India had moved into in August 2020) and the north bank of the Pangong Lake (where the PLA had entered in April 2020). A no-patrol zone would be created on the north bank of Pangong in the contested area, and the PLA would dismantle all the infrastructure it created there. It would also erase the Chinese map, flag and the slogan painted there earlier. There was great disappointment among observers that India had agreed to barter away its trump card in Kailash for only the north bank of Pangong, instead of seeking disengagement throughout Ladakh.

As a senior officer told The Caravan, “The north bank was a priority for us because of its impact on the national morale, as the PLA had painted the China map and flag. We wanted to get that removed.” The landmark at Rezang la constructed in October 2020 was dismantled as part of that requirement.

In a research paper presented to the annual conference of police in New Delhi in January, Leh’s senior superintendent of police P.D. Nithya said India had lost access to 26 of 65 patrolling points in Ladakh from the Karakoram Pass to Chumar along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) since 2020. This has led to a shift in the Line of Actual Control “towards the Indian side”, Nithya said.

In March this year, Stanzin had posted photographs on the critical role of ‘locals’ who “stand by the Army in the defence of our motherland. Whether in 1947,1962 or 2020 clashed but always failed to mention their contribution, you won’t get a local contribution in any books, Local had carried the bodies of martyred soldiers on yak from Sirijab & Re-Zangla.” He retweeted it this week.

Photos of ‘locals’ helping the army posted on X by Stanzin.

A Mood For Murder | Episode 4: Meat–Mutton and Parle-G (Three Meetings and a Funeral)

The Wire WhoDunnIt: This is the fourth part of a serialised detective story by Shahrukh Alam. It is a work of fiction.

Read the series: Episode 1 | Episode 2 | Episode 3 | Episode 5 | Episode 6 | Episode 7 | Episode 8 | Episode 9 | Episode 10

Past midnight:

Rahman miyan was alone in his restaurant. He had put away the cash box, finished his namaz and was now wishing to eat. He had felt anxious and uneasy all evening, which was causing a slight wheeze. Or, perhaps it was the maddening cough. He looked towards the food that Arshad had carefully laid out for him – a bowl full of spicy mutton, some kind of dark thick shorba and rotis. Rahman miyan made a face. He much preferred his own home-food, but his wife was away at her brother’s house. At least the shorba was hot – maybe it would help his cough. He picked it up and drank the shorba and felt very sick. He put his head down on the table.

He didn’t know how much time had passed when he became conscious again and attempted to rise from his chair. He faltered and had the sensation of something cold and very hard hitting him on his forehead. Rahman miyan crashed to the ground.

Earlier in the evening:

Salman was never sweet to his mother. She had lived and worked all her life in the house of an old, illustrious family. Salman, who had never known his father, had grown up angry in the servants’ quarters behind the main kothi.

He found his mother in the kitchen courtyard supervising her new helper while he cleaned the mutton for the day’s dinner in the kothi. Zaitoon nani, the oldest member of the staff, was also there, resting on her small chowki.

“Amma! What’s for dinner?”

“It’s only six. You want dinner now! I have to first cook dinner for the table. Why do you want dinner now? You haven’t even been out on your evening jaunt yet.”

From the way he was dressed, in tight, tapered pants and an equally tight-fitting jacket, it was obvious that he was intending to go out and didn’t really want dinner. Salman scowled at her and turned to leave. “I’ll eat out then.”

“Then why were you asking me? Anyway you eat out – sometimes at Laadley’s, sometimes at that witch Naseeban’s house. How she has done black magic on you!”

Zaitoon nani clucked her tongue. “She is a very bad influence, Sallu. You are wasting your time instead of finding work.”

“Finding work?” Salman scoffed. “Nani, why don’t you ask Badey saheb to get me some decent work? I promise I’ll leave everything and focus.”

“How will he find you work?” said his mother.

“He is a big man. He knows everybody. I don’t know what it is: in our community, important people turn their faces away from people like me. They don’t meet our eyes.”

“It is embarrassment, beta. They can’t help, so then what is the point of looking?” At times Zaitoon nani could be very perceptive about her world.

“Look at Bulbhaddar babu: he has helped Shambhu and those two thugs, Kanwal and Nirmal. There is nobody to help us. Amma, why didn’t you at least send me to a proper school? She sent me to a madarsa to save money. Now I am stuck. I don’t even have a 10th class certificate.”

“I work night and day to feed you. Where was the money to send you to an English school?” said his mother.

“Beta, even if you had gone to the most famous English school, you wouldn’t have had any papers to show. You get a degree if you properly pass your exams. When you keep running away from school, then it doesn’t matter whether it is an English school or an Arabi school,” said Zaitoon nani.

Salman shrugged, “I don’t even have a birth certificate, or any other certificate. When they come with the NRC register, what will I do? Fine! Let them put my name on the register and deport me. I don’t care. My Amma and my nani will have each other.” He banged the wooden courtyard door as he left.

“Why does he suddenly want papers?” his mother asked, looking towards Zaitoon nani.

§

“Arshad bhai, please take me in? Put me with Abrar bhai – I will peel onions; I will clean the gosht; I will do everything,” Salman begged.

It was late and most customers had left. Abrar, the cook, was sitting on his haunches and smoking a beedi. “Have you ever peeled onions in your life?” he snapped at Salman.

“Then let me train under you, Arshad bhai, please? You are overworked. You need a helper,” Salman pleaded with Arshad.

Arshad considered this line of argument and nodded to himself. “Salman, but you will have to listen and take orders from me. You don’t listen to anybody; that is your problem. Come let’s ask haji saheb if we can keep you.”

Rahman miyan was busy tallying accounts at the end of a busy day, and coughing alongside. He looked up as Salman hesitatingly followed Arshad inside the restaurant, and made a face of disgust and disapproval. “What is he doing here? Who allowed him in?”

“Haji saheb, he has reformed now. He wants a job, and I thought we might employ him as my helper.”

“Your helper? You are already my helper, and now you want you own helper?”

Arshad remained silent.

“You wait outside,” Rahman miyan said to Salman. He then turned to Arshad and said, “I am doing my accounts. The almirah is open; the cash box is in full view. You should know better than bringing him here. Anyway, I have decided to pass on the restaurant to my begum’s nephew. In fact, she has gone to her brother’s house to discuss the plan with them. Now let the boy first join the team. He might want to modernise everything, and bring English-speaking waiters.”

“To serve paaya?” Arshad asked incredulously.

Salman had been standing by the door, looking forlorn. Just then a motorcycle screeched to a halt. The pillion rider jumped off first and waited for the driver to alight and take his helmet off.

“Oho, world-famous loafer Salman ji himself at your doorstep to welcome customers, Rahman ji?” Constable Awdhesh Rana called out to Rahman miyan as he strode into the restaurant. Kanwal, the pillion rider, walked in behind him, smirking.

“I was saying to Kanwal ji that I will take you for some good quality meat-mutton tonight, but I don’t think I should even be seen at your restaurant anymore. Imagine a policeman and his guest eating at the same place as a local rowdy! Kyun bhai, Salman Romeo, you have also come to eat?” He turned to look at Salman who was still standing at the threshold.

Rahman miyan half rose in his chair in welcome and in panic, “I had myself thrown him out just as you arrived Inspector saheb. Get out!” he shouted in a rather undignified manner at Salman, and burst into another coughing fit. “Where’s Abrar? Tell him to light the ovens – make fresh rotis. Sit, sit Inspector saheb,” he gestured with both hands.

§

Constable Awdhesh Rana belched loudly. Rahman miyan, who was watching anxiously asked, “The food suits you, Inspector saheb?”

Constable Rana looked at his plate thoughtfully and said without malice, “The roti could have been a little more crisp…” Rahman miyan turned towards the kitchen and shouted in his deep voice, “Abrar! Did you hear that? You’re serving uncooked roti to Inspector sahib now?”

Then he looked towards Arshad and said gruffly, “Bring some fresh rotis. And make it crisp this time.” Arshad lunged forward with a freshly baked tandoori roti in his hand and put it on their table. “And get more gosht! What will sahib eat the roti with? Kanwal ji what will you take?”

Kanwal leaned back in his chair and said, “You don’t make dal? You should learn how to make good dal.” Rahman miyan nodded in agreement.

After some time, Constable Rana held up his palms to indicate that he had had enough. Then he patted the seat next to him and said softly, “Sit, Rahman ji, sit.”

Rahman miyan slipped onto the bench across the table and coughed again.

“You should have some kantheeka. It is very good for coughs,” said Kanwal. Rahman miyan had turned red and teary eyed from the coughing.

“Too much smoke from too much barbecue,” Constable Rana said almost to himself, and then added, “Kanwal ji here has started a youth group. He wants to inculcate dharma and good values in everyone. He has been telling me that there is a lot of illegal business going on in these galis. For instance I am getting constant complaints about Laadley’s meat business, haan? He is not caring about sentiments of people.’

“Saheb, what is wrong with serving nehari-kabab? His people have served it since ancient times.”

“Look, we know what meat he is serving and not serving!” Kanwal said tensely. “We are tolerant about mutton-meat. We are sitting here eating it ourselves, aren’t we? But some meats we will not tolerate,” he said forcefully.

“Your people, Rahman ji, your days of hurting majority sentiments are over.” Awdhesh Rana’s tone became very soft again.

Something akin to anger flashed across Rahman miyan’s face, but he contained himself, “So it would seem, huzoor.”

“See just because something was tolerated for the last 70 years, it doesn’t become right. Also you people are very irresponsible. First you spread problems: population, Covid, terrorism, rioting; then when the government tries to solve it, you scream ‘human rights violations’. If there were any one problem with your community, I would have tried to help you. But how much can one help someone who doesn’t want to reform?

“Anyway, what has been happening at your madarsa? I have been getting bad reports.”

“Arre, Inspector saheb you know every boy there. They are harmless.”

“See this is your problem. Always trying to protect your people. For you, your own people come before the nation. You don’t want to be part of the nation only. The nation will do one thing; you will do the exact opposite. You allow people with jihadi tendencies into your restaurant. Madarsa jihadis, love jihadis, then supplying biryani to protestors… It is becoming difficult for me to answer my superiors. They say, ‘You are trying to protect Rahman miyan.’ And really, the so-called information that you supply is useless. Some times I feel you get it from your colony WhatsApp group.”

Rahman miyan and Arshad both looked at their feet for a few seconds. Then the silence was broken when Rana made a show of taking out his purse, and Rahman miyan snapped back into the present and remembered his manners. “Saheb, what are you doing? You are our honourable guest. Eh, pack some kabab for saheb’s Mrs.”

“Arre, what are you saying! My wife is not communist like Achche bhai’s Mrs.,” the constable tittered. “She is sanatani. She doesn’t allow it in the house.”

§

The next morning:

Aamna barged into the room. “Jamal, wake up! Rahman miyan is dead.”

“What? I just saw him last evening.”

“Your Abba has left already. They’ve taken Rahman miyan’s body for post mortem and are not releasing it. Somebody had to go to see how soon they would return the body, so your Abba has gone.”

“Why is there a post mortem?” Jamal asked weakly.

“He was killed! With his own steam iron, head smashed. There was a robbery too – the whole place is in disarray. Arshad had come to call your Abba; he told us.”

Jamal walked with his mother to Rahman miyan’s house, only a few doors away from his restaurant, and further into the alley. They could hear begum saheba’s wailing even as they approached the house. An old durri had been spread in the gali outside but all the assembled men were standing, looking sombre and lost. Only the children from the madarsa were sitting on the durri, swinging back and forth, as they read the Quran in prayer for the departed.

Jamal first went into the house with his mother, and watched from a distance as she embraced Rahman miyan’s wife. “Three days I left him to go to my brother’s house, and this is what happens. I took care of everything – his food, his health. I went away for three days and they have killed him – I don’t know what they fed him. He had very bad asthma and now I find his inhaler is also lying at home. Nobody even took care to see his inhaler was with him,” she said accusingly and let out a moan.

Outside, in the gali, Arshad was sobbing. “I went to open the restaurant in the morning and found him lying on the floor, face down, his forehead had a deep gash and was pressed against the steam iron, which was also lying on the floor. Haji saheb had turned black. There was so much blood,” Arshad shivered.

“Somebody has stolen the gosht ka pateela from the kitchen, with all the paaya in it. Other pateelas are also missing. Haji saheb’s aluminium tiffin carrier is gone too,” said Abrar quietly.

“There was robbery inside also. His counter has been toppled over,” said Arshad.

Laadley put his hands on Arshad’s shoulders, ostensibly in order to comfort him, but it only made Arshad lose his balance and stumble slightly. “Arre, he will faint from the sadma,” shouted Salman.

“Don’t be melodramatic,” Abrar snapped back. At that moment, Arshad and Abrar were both summoned inside by begum saheba to receive instructions regarding the funeral.

“We were there last night,” said Jamal glancing towards Habib. “We had a long conversation with him, no?”

“But after everyone left, Awdhesh Rana and Kanwal came to the restaurant and even threatened haji saheb. I was there in the beginning, but they made me leave,” said Salman conspiratorially.

“Kanwal was there too? What was that scoundrel doing in our gali?” Laadley spat on the ground. “Now we know who is responsible for this.”

§

Jamal’s father, Asghar, returned with Balabhadra babu to Rahman miyan’s house, where the whole mohalla was gathered. Both declared that they had ‘spoken to people’ and that the body would be returned by Asr time for burial.

“I have spoken to people,” Balabhadra babu said confidently.

“I have requested Achche to intervene,” said Asghar supportively.

Both also tried helpfully to answer people’s questions:

“No, no Beta we don’t know if his head was smashed with the steam iron or whether he fell on top of it. Post mortem results are awaited,” said Balabhadra babu.

“The injury to the head could be ante-mortem. The concerned person said that the body was blue and it seemed he had choked on something – it could be an asthma attack even,” Asghar added.

“You mean it isn’t a murder? But there has been a robbery too. Abrar is saying that the gosht ka pateela is gone,” asked Habib.

“Then it has to be a Mohammadan who has done it! We won’t kill for gosht ka pateela,” blurted Shambhu.

Balabhadra babu gave him an annoyed look, and then changed the subject. “Arre Abrar, why don’t you serve some biscuits? Body will still take some hours.”

All afternoon, the men of the mohalla waited for the body to arrive, while Abrar went around serving Parle-G biscuits, arranged on a stainless steel tray. Rahman miyan’s nephews went to arrange a place at the local cemetery. Later, Laadley and Arshad were dispatched to oversee the digging of the grave; the children continued to read the Quran on empty stomachs; begum saheba continued to wail; the young moulvi from the madarsa made preparations to give a ritual ghusl to Rahman miyan’s body; and Asghar and Balabhadra babu went back to the hospital to receive the body. Of course Rahmania hotel remained closed.

When the men finally returned from the Qabristan, it was cold and dark. Laadley had had some lights and some plastic chairs put outside Rahman miyan’s house. The man in the sleeveless brown sweater and checked lungi served tea and more Parle-G biscuits. Jamal’s mother sent some cooked food for begum saheba and her immediate family.

As the day drew to a close, Constable Rana who had earlier come to seal the restaurant rode up to the house and and parked in a dark corner. He didn’t get off from his bike, but nodded at Arshad and signalled for him to come over. “Don’t mention to anybody that I was there last night. It was in connection with a confidential and sensitive investigation. If word leaks out, I’ll find you.”

To be continued…

Shahrukh Alam has been trying to write a murder mystery for a very long time. She has written versions of this story since 2013 and The Wire has published one such version earlier. She is hopeful that she’ll deliver a complete mystery this time. 🤞🏻