Seeman’s Anti-Periyar Stance is a Means to his Survival at the Cost of Tamil Nadu’s Progressive Ethos

Some parties that have long stood by Periyar’s ideals have demanded an apology from Seeman, whereas others, wary of breaking potential alliance possibilities, have refrained from offering a decisive rebuke.

Over the past decade and a half, Tamil Nadu’s political landscape has been gradually complicated by the ascent of S. Seeman and his party, the Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK). Once perceived as a fringe outfit channeling disillusioned youths’ anger against mainstream Dravidian parties, the NTK holds an important role in the electoral realm. The controversy unfolding this month, triggered by Seeman’s remarks on social reformer E.V. Ramasamy Periyar, is the latest chapter in NTK’s evolution – and it sheds light on the party’s strategies, internal contradictions, and possible alliances in the making.

Seeman’s 2025 controversy: A tipping point

On January 8, Seeman’s comments on Periyar jolted Tamil Nadu. Periyar is widely revered as the influential pioneer of the Dravidian movement, which has shaped the state’s social and political ethos since the early 20th century. Seeman questioned Periyar’s contribution in ensuring the freedom of women in Tamil Nadu and claimed that the late social reformer had encouraged incestuous relationships, besides making obscene remarks. 

While questioning the Dravidian movement is not new in Tamil Nadu politics, Seeman’s pointed attacks on Periyar ignited a debate not just on the accuracy of the statements, but also on whether these remarks are orchestrated by larger political motivations. Political responses have ranged from outright condemnation to cautious support.

Also read: 100 Years of Vaikom Satyagraha: Remembering Periyar’s Role in the Anti-caste Struggle

Some parties that have long stood by Periyar’s ideals have demanded an apology from Seeman, whereas others, wary of breaking potential alliance possibilities, have refrained from offering a decisive rebuke. The uproar demonstrates two noteworthy shifts: first, the growth in NTK’s significance such that opposing or supporting Seeman can now alter political equations; and second, the reconfiguration of alliances in a rapidly changing electoral climate.

A key subtext here is whether Seeman, who had thus far eschewed alliance politics in favour of going solo in elections, might begin forging new coalitions. His prior aversion to alliances is well known. But a string of elections where NTK has steadily increased its vote share – from 1.07% in the 2016 assembly polls to over 8% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections – has fuelled speculation that he might partner with other emerging players, notably film star Vijay, who recently launched his own party.

From fringe to mainstream: The NTK

To understand Seeman’s latest stance, one must look back at NTK’s inception and evolution, particularly after the 2009 Eelam war in Sri Lanka. Seeman emerged as a charismatic orator championing Tamil nationalism and criticising the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) for what he perceived as its inadequate response to the Eelam crisis.

Anti-DMK people – especially younger voters – drifted to Seeman, seeing in him a resolute voice against mainstream Dravidian politics and its ethos. Even so, Seeman’s party initially bore deep anti-DMK sentiments, something that manifested in NTK’s support for the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) in the 2011 and 2014 elections.

By 2016, Seeman’s unique blend of Tamil nationalism and social media-driven activism delivered NTK a fair vote share, which was more than four out of five parties of the third major coalition (People’s Welfare Front) in the assembly elections. The subsequent elections of 2019, 2021, and 2024 saw NTK consistently expand its support base in both rural and urban regions, partly by tapping into pockets disenchanted with the DMK and reluctant to vote for the AIADMK or the BJP.

However, beneath this consistent electoral rise lies a precarious balancing act. Much of NTK’s voter base comes from voters historically close to the DMK and the Dravidian movement – people who respect Periyar and Anna but began to harbour grievances against the subsequent DMK leadership. Seeman’s presence over the last 15 years has complicated the social lens of young people, nudging them to view issues increasingly through a caste framework compared to the previous generation. His political offering also carries an element of humanising casteism and channeling nativist anger against egalitarian ethos, which resonates with his younger supporters.

NTK’s rise has also spawned a group of online influencers populating the information ecosystem with fictionalised narratives about Tamil society, further distorting public discourse. Emboldened by the increasing normalisation of extreme rhetoric, these influencers amplify divisive ideas. This is further reinforced by the growing acceptance of such rhetoric among younger information consumers. Many of these individuals are grappling with the pressures of a developing economy, including job insecurity.

In this context, NTK’s socio-political offering which is a mix of a nativist strand of environmentalism that often translates to NIMBYism, and the romanticisation of homestead farming is both a powerful respite and potentially regressive at once. NTK is not only tearing the social ethos and fabric of Tamil society but is also planting the seeds for future discontent against the modern economy and societal living, creating a fertile ground for resistance towards long-term socio-economic progress.

Seeds of anti-Periyar rhetoric: A longer history

Seeman’s disparaging remarks about Periyar did not suddenly emerge in 2025. They have deeper origins, illustrated by a public conference organised by NTK in October 2021 on the theme “Tamil or Dravidian?” That gathering featured a cluster of speakers who questioned the Dravidian movement’s contributions to Tamil society, accusing Dravidian politics of duping “native” Tamil castes and causing demographic shifts.

The star speaker, Seeman, invoked Adolf Hitler in his anti-Dravidian rhetoric – an alarming instance of using extreme historical references to stoke nativist sentiments. Although Seeman had once claimed inspiration from both Periyar and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) leader V. Prabhakaran, by 2021 he had made a clear turn: lauding Prabhakaran while dismissing Periyar.

NTK’s nativist push relies on a selective pantheon of Tamil heroes – ancient kings, iconic poets, modern activists – but pointedly omits or downplays Periyar and other Dravidian stalwarts like C.N. Annadurai and M. Karunanidhi. The official rationale is that these Dravidian leaders supposedly belonged to “immigrant castes” or undermined “authentic” Tamil identity. More realistically, Seeman’s rhetoric appeals to a segment that believes Dravidian politics has eroded pure Tamil identity – an argument that grew more vocal after the Sri Lankan crisis in 2009.

The Vijay factor: Alliance and anxiety

Seeman’s current predicament is partly triggered by Vijay’s political entry in 2024. The star actor, widely seen as an opponent of dynastic politics, formed his own party and is expected to secure a fair share of the anti-DMK vote – once almost entirely under Seeman’s sway.

Before Vijay’s official entry, there was widespread speculation of a Seeman-Vijay alliance. NTK supporters and Seeman himself amplified claims that Vijay hinted support for Seeman’s party when he released promotional materials for his film GOAT, featuring a microphone resembling NTK’s election symbol. They claimed that these rumours would propel NTK’s vote share in 2024 and raised hopes that the Seeman-Vijay combine could become an influential third force – or a kingmaker – in Tamil Nadu whenever Vijay would enter politics.

However, when Vijay publicly declared Periyar as his ideological guide and asserted that “Dravidianism and Tamil nationalism” are both integral pillars of the state’s politics, he effectively challenged Seeman’s anti-Periyar, anti-Dravidian stance. Worse for Seeman, Vijay’s articulation of “a family looting in the name of Periyar and Anna” seemed to resonate with voters wanting to oppose DMK’s leadership without rejecting Dravidian ideology altogether.

Seeman’s reaction was swift: he criticised Vijay for endorsing Periyar and announced he would field NTK candidates in all 234 constituencies in the 2026 elections. The sudden pivot from calling Vijay his “younger brother” to personally attacking him underlined Seeman’s alarm at losing the anti-DMK vote bank he had so carefully cultivated.

Compounding this crisis is the absolute lack of any second-tier leadership in the NTK. Unlike Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) which is a nascent political outfit whose game-plan is still unfolding, Seeman has steadfastly stayed away from identifying or legitimising any potential second-tier leaders. In fact, several NTK district leaders feel side-lined and disillusioned, a point that cannot be overlooked. 

Rather than building internal leadership, Seeman has increasingly relied on the clout of polarising figures on social media, many of whom are also key sources of misinformation. Although this strategy may have temporarily amplified NTK’s voice, it has also undermined the party’s credibility and weakened its organisational strength and leadership prospects in the long-term. While his supporters argue that the internal discontent has been orchestrated by Dravidian parties and their allies, Vijay’s political ascent, coupled with NTK’s internal unrest and the lack of a strong second-rung leadership, has placed Seeman in a vulnerable position as he gears up for the 2026 elections.

The BJP angle

Just as the Vijay phenomenon has complicated Seeman’s equation with disillusioned DMK voters, another factor is the BJP’s uncertain future post-2024. The BJP, which claimed a double-digit vote share in the 2024 elections, faces mounting questions about its national and state-level leadership. In Tamil Nadu, a post-Modi BJP seems less stable, with infighting evident in public spats involving state president Annamalai and leaders like Tamilisai Soundararajan.

Seeman sees an opportunity here. A large chunk of the BJP’s 11% share consists of voters who once supported J. Jayalalithaa’s AIADMK but migrated to the BJP following her demise in the aftermath of leadership crises. With the BJP floundering, NTK hopes to woo this drifting vote bank by offering a defiant brand of Tamil nationalism that is outwardly anti-DMK and, increasingly, anti-Periyar. While Seeman may be looking at BJP’s voters, his strategy inadvertently aligns with the BJP’s larger political project of delegitimising Dravidian politics.

Also read: ‘Shouldn’t be Just a Tokenistic Approach’: Vijay’s TVK Grabs Eyeballs With Choice of Party Ideologues

By attacking Periyar, Seeman reinforces the Hindu nationalist agenda of fracturing Tamil Nadu’s social justice-driven political mosaic and replacing it with a narrative rooted in pride and regressive hierarchical identity politics. One can argue that Seeman’s rhetoric, irrespective of his narcissistic persona and vile political offering, ultimately serves to erode the Dravidian-Tamil ethos that has long safeguarded the state from majoritarian influences.

Potential risks to Tamil Nadu’s socio-political fabric

Historically, Dravidian politics, despite its many contradictions, has preserved a relatively inclusive ethos in Tamil Nadu. Annadurai, Karunanidhi, M.G. Ramachandran, Jayalalithaa, and others managed to contain extremist Tamil chauvinism and maintain a state comparatively free of large-scale communal or ethnic violence.

Periyar’s consistent irreverence toward casteism, religion, and narrow linguistic chauvinism served as a moral compass for the movement. Today, NTK’s turn to nativist fervor, coupled with social media campaigns proliferating conspiracy theories, hate speech, and violent rhetoric, poses a serious challenge to Tamil Nadu’s pluralist character.

The youth’s discontent with entrenched Dravidian parties, and inter- and intra-caste class inequality are being channeled into an aggressive nativism that scapegoats immigrant workers, “immigrant castes,” “linguistic minorities,” and Dravidian leaders alike. Should this strain of politics continue unchecked, it risks eroding long-standing social harmony in the state. Instead of policy-oriented debates on caste-class disparities or administrative issues, the public sphere could be flooded with divisive identity politics. That would benefit neither genuine grievances nor broader social progress – merely fuelling a dangerous cycle of communal and ethnic distrust.

Seeman’s current outburst against Periyar is not an isolated event. It is the culmination of a years-long ideological pivot, underpinned by political exigencies and vote-bank calculations. From the 2021 public conference where he first invoked Hitler in anti-Dravidian diatribes, to the recent statements signaling a more formalised anti-Periyar stance, Seeman and the NTK are treading a path that could fundamentally realign Tamil politics – or plunge it into deeper polarisation. 

Meanwhile, the emergence of Vijay as a possible third force – and Seeman’s fierce reaction to it – indicates how fragile the hold of any one leader is on Tamil Nadu’s anti-establishment vote. Seeman’s reaction is also to be viewed with the backdrop of his own party functionaries deserting NTK to join DMK currently, which in the run up for 2026 elections, might move to TVK.

Whether NTK will cement alliances or remain a lone wolf is uncertain. But it is clear that Tamil Nadu’s political landscape is in flux. Once merely a peripheral actor harnessing youth frustrations, Seeman is now a significant figure capable of shifting electoral outcomes in quite a few constituencies. In the coming months and years, the state’s voters will have to reckon with how the NTK’s anti-Periyar drive, combined with new personalities like Vijay and the changing fortunes of the BJP, reconfigure Tamil politics. At stake is not just who wins the next election, but whether Tamil Nadu remains an inclusive democracy or slides toward a more parochial form of nativism – one at odds with the legacy of unity, federalism, and social justice characterising the Dravidian movement.

Vignesh Karthik K.R. is a postdoctoral research fellow of Indian and Indonesian Politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies – Leiden, and a research affiliate at King’s India Institute, King’s College London. Vivek Gananathan, a journalist based in Chennai, works on critical intersections of politics and society.

‘Punishing the Whistleblower’: Mehbooba Slams J&K Admin for Transferring Officers Amid Smart City Probe

Without taking names, the PDP chief said that the action against the three officers of the agency – which probes economic offences in the Union Territory – has exposed the “nexus between the corrupt and the most powerful”.

Srinagar: A day after three police officers of J&K’s Anti Corruption Bureau (ACB), which is investigating the allegations of corruption in Smart Cities Mission project in Srinagar were repatriated to the home department, former chief minister Mehbooba Mufti has accused the administration of “punishing the whistleblower”.

The order to repatriate the officers of the elite J&K Police Service (JKPS) cadre was issued six days after one of the officers and a superintendent of police (SP) in the ACB, Abdul Wahid Shah, came out with a press conference, alleging that there was large-scale bungling in the implementation of the Smart Cities Mission project in Srinagar city.

Mufti, who is also the president of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), said that the order “highlights the risks faced by officials who challenge corruption” and that the issue has raised “questions about the government’s commitment to justice and accountability.”

Also read: No Direct Train to Delhi, New Rail Link a Dampener For Locals And Traders in Kashmir

Without taking names, the PDP chief said that the action against the three officers of the agency – which probes economic offences in the Union Territory – has exposed the “nexus between the corrupt and the most powerful”.

“This action of punishing the whistleblower has revealed the government’s true intentions behind using various agencies including ACB to raid properties of Kashmiris under the guise of corruption investigations,” Mufti said in a post on X on Friday, January 17.

Srinagar was selected as one of the two cities for the urban renewal project in 2017 by the Union Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs following which Srinagar Smart City Limited (SSCL), a special purpose vehicle was set up under the Companies Act, to execute the developmental works in J&K’s summer capital.

The SSCL has the divisional commissioner of Kashmir as its chairman and inspector general of police and deputy commissioner of Srinagar as other members on the board of directors, among others. 

In a press conference on January 10, SP Shah said that following a secret investigation, Sajid Yousuf Bhat, chief financial officer of SSCL and Zahoor Ahmad Dar, an SSCL executive engineer, were allegedly found to be in possession of “assets which are prima-facie disproportionate to their known sources of lawful income” following which the agency had filed a case. 

The case was filed under section 13(1)(b) (criminal misconduct by intentionally enriching himself illicitly during the period of his office) and section 13(2) (criminal misconduct by official) of the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 (FIR N0. 02/2025) at ACB Srinagar police station, the agency said later in a statement.

Shah said that warrants were obtained by the agency from a city court and searches were conducted at seven places in Jammu and Kashmir in connection with the case.

On January 14, the agency said that it had opened two preliminary inquiries into the alleged misappropriation of material procured to give Srinagar city a new look and the use of substandard material for executing the Union government’s flagship project which was launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on 25 June, 2015. 

The first inquiry is related to the alleged misappropriation of devri stones, path tiles, iron grills and other materials used in the smart city project.

“The material is suspected to have been either unaccounted for or allegedly sold in the open market for personal gains, during the revamp and beautification under the Srinagar Smart City Ltd. project rather than being retained in the stores of the concerned Engineering Division,” the agency said in a statement.

Also read: Amit Shah’s ‘Kashmir-Kashyapa’ Remark Sparks Debate, Academics Weigh In

The ACB said that the second inquiry was taken up to probe the use of “substandard material in ongoing development work at Foreshore Road Nishat in Srinagar City for Cycle Track, Footpath facing Dal Lake & viewing decks etc from Nishat upto Naseem Bagh PHC (Public Health Centre).” 

The agency claimed that unidentified SSCL officials “in connivance with the beneficiary contractor also deliberately avoided the mandatory procedures thereby compromising the quality of works.”

Two days later, a transfer order was issued on Thursday (January 16) by M. Raju, commissioner secretary in J&K’s general administration department (GAD) and signed by lieutenant governor Manoj Sinha which directed the repatriation of three JKPS cadre officers to J&K’s home department “in the interest of administration”. 

Along with SP Shah, the other two officers who were transferred are Mohammad Rashid and Rakesh Kumar. Three new officers have been posted to the ACB in their place. 

Earlier, the ruling National Conference (NC) said that the party had been expressing concerns “from the very beginning” regarding the “haphazard” implementation of the project in Srinagar city. “It [alleged corruption scandal] should not have happened. It will be premature to pinpoint certain individuals but this is certain that we found it shady from the very beginning and unfortunately it turned out to be true,” Salman Sagar, NC MLA from Srinagar, said.

Uttar Pradesh Police Arrest 5 Muslim Men After Bajrang Dal Alleges ‘Conversion’ Plan

The arrest took place after the men conducted a celebratory ceremony and prayers to commemorate the death anniversary of a Muslim spiritual leader inside the house of a Dalit family.

New Delhi: Police in Uttar Pradesh’s Hamirpur district have arrested five Muslim men on charges of unlawful conversion after they conducted a celebratory ceremony and prayers to commemorate the death anniversary of a Muslim spiritual leader inside the house of a Dalit family.

The family – comprising one Urmila and her husband Ajit Verma – had got a mazaar (shrine) constructed inside their house in Hamirpur’s Maudaha area allegedly on the suggestion of the accused persons as they believed that praying to a ‘saint’ would cure Urmila’s illnesses and end their woes.

On the night of January 10, when the Dalit family was conducting an “urs” (Islamic religious ceremony commemorating the death anniversary of a saint) inside their house, the event was disrupted by members of the Hindutva group Bajrang Dal. These activists also brought the ceremony to the attention of the police and accused the Muslim men of trying to convert the family into Islam.

“An urs programme was going on at the house when we reached there at 2.30 am in the night. Chadar poshi (ritual offering of a sacred sheet of cloth) was happening at the shrine. Some maulanas were giving speeches. They were trying to convert the Dalit family to Islam by promising to cure their illness and offering them money,” Ashish Singh, former convenor of the Bajrang Dal district unit, told a local television channel.

Four of the Muslim men were arrested on January 10 itself and one, a day later.

The five persons arrested by the police were identified as Nooruddin (55), his nephew Meraj Hasan (32), Khalif (42), Irfan (46) and Mohammad Hanif (52). They were booked for criminal intimidation and slapped with Sections 3 and 5 (1) of The Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021.

Also read: A Birthday Party, a Legal Battle and an Acquittal: The Story of a False Conversion Case

While Urmila did not make any adverse comments against the five men while speaking to local media, the FIR was registered on a complaint submitted in her name. The Wire has a copy of the FIR, in which Urmila said she had come in touch with Nooruddin, originally a native of Banda, while trying to find a treatment for a prolonged illness she had been suffering from for over two years. “We also had trouble in our house. I would go from one place to another to get myself examined and during this time I met Nooruddin,” said Urmila.

She said that Nooruddin asked her to visit a mazaar and promised her that once she did so, she would feel better and all her troubles would be resolved.

On one occasion, Urmila said, Nooruddin came to her house with his nephew Meraj and Khaliq, and built a mazaar in one corner of the house. “He said ‘You worship this and conduct an urs, all your troubles will go away’,” said Urmila.

From time to time, Nooruddin and his associates would offer her family allurements and ask them to convert to Islam along with their relatives, alleged Urmila. She also said that the Muslim men had asked her to hold an ‘urs’ every year.

The January 10 ‘urs’ programme was held at Urmila’s house by Nooruddin and his associates. They also read the faateha (a Muslim prayer), said Urmila.

She alleged that the five men made promises of money against the family’s conversion to Islam.

“’You people belong to a lower caste. You will fall into a higher caste in the Muslim religion. You will continue to get money from the Muslim religion and you will not have any problems’ they told me,” said Urmila, as per the FIR.

“On the insistence of these people and after being tempted by them, we agreed to talk about religious conversion in a hushed tone. But after a lot of thought, we realised that these people would mislead us and make us convert from Hindu religion to Islam. Then, my husband and I decided that we will not convert our religion. We had come under their influence,” she said.

Manoj Kumar Gupta, Additional Superintendent of Police, Hamirpur, said that police reached the spot after receiving information there were attempts being made for “an illegal religious conversion” at some person’s house in Maudaha.

Talking to a Hamirpur-based local YouTube channel outside the Maudaha police station, Ajit Verma and Urmila denied that they had converted to Islam.

“He (Nooruddin) asked me to do an urs every year. I have no idea what an urs is. I am a Hindu, how can I worship like a Muslim?” said Urmila.

“We are Hindus and will remain Hindus,” said Ajit Verma.

Toxic Threat: Northwest Delhi Residents Rise Up Against Proposed Waste Plant

Locals are particularly worried about the risk of chemical seepage affecting nearby agricultural land. 

New Delhi: Northwest Delhi’s Sannoth village has become the epicenter of a growing protest against the proposed Waste-to-Energy (WtE) plant in Bawana. Since December 19 residents have raised alarms over the potential environmental and health hazards posed by the project. 

The proposed project, spread over 15-acre land, is expected to process around 3,000 tonne of waste per day, significantly addressing the waste generated daily in Bawana industrial area. However, if this plant comes up, the area will have the country’s highest concentration of incinerators, burning 6,000 tonne of waste daily. Nearby residents, already enduring the harmful effects of toxic fumes and fly ash, are concerned about facing repercussions similar to those experienced by the residents of Haji Colony located opposite the Okhla WtE plant. 

Like thousands of other families, several generations of 85-year-old Kanwar Singh’s family have lived in Sannoth, a small village near the proposed WtE project site in Bawana on the outskirts of Delhi. 

I once played joyfully in this very field, and today, I find myself protesting here,” Singh, the only literate elder in the locality, said. He is among thousands of protesters participating in an indefinite protest against the government’s “developmental” plans.

The protesters highlight issues with the existing plant, which emits unpleasant odour during the monsoon, and fear the new plant could worsen the situation as the area would process 3,000 tonne more waste daily. Locals are particularly worried about the risk of chemical seepage affecting nearby agricultural land. 

Health concerns 

Despite being just a tiny portion of Maharashtra’s size, Delhi (10,990 tonne per day) produces almost half the waste generated by the former (22,632.71 tonne per day) on a daily basis. To tackle this waste disposal issue, Delhi already has plants at Okhla, Tehkhand, Ghazipur and Bawana processing about 8,000 tonnes of waste daily out of the 11,000 tonnes generated each day.

Amid controversies, the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) approved another WtE plant in Bawana on December 19, elevating residents’ concerns. The authorities also plan to expand the processing capacity of the existing plants by 1,000 tonnes and the proposed plant’s capacity by 2,000 tonnes in the future. 

However, the local residents are concerned about the possible health effects. Residents recall the experience of Haji Colony and Sukhdev Vihar in Okhla, where the Timarpur-Okhla Waste Management Co Pvt Ltd, operated by the Jindal Group, has been in operation since 2012. The plant was found to be emitting large volumes of respirable pollutants, with confirmed presence of cadmium in the dumped ash, resulting in a substantial fine and severe criticism from the Supreme Court.

Political promises fall short 

Many like 18-year-old Naman Kumar have dubbed the issue as “Kachra Rajneeti” (garbage politics), highlighting the underlying politics. In 2012, affected villages like Sannoth, Ladpur (near Kanjhawala), and Khera (near Kazipur) boycotted the MCD polls, protesting the negligence of both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which led the MCD and Delhi government, respectively.

It appears that history is repeating itself. This area, which falls under Narela constituency, reinforced the Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP’s) foothold by supporting its candidate in the 2020 assembly elections and retaining the Bankner ward in the 2022 MCD elections. Locals have often praised the AAP’s efforts in improving water supply and reducing electricity bills.

However, in the recent 2024 general elections, the BJP dominated the Northwest Delhi constituency with the largest margin in the capital, exceeding two lakh votes. Despite this political back-and-forth, villagers remain deeply disappointed, holding both the AAP and the BJP accountable for neglecting the proximity of the proposed site to their villages.

Our parents voted for a better future, for metro connectivity projects. But now, when the government introduces new plans, it’s just another mountain of garbage!” Naman said, expressing his frustration, as these college students have to travel 25 km by bus, back and forth, just to reach the nearest metro station for further travel. The locals are once again considering boycotting the upcoming assembly elections, viewing it as their last resort to register their protest.

Also read: The Human Cost of Delhi-NCR’s ‘Mountains of Waste’

As the local protest continues, Aruna Kumari, the nominated Congress candidate for Narela constituency in the upcoming elections, visited the local protest. When asked specifically about the project during her election rally, she acknowledged the issue but refrained from offering a clear commitment to resolve the villagers’ concerns.

While the BJP is yet to nominate a candidate for this constituency, Neeldaman Khatri, the former BJP MLA, attended the protest and assured the party’s support. However, this “support” has not alleviated the frustration and anger among villagers, as work on the electricity towers have already begun in the area. Both parties have promised action post-election but have not actively engaged in protesting alongside the village community.

AAP’s candidate, Dinesh Bhardwaj, is actively rallying in other regions of Narela but is yet to visit Sannoth village. When this author questioned the party members about this, they conveyed that they had written a letter to Lieutenant Governor V.K. Saxena requesting him to relocate the project site. However, when asked further about the involvement of the MCD, which is under the state government, they declined to comment further.

According to the villagers, a few gram sabhas have been conducted in recent days to inform the community and share their objections via email by December 26, 2024. However, the villagers complain that they are digitally illiterate, and the most active group – elderly residents – struggle to send emails as they lack access to mobile phones.

An additional public hearing was scheduled for December 27 to address the concerns of the villagers and mitigate their anger. But, according to the attendees, the actions taken did not align with the promises made. Villagers allege that an officer attempted to fraudulently obtain their signatures to falsely depict written consent for the project, taking advantage of the illiteracy among many locals.

Following this incident, tensions have heightened, with residents of nearby areas, including J.J. Colony and Sannoth, issuing stern warnings to the authorities. They have threatened to take drastic measures, such as contaminating a tributary of the Yamuna River, if any further progress is made on the project. This development could exacerbate the conflict between stakeholders and potentially impact a broader population in Delhi, given the Yamuna River’s critical role in supplying water to the city.

At this age, migrating is not an option. We neither have the means to move nor the physical strength to do so,” says Singh, reflecting on the growing stench from the existing plant and the prospect of worsening conditions if the new plant is approved.

While some villagers considered migration due to the unbearable environment, most remained resolute in their protests, determined to protect their ancestral land and ensure a healthier future for the next generation. They have also appealed to the media and the people of Delhi for support in safeguarding their land and way of life.

Delhi’s escalating waste management crisis demands urgent and decisive action. The worst part is this waste, often unsegregated and low in calorific value, contains high moisture which requires more energy for incineration, making WtE plants more environmentally harmful. These landfills have transformed into towering mountains of untreated, foul-smelling waste, a clear reflection of the government’s failure to address the issue.

Some progress has been made, with waste now being repurposed for road construction under the Urban Extension Road Project-II. Yet, the gap between waste generation and disposal remains alarmingly wide and is unlikely to close anytime soon.

As a result, the towering “kude ka pahad” (mountains of garbage), initially intended as landfill sites, continue to grow unchecked. Without sustainable solutions that consider both public welfare and environmental impact, these waste heaps appear destined to rise indefinitely.

Salony is an independent journalist covering polity, governance and social issues.

‘Fabricated Personal Conversation Attributed to ex-President’: Bishops Reject Bhagwat’s Pranab Claims

The Catholic Bishops Conference said that it does not believe the statement to be true and spoken by Pranab Mukherjee.

New Delhi: The Catholic Bishops Conference of India – the apex body of Catholics in the country – on Thursday (January 16) questioned the recent claims by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat about conversions and tribal communities that the latter has attributed to former President Pranab Mukherjee.

“Fabricated personal conversation being attributed to a former President of India and its posthumous publication with the vested interest of an organisation with questionable credibility raises a grave issue of national importance,” said the Catholics Bishops Conference in the statement, reported The Telegraph.

Bhagwat had claimed at an Indore event that when he went to meet Mukherjee at the Rashtrapati Bhavan, the parliament had been seeing discussions on the “issue of ghar wapsi“. ‘Ghar wapsi’ – literally, ‘return home’ – is the Sangh Parivar-led programme of religious conversion to Hinduism from Islam, Christianity, and other religions in India. The Sangh’s position is that all Indians were originally Hindus and thus this conversion will necessarily mean a ‘return’.

Also Read: ‘Had RSS Not Converted Tribal People, They Would Have Become Anti-National’: Mohan Bhagwat Puts Words in Late President’s Mouth

“Dr Pranab Mukherjee was the president when I went to meet him for the first time. There was huge ruckus in the parliament over the issue of ghar wapsi then. I thought he would ask many questions and I would have to answer them, so I went prepared. But he said, ‘You brought back some people and there was a press conference. Why are you people doing it this way? This creates the ruckus. Because this is politics. Had I been in the Congress, not in the president’s chair, even I would be doing this in parliament.’ Then he said, ‘But this work that you have done, because of that 30% tribals…’ I understood the line he was taking from his tone and I was very happy… I said, ‘—Would have become Christian?’ He said, ‘Not Christian, but anti-national.’ This is what he said,” Bhagwat had said at the event.

‘Is it not the violent Ghar Wapsi programme the real anti-national activity?’

“Is it not the violent Ghar Wapsi programme of VHP and other similar organisations, curtailing the exercise of freedom of conscience of economically deprived tribals, the real anti-national activity?” said the statement of the Conference.

“It also raises the issue whether the alleged statement was in the scheme of things when the former President Pranab Mukherjee was invited to one of their programmes. Why Mohan Bhagwat did not speak when Dr Pranab Mukherjee was alive? The intention seems to be diabolic, sinister and not genuine,” the statement added.

In 2018, Mukherjee attended RSS’s Vijaya Dashami event as the chief guest in a move that attracted significant eyeballs.

‘We do not believe the statement to be true’

“We do not believe the statement to be true and spoken by the former President, because we hold him in great esteem for his contribution to the nation and the respect for pluralistic secular ethos of our motherland,” said the Conference in its statement.

An article on The Wire had noted that in his 2018 speech in Nagpur, Mukherjee had told the RSS that nationalism could not be defined in terms of one religion, language or region. He quoted Jawaharlal Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore to drive home the point that secularism and inclusion constitute articles of faith.

“It is unfortunate that the thrice banned organisation, attached with the kind of violent Indian history as has (been) seen over the past several decades, is allowed with impunity to call the non-violent, peace-loving and service-oriented Christian community as anti-nationals,” said the conference in its statement.

“The real issue is the right to exercise freedom of conscience, a fundamental right under Art. 25, by the tribals and other vulnerable who too are entitled to live a life with human dignity as enshrined in the Constitution of India. Calling them anti-nationals for exercising their fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution exhibits the hidden motive and malicious agenda,” the statement added.

Bengal Police Conduct Searches at Doctor’s House Days After He Speaks to Reporters on ‘Saline Scam’

A team of over 30 Bidhannagar police officers conducted a search of Asfakulla Naiya’s residence in the Kakdwip block of the South 24 Parganas district. Naiya told The Wire that the search took place in his absence.

Kolkata: Days after he publicly criticised an alleged medicine adulteration scam in West Bengal’s state-run hospitals, police raided the home of junior doctor Dr. Asfakulla Naiya. Naiya was a prominent figure in the protests which took place in the aftermath of the trainee doctor’s rape and murder at the R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital.

A team of over 30 Bidhannagar police officers conducted a search of Naiya’s residence in the Kakdwip block of the South 24 Parganas district. Naiya told The Wire that the search took place in his absence and that he was staying at his designated hostel at R.G. Kar Medical College in Kolkata at the time of the search.

Speaking to The Wire, Naiya said, “I don’t know why they searched my house or what the charges are. I woke up in the morning to this news. My family informed me that a large police force with cameras entered my house and conducted a search. My elderly mother and siblings at home were shocked. If I have done anything illegal, the police should call me.”

Prior to the search, Naiya had spoken to The Wire on January 13, alleging significant corruption within the healthcare system in Bengal.

On January 15, he was slapped with a show-cause notice following a complaint alleging that he practised as an “ENT specialist” at a private medical service provider’s clinic in the state despite lacking the necessary qualifications for that specialisation. 

Naiya is convinced that the search is meant to coerce him into silence. “As the day of the trial for the murder of the doctor at R.G. Kar is approaching, we doctors are preparing for that legal battle and at the same time fulfilling our duty of providing medical services too. At this time, it is plain to see that the administration has taken such a step to deliberately flummox us,” he said.

“If the police secretly leave something in my house in my absence, who will be responsible for it? This is a deep conspiracy!” 

The deputy commissioner of the Bidhan Nagar Police Station, Anis Sarkar, told The Wire that the search was conducted legally.

“After receiving a complaint, we obtained permission from the Bidhan Nagar court. With a search warrant from the court, we conducted a search at the junior doctor’s residence today,” said Sarkar.

The complaint against Naiya was first brought up publicly last month by a spokesperson of the ruling Trinamool Congress party, Kunal Ghosh and the Junior Doctors’ Association (JDA), a doctors’ body with close ties to TMC. During the several month-long agitation for justice and systemic changes after the R.G. Kar murder, several doctors had been vocal in alleging corruption and a threat culture perpetrated by some JDA office-bearers. 

Naiya had been a prominent face of the Junior Doctors’ Forum which led the protests, which culminated after a meeting between the doctors and chief minister Mamata Banerjee.

The forum had notably opposed the reinstatement of doctors Avik De and Birupaksha Biswas to the West Bengal Medical Council. The duo had been removed in September last year for allegedly promoting a culture of intimidation and corruption in medical colleges. Both were affiliated to the TMC.

Several doctors’ bodies have spoken in support of Naiya.

In a strongly worded statement, the Joint Platform of Doctors’ Organisations had said, “The Medical Council can never send police to a doctor’s house. If a doctor does anything illegal, they can ask for an explanation by letter. Here, the police have been sent to the house of a protesting doctor as an act of political vendetta. If the government does not stop such actions, doctors and health workers will have to take to the streets again.”

The Association of Health Service Doctors has also strongly condemned the TMC government’s vindictive politics. 

This is not the first time that the government has executed such action.

During the R.G. Kar movement, Alok Kumar Verma, a doctor from Uttar Pradesh working at North Bengal Medical College in Siliguri, participated in the protests and went on a hunger strike in solidarity with the junior doctors in Kolkata. Following instructions from the West Bengal Police, the Uttar Pradesh Police had visited his home in Lucknow and conducted a search. His family was reportedly pressured to convince him to withdraw from the movement.

Similar incidents occurred with other doctors, including a woman from Bankura, whose home was also searched by the police, allegedly to intimidate her family.

Also read: What the Deaths of Women Due to the Use of Expired Saline Says About Bengal’s Healthcare

Medinipur Medical College death controversy

Meanwhile, the Bengal government on January 16 suspended 12 doctors from Midnapore Medical College and Hospital following the death of a woman and the illness of four others after childbirth, allegedly due to the administration of expired intravenous fluid. Chief minister Banerjee condemned the incident and announced a compensation of Rs 5 lakh and a government job for the deceased woman’s family.

It was alleged that the maternal death and subsequent illnesses were linked to Ringer’s Lactate saline supplied by Paschim Banga Pharmaceuticals, a company previously blacklisted by the Karnataka government. Since then, the state government has issued a directive stopping use of medicines supplied by the company in state-run hospitals. However, the health secretary maintained that the saline batch sent to MMCH had undergone proper testing.

Translated from the Bengali original and with inputs from Aparna Bhattacharya. 

Congress Backs 1991 Places of Worship Act in Supreme Court

Congress’s application argued that the Act “is essential to safeguard secularism in India and the present challenge appears to be a motivated and malicious attempt to undermine established principles of secularism.”

New Delhi: The Congress on Thursday, January 16, voiced strong support for the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991, in the Supreme Court, defending the law as vital for maintaining communal harmony and upholding secularism in India.

The Act, introduced during the Congress-led government of P.V. Narasimha Rao, prohibits the conversion of a religious site into one of another faith and aims to preserve the religious character of places of worship as they stood on August 15, 1947. Congress general secretary K.C. Venugopal, through an intervention application, stated that the law “reflected the mandate of the Indian populace,” the Telegraph reported.

The Act under challenge

The 1991 Act is facing legal scrutiny after Hindu petitioners, led by advocate Ashwini Upadhyay, challenged its constitutionality. They argue that the law restricts Hindus’ rights to reclaim religious sites allegedly converted by force in the past, effectively endorsing historical vandalism by invaders.

Section 3 of the Act prohibits the conversion of any place of worship to a different faith, while Section 4 mandates the preservation of its religious character as of 1947, excluding the Ramjanmabhoomi-Babri Masjid site in Ayodhya.

The petitions challenging the law are set to be heard by a Supreme Court bench headed by Chief Justice of India Sanjiv Khanna on February 17.

Congress defends the law

Congress’s application, filed through advocate Abishek Jebraj, argued that the Act “is essential to safeguard secularism in India and the present challenge appears to be a motivated and malicious attempt to undermine established principles of secularism.” It warned that any dilution of the law “could jeopardise India’s communal harmony and secular fabric thereby threatening the sovereignty and integrity of the nation.”

The Congress’s application described the petitions as having “oblique and questionable motives” and emphasised that the 1991 Act is essential for protecting religious freedom and promoting secularism in India. The Congress also cited the Supreme Court’s landmark 2019 Ayodhya verdict, which upheld the validity of the 1991 Act.

Also read: ‘Don’t Call Disputed Structures ‘Mosques’, Muslims Should Hand Over Sambhal Masjid to Hindus’: Adityanath

Other organisations, including Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, the Indian Union Muslim League and the management committee of the Shahi Masjid Eidgah in Mathura, have also opposed the petitions challenging the Act. Civil rights activists have similarly argued that the law was enacted to maintain communal harmony and prevent historical grievances from unsettling the country’s future.

 

Ethnic Tribes Caught in the Crossfire as Free Movement Regime With Myanmar Nears End

While aimed at curbing insurgency, smuggling and illegal immigration, the move to terminate the Free Movement Regime (FMR) has sparked concerns among tribal communities whose lives and economies are deeply tied to cross-border ties.

On January 2, 2024, Union home minister Amit Shah declared the central government’s commitment towards restricting free movement of people with Myanmar by erecting a fence along the 1,643-km border. The defined border passes through the states of Manipur (398 km), Mizoram (510 km), Nagaland (215km) and Arunachal Pradesh (520 km), with a maritime boundary located by the Bay of Bengal.

In September 2023, the Manipur government appealed to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) to nullify the Free Movement Regime (FMR) and fence the entire international border between the two countries. The appeal serendipitously aligns with the central government’s avowed concerns about the FMR being exploited by insurgents to escape to Myanmar after carrying out attacks on Indian soil. The FMR agreement, reached between the two countries in 2018, remains suspended since September 2022, amply expressing that anxiety.

Historical context and exploitation of the FMR

The 1948 Burma Passport Laws and the Passport (Entry into India) Rules of 1950, later amended by the MHA, allowed the “hill tribes, who is either a citizen of India or the Union of Burma and who is ordinarily a resident in any area within 40 km (25 miles) on either side of the India-Burma frontier” to enter India without a passport or visa. Yet, this did not thwart the governmental imperative to track and regulate such tribes with mutually common customs and ways of lives, and who frequently travel across the border.

The government hence drew up a list of 62 items permissible for border trade at a concessional duty rate of 5%, regular or normal trade being allowed via Land Customs Station in Moreh (Manipur) and Zokhawthar (Mizoram). Each individual was allowed to carry as much ware as could fit in a head load. While the Myanmar government permitted Indians to remain in Myanmar for a maximum of 24 hours, the Indian government stipulated that Myanmarese nationals may stay in India for 72 hours. However, not much else is known about the specifics of the actual terms and conditions of border control and cooperation between the two countries.

While it is true that the FMR helped the tribes maintain their age-old bonds across the national borders, unfortunately, the Indian government’s apprehensions are well-founded. The FMR arrangements have been repeatedly exploited by certain Indian groups to carry out anti-social actions in India. Cadres of various rebel groups would enter Myanmar to receive armed training and then return to India to carry out operations, escaping back to Myanmar afterwards. This was the pattern set by the Nagas in 1956, Meiteis in 1964 and the Mizos in 1966. The central government claims that the existence of FMR and a weakly monitored border allowed the rebels to intensify their operations, endangering national security. The cumulative heft of the insurgencies of the Naga, the Meitei and the Zo ethnic groups compelled the Indian government to review the FMR’s terms and restrict these tribes’ unfettered cross-border mobility.

Evolution of border policies

Consequently, in August 1968, the MHA instituted a “permission system” for crossing the Myanmar border, requiring individuals from both countries to carry permits from their respective nations in order to cross over. This stipulation remained in force for the next 40 years. Nevertheless, since the 1990s and the early 2000s, the security situation in the Northeast has significantly deteriorated due to a sharp rise in rebel activities across the international border, matched by similar increments in drug trafficking and gun smuggling.

India decides to further limit the FMR’s span to 16 km in 2004, and only allow ethnic tribes residing within this limit across the two borders, to cross the international boundary through the three officially recognised locations of Pangsau, Moreh and Zokhawthar in the corresponding states of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Mizoram. In the absence of a formal agreement on the free movement of hill tribes across their shared border with Myanmar at the time, the Indian government developed a Memorandum of Understanding to be discussed with the Myanmar government. The Agreement on Land Border Crossing was ratified on May 11, 2018, as part of the Narendra Modi government’s Act East policy, formalising the hitherto informal provisions of the FMR arrangements. However, in the face of a tenacious ethnic conflict in Manipur since May 2023, the central government announced on January 2, 2024, its decision to scrap the FMR. This was predictably received by most ethnic tribes across the borders as a grave intrusion in their customary ways of lives which pivot around free movement across the region.

Impact on tribes and local economies

The decision to scrap the FMR shows that the security imperative has spanned the entire policy spectrum on the matter, eschewing the historical and humanitarian aspects. For the tribes residing within the FMR limits on the Myanmar side, health and education are more easily accessible across the border in India. Further, the local economies and livelihoods on both sides are going to be impacted negatively, cross-border trade being the pivot of these low-income economies. The governments of Mizoram and Nagaland have expressed their opposition to the decision on these conspicuous grounds, contending that it will have utterly adverse effects over the social, cultural and economic landscape of the region at large. The Manipur government, however, no longer keen on sweating it out at the policy drawing boards trying to hammer out a mechanism that is permissive yet highly surveillant, has chosen instead to go with the easier blanket measure, favourably citing the influx of refugees after the coup of February, 2021.

The claims of manifold increase in smuggling from across the border into India are doubtlessly true. Manipur chief minister Biren Singh said that since the war on drugs campaign was launched in 2018, a total of around 19,135 acres of illegal poppy cultivation has been destroyed and around 297 drug smugglers have been convicted. The chief minister added that more than 50% of the poppy crop in the state has been eradicated thanks to the “war on drugs,” which is still going strong under Modi’s “Nasha Mukt Bharat” campaign. In 2021–22, illegal poppy cultivation was discovered on 28,598.91 acres in the state; however, in 2023–24, that number was reduced to 11,288.07 acres, according to Singh.

Also read: Chaos Over Border Passes at Mizoram-Myanmar Border, Free Movement Regime Rules Tightened

The situation is further compounded by a stretch of 500 km of highly susceptible border that runs along Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Mizoram, through forests and undulating terrain, much of it unfenced. In Manipur, only about 6 km have been fenced so far. The assumption that the negative impact that will inevitably follow the scrapping of the FMR will most likely give further impetus to cross-border smuggling is, therefore, not a stretch.

The need for a balanced approach

Since the coup in February, 2021, the junta has launched a sustained campaign against the Zo ethnic tribes (Zomi-Kuki-Mizo) people, pushing the multitude across the country’s western border into India, largely in Manipur and Mizoram. In Mizoram, cross-border solidarity has paved the way for setting up camps for 40,000 refugees, despite protests from the MHA.

Biometrics have made it considerably easier to identify illegal migrants. In 2023, 2,500 illegal immigrants were identified in Manipur. In September 2022, 5,500 illegal immigrants were apprehended at the Moreh border itself, 4,300 being returned to Myanmar. The Manipur government has repeatedly blamed local village chiefs of colluding with the immigrants in setting up settlements for the latter. An eviction drive against such settlements became the flashpoint between Zo ethnic tribes and government forces, leading to violence across the state. In its navigation of the border situation, New Delhi needs to reevaluate and reform the FMR rather than terminate it. Strategic policies ought not to include either sweeping measures or ones that place social, economic and cultural aspects outside the scope of governmental deliberations.

Langthianmung Vualzong is an alumnus of Special Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University.

‘Modi vs Khan Market Gang’ Book Promotes Patriotism, DU VC Says at Uni Event

While speaking about Modi versus Khan Market gang, Delhi University VC Yogesh Singh appeared to have assumed the role of a BJP spokesperson.

New Delhi: Delhi University vice-chancellor Yogesh Singh today (January 16) made his endorsement of the Narendra Modi government and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) public at an event organised to launch the book, Modi vs Khan Market Gang – the title a reference to a political binary that the prime minister has used to attack critics.

Speaking at the event, Singh said, “Everyone must read this book as it reflects concerns for the nation’s interest and promotes patriotism. I often say at Delhi University that the role of our education system and universities is to foster patriotism. It is our fundamental duty to cultivate love for the nation.”

The book in question, which critics claim is a work of BJP propaganda, is authored by Ashok Shrivastav, a news anchor who works for the public broadcaster Doordarshan News. The event, held at the convention hall of the vice-chancellor’s office, was organised by the Council of Media and Public Policy and Research, along with the Silence Foundation, in collaboration with the Delhi University.

Modi vs Khan Market Gang

Modi vs Khan Market Gang, Ashok Shrivastav, Council for Media & Public Policy Research, 2024. Photo: Atul Ashok Howale

Singh’s praise for the book and his emphasis on ‘patriotism’ echoed the event’s underlying theme of promoting the BJP and Prime Minister Modi as synonymous with India. The vice-chancellor’s statements – which reflect the increasing politicisation of educational institutions in the country – are likely to prove controversial as Singh appeared to be using his position to advance the interests of the BJP.

Shrivastav, the book’s author, thanked Singh for his role in organising the event, referring to him as the “chief architect” of the programme. Shrivastav claimed that the “Khan Market gang” – a term used to describe critics of the Modi government – has spread from Delhi to New York, and that Modi is the symbol of India.

Shrivastav said, “The Khan Market gang has spread from Delhi to New York. The Khan Market gang refers to those who are bothered by the progress of the country. Narendra Modi is the symbol of India, and because of this, the targets of the Khan Market gang are always India and Narendra Modi.”

“The main objective of bringing this book to the university is to make educational centres, students and the teachers who shape them aware of the importance of these fake narratives. If students and teachers understand these fake narratives, then India can remain safe,” he added. 

Also read: PM Modi’s Degree | ‘RTI Can’t Be to Satisfy Third Party’s Curiosity,’ Delhi University Tells HC

Besides the principals of various colleges and students associated with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, the event was attended by BJP leaders, including the party’s national co-organisation secretary Shiv Prakash and former MP Jyoti Mirdha.

Presented as a book launch, the programme criticised journalists and media houses that question the government. There were also attempts to promote media outlets that provide uncritical support to the Modi government. For instance, Singh praised Shrivastav extensively and encouraged the audience to watch his show ‘Do Tuk’ on DD News. He also stated that the programme itself was “an example of patriotism”.

While speaking about the book, Singh suggested how various global rankings, such as the hunger index, press freedom index and happiness index were allegedly being used to spread fake narratives. Notably, India is ranked 159 out of the 180 nations considered in the 2024 edition of the press freedom index.

“Modi’s journey was nothing short of a revolution, and people like us have contributed to this revolution. Despite massive efforts to defeat him, the public chose to elect him,” BJP leader Mirdha said at the event, in an attempt to praise Modi.

She added, “In the last election, a narrative was set that the BJP government would change the constitution if it came to power. However, the provision to amend the constitution is itself provided by the constitution, and it has been changed 130 times. For instance, the Panchayati Raj system and women’s reservation were introduced through constitutional amendments. People need to understand this. Those from the backward classes who previously claimed that they feared the BJP and said their reservations would end if Modi came to power now admit after the elections that people were fooled at the time.”

CIC Spent Over Rs 45 Lakh on Annual Convention in 2024, RTI Reveals

This revelation has raised questions about the necessity of such extravagant expenses for events aimed at promoting transparency and accountability.

New Delhi: A recent RTI filing has uncovered that the Central Information Commission (CIC) spent over Rs 45 lakh on the annual convention held on December 10, 2024.

The event, which aimed to promote transparency and accountability, had incurred expenses that included hiring vehicles, purchasing plants, woollen shawls, jute bags, mementos, and RTI books. As per the reply, Rs 15,32,762 was spent on catering, while Rs 12,21,128 was spent on logistic support. The total amount spent was Rs 45,11,749.

Details of expenses incurred by the CIC for two-day annual convention held in December 2024.

Details of expenses incurred by the CIC for the annual convention held on December 10, 2024.

Details of expenses incurred by the CIC for two-day annual convention held in December 2024.

Details of expenses incurred by the CIC for the annual convention held on December 10, 2024.

The RTI application was filed on December 16 by retired naval officer and activist Commodore Lokesh K. Batra, who sought to uncover the expenses incurred by the CIC for the convention. In response, the CIC revealed that all the expenses were met from the budgetary allocation, with no separate financial support provided by the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT).

“Expenditure for organising Annual Convention/Seminars/Events in the Central Information Commission for financial year 2023-24 and Financial year 2024-25 is met from the Annual Budget allocated to CIC by DoPT. No separate financial support is provided by the DoPT for organising Annual Convention/Seminars/Events,” read the reply.

A previous RTI query filed by Batra in February, 2015 inquiring about the total expenditure details for organising ‘Annual RTI conventions/events’ for the financial years 2012-13 and 2013-14 revealed that Rs 12.06 lakh was incurred for the annual conventions/events during 2012-13 and Rs 14.16 lakh was spent on the same in 2013-14. However, the commission had suggested that “no “Record” for proceedings of the meeting was maintained since it is an internal one day meet of the Commission in Commission’s office itself.”

This revelation has raised questions about the necessity of such extravagant expenses for events aimed at promoting transparency and accountability.