A Day Before Retiring, Varanasi Judge Hands Over Gyanvapi Masjid Basement to Hindus For Worship

The court passed the order on an application filed by local priest who sought rights to worship the Maa Shringar Gauri and other alleged visible and invisible deities he claimed were in the mosque’s cellar.

New Delhi: A district judge in Varanasi on Wednesday (January 31) – his last working day before retirement – allowed Hindus to worship inside a sealed basement of the the Mughal-era Gyanvapi Masjid in a decision that could have far-reaching consequences in the Gyanvapi Masjid-Kashi Vishwanath Temple legal matter that is being heard in courts at all three levels of the judiciary.

Now, Hindu priests and Hindu devotees visiting the Kashi Vishwanath Temple would also get access to visit and perform puja inside the tehkhana of the mosque.

The Hindu plaintiffs, who are seeking religious rights within the mosque as well as its ultimate possession from Muslims, dubbed the court’s order as a victory and equated it to the controversial unlocking of the Babri Masjid in 1986.

The Babri Masjid was eventually demolished by a mob of Hindu activists assembled at the call of members of the Sangh parivar on December 6, 1992.

The caretakers of the Gyanvapi Masjid were stunned by the district court order and said the court accepted claims made by the temple side without seeking any evidence.

The Varanasi court order comes days after the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in its survey report of the Gyanvapi Masjid claimed that a “large Hindu temple” existed there prior to the construction of the existing structure – i.e., the mosque – and that parts of the temple were modified and used in the construction of the Islamic place of worship.

District judge Ajaya Krishna Vishvesha directed the district administration to make arrangements for puja and other Hindu activities inside the southern tehkhana, or cellar, of the mosque within seven days.

Judge Vishvesha directed the administration to conduct the puja and “rag-bhog” of the “idols” inside the tehkhana through a priest appointed by the Shri Kashi Vishwanath Temple Trust, which manages the adjoining Kashi Vishwanath Mandir.

The court passed the order on an application filed by local priest Shailendra Kumar Pathak of the Acharya Ved Vyas Peeth temple, who had sought rights to worship the Maa Shringar Gauri and other alleged visible and invisible deities he claimed were in the cellar of the mosque.

The caretakers of the mosque rejected all claims made by Pathak that there were idols kept inside the previously sealed cellar and that his ancestors used to carry out puja inside the cellar.

Judge Vishvesha, however, ruled in favour of the Hindu plaintiff and directed the district administration to make the necessary iron fencing for the purpose of puja.

The district magistrate had on January 24 completed the process of taking over the cellar after the court on January 17 directed the district magistrate to keep the cellar secure and appointed him as its receiver.

In his application, Pathak claimed that there were idols kept in the southern cellar of the mosque and that his ancestors as priests conducted worship of the idols kept there.

However, Pathak further claimed that “Pujari Vyas ji,” or Somnath Vyas, his maternal grandfather, was prevented from entering the barricaded area of the mosque after December 1993.

The rag-bhog and sanskar rituals were also stopped, Pathak claimed.

He claimed that ancient Hindu idols and several other religious items linked to the Hindu religion were inside the cellar. “It is necessary to carry out regular puja of the murtis [idols] inside the tehkhana,” he said.

The management committee of the Anjuman Intezamia Masajid, which manages the Gyanvapi mosque, vehemently denied the claims in court.

The committee in written applications told the court that no member of the Vyas family ever carried out puja in the cellar.

Therefore, the question of stopping someone from conducting puja from December 1993 does not arise, the committee said.

“No alleged idol was ever present at the site,” the committee said and denied Pathak’s claims that his family had ancestral occupation of the cellar. The cellar has always been under the occupation of the mosque committee, the caretakers said.

Vishnu Shankar Jain, one of the lawyers for the temple side in the matter, hailed the court order as historic.

“District court Varanasi has created history today,” Jain tweeted on X (formerly Twitter).

Talking to reporters, he said this was the first step for Hindus towards gaining ownership of the mosque.

“Justice K.M Pandey during the Ram Mandir movement ordered the opening of the locks [of the Babri Masjid] on February 1, 1986. I see this order in a similar vein. This is the turning point in this case. It is a historic order,” Jain said.

S.M. Yasin, joint secretary of the masjid committee, was dismayed by the court order.

“Now we have no hope of justice in this country,” Yasin told The Wire.

Yasin rejected the claims made by the temple side and said that no puja had ever been held in the tehkhana and that there are no idols there. “There are only bamboo poles there.”

“These are all lies. They have no evidence. The court passed the order without any evidence,” Yasin continued to say.

He also questioned why the judge did not seek a factual position from the district administration, which had sealed the cellar and barricaded the premises in 1995 on the directions of the Supreme Court.

“The cellar has always been in our possession,” said Yasin, who objected to the breach of the old barricade.

The lawyers of the mosque side also said that the Deen Mohammad suit of 1937 did not make any mention of a Vyas family occupying the tehkhana.

Union Minister Giriraj Singh, commenting on the development, said that just two cellars of the Gyanvapi mosque had been opened and the others were still left.

“Earlier too, Hindus offered puja there. But it was later prevented. The court has not given something new,” he said.

Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav posted on X: “Due process has to be maintained while following any court order. The Varanasi Court fixed a 7 day period for it. What we are seeing now is a concerted effort to go beyond the due process and prevent any legal recourse that can be taken.”

The next hearing is on February 8, by when the mosque side can file their objections.

RBI Stops Paytm Payments Bank From Accepting Deposits, Offering UPI Facilities From Feb 29

The central bank said that audit reports had “revealed persistent non-compliances and continued material supervisory concerns in the bank”, though it did not divulge any more details.

New Delhi: Citing “persistent non-compliances” by and “continued material supervisory concerns” regarding the Paytm Payments Bank, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has directed the bank to stop allowing deposits into customers’ accounts after February 29.

In a press release on Wednesday (January 31), the RBI said it also directed the bank to stop accepting deposits into prepaid instruments, wallets and FASTags after February 29, though it allowed the bank to credit interests, cashbacks and refunds.

It allowed customers to withdraw and utilise their balances held with the bank.

Paytm’s bank has also been prohibited from providing Unified Payment Interface (UPI) facilities after February 29, the RBI said.

It added that the nodal accounts of One97 Communications Limited, which is Paytm’s parent company, and of Paytm Payments Services “are to be terminated at the earliest, in any case not later than February 29”.

In March 2022, the RBI directed the bank to stop onboarding new customers and to appoint an IT audit firm to “conduct a comprehensive system audit of its IT system”.

On Wednesday, the central bank said that a system audit report as well as a subsequent compliance validation report by an external auditor “revealed persistent non-compliances and continued material supervisory concerns in the bank, warranting further supervisory action”.

The RBI did not divulge the details of the non-compliance or its concerns regarding the payments bank.

In both cases, the RBI invoked section 35A of the 1949 Banking Regulation Act, which gives it powers to issue directions to banking companies in certain situations.

Brokerage firm Bernstein said in a note on Wednesday that “for all practical purposes, the above notifications [by the RBI] end the operations of Paytm Payments Bank,” Reuters reported.

Technology news website TechCrunch cited industry executives as saying that without the nodal accounts, Paytm would have to move many of its businesses to other banks.

Jharkhand CM Hemant Soren Arrested By ED; Opposition Alleges Political Vendetta

Reports from Ranchi said the JMM has announced Champai Soren as the leader of the its legislative party and that he is set to replace Hemant Soren as chief minister.

New Delhi: After being in the Enforcement Directorate (ED)’s custody for over eight hours, Jharkhand chief minister Hemant Soren was arrested on Wednesday (January 31) in a case of alleged money laundering linked to a land scam.

Meanwhile, reports from Ranchi said the ruling Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) has announced senior party leader and the state’s transport minister, Champai Soren, as leader of the JMM’s legislative party and that he is set to replace Hemant Soren as chief minister.

On Tuesday, Hemant Soren led a meeting of party legislators in which all MLAs are reported to have signed two blank proposals backing Hemant’s wife Kalpana Soren and Champai Soren respectively as the next chief minister in the event of Hemant Soren’s arrest.

Hemant Soren has sent in his resignation to governor C.P. Radhakrishnan, while his party MLAs waited to meet the governor to back Champai Soren as the chief minister.

Having anticipated that he may be arrested on January 31 when the ED would come to question him, Soren refused to sign the arrest memo until he submitted his resignation to the governor.

The ED sleuths subsequently took him to the governor’s house, where he submitted his resignation, opening the window for Champai Soren to stake claim to form the government.

Sources said that Hemant Soren feared that his arrest may allow the Union government to impose president’s rule in the state on the basis of failure of constitutional machinery.

Soren also invoked the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against the ED officers for allegedly harassing him.

JMM MLAs condemned the ED action, claiming that the raids and the possible arrest of the chief minister were “high handed” and reeked of a political conspiracy.

Champai Soren is considered close to Hemant Soren and is a legislator from the Saraikela constituency. He is hugely popular in his seat.

Mahua Maji, a Rajya Sabha MP, has confirmed to the media that Hemant Soren has been arrested, although the ED is yet to give a statement.

The ruling coalition led by the JMM enjoys a majority of 49 legislators in the 81-member assembly. All legislators are reportedly unanimous in choosing Champai Soren to replace Hemant Soren.

This includes 29 from the JMM, 16 from the Congress, one from the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), one from the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation (CPI(ML)L) and one from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD).

Hemant Soren was served multiple ED notices but had refused to cooperate, claiming that the Union government was misusing the agency to destabilise the opposition government in the state in a case that should ideally be heard in a civil court.

However, the ED swooped in on the chief minister’s New Delhi residence on January 30, where it displayed Rs 36 lakh as seized cash, an allegedly bemani BMW car and a few ‘incriminating documents’. Soren has said that the cash and car do not belong to him.

The BJP, meanwhile, declared Hemant Soren as a “missing person” since he was not present at his Delhi residence. However, hours later, the chief minister held a legislative party meeting to decide the future course of action, while saying that he was busy in pre-scheduled meetings and budget preparations.

The matter is yet another instance of the political rows between the Modi government and opposition parties, who have frequently termed such ED action against opposition leaders as political vendetta.

Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge said the action against Soren was to “tear federalism to shreds”.

“Intimidating opposition leaders by making the provisions of PMLA draconian is part of the BJP’s tool kit. The BJP’s work of destabilising the opposition governments one by one as part of a conspiracy is continuing,” he said in Hindi on X (formerly Twitter).

Rahul Gandhi said Union government agencies like the ED, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Income Tax (I-T) Department no longer remained government agencies but had become “the BJP’s ‘eliminate the opposition’ cell”.

“Itself steeped in corruption, the BJP is running a campaign to destroy democracy in its obsession with power,” he said on X in Hindi.

Dipankar Bhattacharya, general secretary of the CPI(ML)L said on X that Soren’s arrest marked “a brazen escalation of the Modi regime’s ongoing war on the opposition”, adding that his party would support Champai Soren as Jharkhand’s new chief minister.

Rajya Sabha MP of the Uddhav Thackeray faction of the Shiv Sena, Priyanka Chaturvedi wrote that the ED, CBI and I-T Department had “become courtiers in the court of the BJP”.

INDIA alliance leaders held a meeting at Kharge’s house in Delhi on Wednesday evening to discuss the Jharkhand chief minister’s arrest. Those in attendance included Sonia Gandhi, CPI(M) general secretary Sitaram Yechury, NCP supremo Sharad Pawar and DMK leader T.R. Baalu, PTI reported. The opposition leaders have also said that they will be staging a protest on Thursday. Several tribal rights organisations in the state have also announced a ‘Jharkhand Bandh’ on Thursday.

This is a developing story.

Watch | EVMs Can Be Manipulated, Not Hacked But Remedy is Simple and Inexpensive: Expert

Madhav Deshpande said in an interview to ‘The Wire’ that because EVMs rely on older technology that has since considerably advanced, there are holes and gaps in the system which permit tampering to happen.

New Delhi: In an interview that will undoubtedly arouse the hackles of the Election Commission whilst potentially disturbing politicians of all political parties, one of India’s foremost electronic voting machine (EVM) experts has said that while EVMs cannot be hacked, because they are not connected to Wi-Fi, Bluetooth or the Internet, they can be easily manipulated.

Madhav Deshpande, a former CEO of Tulip Software and a former consultant to the Obama administration in the United States, has also said that the remedy to guard against this manipulation is simple, straightforward and inexpensive.

In other words, Deshpande has both identified the problem and provided the solution.

In a 37-minute interview to Karan Thapar, Madhav Deshpande began by explaining that EVMs, which comprise three separate units, i.e. the ballot unit, the control unit and the voter-verified paper audit trail (VVPAT) machine, are “under-designed”, by which he meant that they are relying on an old technology which has considerably advanced since it was first used for EVMs but those advances have not been incorporated.

As a result, there are holes and gaps in the system which, in turn, permit tampering to happen.

In the interview, Deshpande goes on to discuss two ways in which the voting can be manipulated.

The first is to do with the VVPAT machine and the way the present configuration of the three voting machines places the VVPAT between the ballot unit and the control unit.

I will leave you to see the interview to understand and follow Deshpande’s argument as well as to hear and understand his remedy.

The second way voting can be manipulated is through the control unit. Because any control unit can work with any ballot unit, it is theoretically possible to change the control unit after the voting has happened or to pre-load it with manufactured votes.

Again, the solution is simple and straightforward. It requires effective pairing through a serial cable. And, once again, I will leave you to see the interview to find out further details about this potential problem as well as the remedy Deshpande suggests.

The third point Deshpande makes is the need for geolocation tracking with a GPS attachment to ensure that EVMs do not go astray or can be traced and recovered if they fall into wrong hands.

To ensure the geolocation tracking does not lead to the EVM becoming hackable, Deshpande says it must not be electronically connected to the EVMs, but simply attached. Again, I will leave you to hear the interview to find out greater details of Deshpande’s suggestion.

This is a very important interview because, for the first time, an EVM expert has shown how EVMs can be manipulated – but not hacked – and how we can easily and simply guard against this manipulation.

Now that we “know” EVMs can be manipulated, if action is not taken to immediately remedy and rectify this fear, concern that manipulation is happening could proliferate. It is, therefore, incumbent on the Election Commission to act as soon as possible.

With elections just over two months away, this is a very important interview which you should see for yourself. I have deliberately not paraphrased what Deshpande has said but only given you the broad main points. You should see and hear this interview for yourself. Deshpande has spoken simply, clearly and without technical jargon so you should have no problem following him.

Global Corruption Index 2023: India Ranks 93rd Out of 180 Countries, Was 85th in 2022

‘…[A]head of the elections, India sees further narrowing of civic space,’ the report says.

New Delhi: An annual global index on corruption for 2023 has placed India at a much worse position than it was a year ago.  

The index comes at a time when the Union government run by the Bharatiya Janata Party is targeting only opposition leaders through its investigating agencies – ostensibly to weaken their public appeal before the crucial 2024 general elections and project the INDIA alliance as corrupt.

Significantly, of India’s 28 states, BJP and its allies were in power in 17 in 2023. 

As per the country-wise corruption perception index (CPI) of the report put together by Transparency International (TI), a noted platform that works in over a hundred countries to fight corruption and promote transparency in public life, India has slipped from 85th position in 2022 to 93rd in 2023. 

In all, TI ranks 180 countries in terms of their perceived levels of public sector corruption in a scale of 0 to 100; the perceived levels are drawn from consultations with experts and people in business in the respective countries. Those closer to the scale of 100 are perceived to be highly corrupt. While India stands at 93, the country’s overall score for 2023 stands at 39, one point lower than 2022.

About India, the TI report states, “India (39) shows score fluctuations small enough that no firm conclusions can be drawn on any significant change. However, ahead of the elections, India sees further narrowing of civic space, including through the passage of a bill that could be a ‘grave threat to fundamental rights’.”

India’s neighbours

Among India’s neighbours, China is shown at a score of 42 (against India’s 39) but the report cautions that the country’s heavy reliance on punishment rather than institutional checks on power raises doubts over the long-term effectiveness” of its anti-corruption measures. China, which has been grabbing headlines for cracking down on corruption, has punished over 3.7 million public officials in the last 10 years.

The report shows Bangladesh at a dismal score of 24, stating that “flow of information on the public sector is hindered amidst an ongoing crackdown against the (domestic) Press”. 

Myanmar under the Junta rule, is at a low score of 20. 

The TI report, while placing Pakistan and Sri Lanka in 29 and 34 respectively, has underlined that these two countries are wrestling with their respective weak financial situations and political instability but they also “have strong judicial oversight which is helping to keep the government in check.”

“The Supreme Court of Pakistan strengthened citizens’ right to information by expanding this right under Article 19A of its constitution to previously restricted institutions. In Sri Lanka, the Supreme Court found that the former president, prime minister and other officials were responsible for the 2021 economic crisis,” the report highlighted.

Among the ASEAN countries, Malaysia is placed at 50 which is “above the regional average” because of its “robust elections alongside an anti-corruption commission that has delivered on high-profile cases over the last decade.”

Highlighting the point that its global corruption barometer had revealed the prevalence of corruption around election processes in Asia and Pacific regions, the report also stated that its 2020 survey in Asia showed that “nearly one in seven people had been offered bribes in exchange for votes in a national, regional or local election in the past five years”. 

Among Asian countries, where corruption is well fought are in Singapore (83), Hong Kong (75), Japan (73), Bhutan (68), Taiwan (67) and South Korea (63). Among the countries globally to have impressive scores in terms of controlling corruption are New Zealand (85) and Australia (75). 

A silent BJP

While the ruling party is silent on India’s slipping position in the global corruption index put out by TI, the party was seen making a noise back in 2014 with some of its leaders accusing the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) of wrongly taking credit for having fought corruption successfully by its government in Delhi by citing a TI report. 

Journalist-turned-politician Shazia Ilmi, then with AAP, had claimed in public that corruption in Delhi had abated considerably following the party coming to power, citing a “survey” passed on to her by a person who turned out to be a former employee of the Transparency International. The same ‘survey’ was quoted by Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal at a  meeting organised by the Confederation of Indian Industries (CII), leading TI to issue a media statement that it had wound up its office in India and had nothing to do with that ‘survey’. 

AAP soon issued a clarification and apologised to TI “for any embarrassment that this controversy may have caused to the organisation”.  

Responding to the issue, among others, Delhi BJP leader Harsh Vardhan had told reporters, “AAP and Kejriwal are both liars.” 

Though TI has no India chapter, there exists a Delhi-based organisation, Transparency International – India, founded by S.D. Sharma, a Gandhian. Sharma was also a part of the campaign against corruption in 2011 which ultimately led to the birth of AAP as a political party. However, he later walked out of the campaign over differences with activist Anna Hazare. 

Nitish’s Return to NDA: It’s Wrong to Conclude a Cakewalk for the BJP in Bihar

The BJP has a lot of explaining to do in the months to come for accepting Nitish Kumar into its fold. He may well prove to be a liability than bring anything to the BJP’s kitty.

Has the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) lost the battle in Bihar by taking away Nitish Kumar from the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA)? Would it become difficult for the BJP to weaken the Mahagathbandhan in Bihar?

“The BJP, of course, has got psychological advantage by bringing the Bihar CM and Janata Dal (United) president from the INDIA bloc, of which he was the architect. But there is a palpable anger among the people against Nitish. The BJP will have to pay the price for accepting him back to its fold,” the election strategist turned activist, Prashant Kishor said.

Kishore predicted, “Irrespective of whatever alliance Nitish contests with, his party won’t be able to win more than 20 seats in the assembly polls.” Kishore, who is on his Jan Suraj padyatra in north Bihar’s Begusarai district these days, has been advancing this argument in his speeches as well as his interviews with the media.

The widely held ‘assumption’ that the BJP’s victory is a “done deal” particularly after Nitish jumping to its side has subsumed the likely troubles that the Hindutva party might face in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections, expected in April-May, this year.

The first and foremost trouble which the BJP is all set to face is over sharing of seats. Nitish’s JDU and the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) of Ram Vilas Paswan (alive then) were the part of the BJP led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in 2019. The BJP and the JDU had shared 17 seats each, sparing six seats for the LJP. The NDA had won 39 seats—BJP-17, JDU-16 and LJP-6.

Now, besides Nitish’s JDU, the BJP has Upendra Kushwaha’s Rashtriya Lok Samata Party (RLSP), Jitan Ram Manjhi’s Hindustani Aawam Morcha – Secular (HAMS), Chirag Paswan’s LJP and his uncle Pashupatinath Paras’s Rashtriya Lok Janshakti Party (RLJP) are in the NDA. Creating a buzz in the name of Ram temple and around Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘persona’, the BJP cadres are clamouring for more seats than what they had contested in Bihar in 2019.

The RLSP, the HAMS, the LJP and the RLJP, which have been with the BJP from before Nitish’s JDU has joined it, are, obviously, expecting their share of seats. There are only 40 seats in the state to share with. How many seats the BJP will keep in its share and how much will it spare for its five other partners? Needless to say that there is an apparent disquiet in the camps of these parties on Nitish’s return in the NDA; their lack of enthusiasm was obvious at Nitish’s ninth swearing-in as the CM at Patna’s Raj Bhavan on Saturday-January 28.

But in the ‘hullabaloo’ of how the BJP has ‘dismantled’ the INDIA bloc by taking away Nitish from it and how the INDIA bloc is locked in crisis over seat sharing in Bengal, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, the media is largely ignoring the challenges the BJP might face in the state.

 Ground reality

Statistics suggest that though Nitish has managed to retain his position as the CM despite his five flip-flops, he has increasingly lost his popularity at the grassroots level. His JDU had bagged barely two seats in 2014 Lok Sabha elections at the time when the CM had broken out with the BJP for the first time and hadn’t suffered a dent in his image. His JDU and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) of Lalu Prasad Yadav contested the 2015 assembly polls in alliance, sharing 101 seats each between them. The JDU bagged 71 seats against the RJD’s 80.

The JDU contested the 2020 assembly elections in alliance with the BJP in which the JDU got 122 seats against the BJP’s 121 in its share. But the BJP won the 76 seats against the JDU’s 43 (45 now by splitting the LJP). The JDU alleged that the BJP, by propping Chirag Paswan to contest against the JDU candidates had caused its defeat in 32 seats. But the fact remains that the voters voted against Nitish’s party. On the other hand, the RJD led by Tejaswhi Yadav almost retained its tally (79), emerging as the single largest party despite the JDU had gone back to the BJP. Thus, the Lok Sabha and assembly elections from 2014 onwards clearly suggest substantial loss of Nitish’s clout at the grassroots level.

Prashant Kishore’s claim that “the BJP will have to pay the price for bringing Nitish back to its fold” sounds convincing in the light of the statistics related to the elections from 2014 onwards. Moreover, it will be well nigh impossible for Nitish to claim the credit for the caste survey, increasing the reservation up-to 65% and giving over four lakh jobs after dumping the Mahagathbandhan and jumping back to the BJP.

Rahul Gandhi

In his first reaction on Nitish’s exit, the Congress leader, Rahul Gandhi, on his Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra at Purnia on Tuesday-January 30 said, “The Mahagathbandhan will fight for social justice in Bihar; we don’t require Nitish Kumar for that purpose, we don’t require him at all”. The grand party scion’s assertion is quite logical in the sense that Nitish’s departure has made it relatively easy for the Mahagathbandhan to share seats among its partners.

Leaders of parties in the INDIA alliance in Mumbai on September 1.

The RJD which is the largest partner in the Mahagathbandhan has got more space to accommodate the claim of the Congress and the Left parties (CPI-ML-Liberation, CPI and CPM) which are inherently uncompromising with the Hindutva and designed to contest the elections for the larger cause of secularism and social and economic justice that involves the issues of price-rise, livelihood, health, disparity, deprivation and segregation of the minorities.

Moreover, Lalu Prasad Yadav—a smart operator of power game despite his old age, ailments and heat of the investigating agencies – might be looking for Jitan Ram Manjhi, Upendra Kushwaha, Chirag Paswan and others in case they were denied the desired share of seats and desert the BJP in the run-up to the assembly elections. The RJD at its meeting on the day of Nitish exit from Mahagathbandhan has authorized Lalu—the RJD president—to take all the decisions in the wake of the new developments in Bihar.

The BJP president J.P. Nadda asserted that his party would win “40 out of 40 seats” in Bihar with Nitish back in the NDA. But much water might flow down the Ganga in the run-up to the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.

Nalin Verma is a senior journalist, author, media educator, and independent researcher in folklore.

Here’s Why the BJP Brings up the CAA – But Stops Short of Implementing it – in Bengal

Two Bharatiya Janata Party leaders and Union ministers, both from West Bengal – Shantanu Thakur and Nisith Pramanik – have publicly announced that the Narendra Modi government plans to implement the CAA in the upcoming days.

Four years after widespread protests across the country put the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) on the back burner, it is back on the political agenda before the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.

Two Bharatiya Janata Party leaders and Union ministers, both from West Bengal – Shantanu Thakur and Nisith Pramanik – have publicly announced that the Narendra Modi government plans to implement the CAA in the upcoming days. While Matua community leader Santanu Thakur gave “a week’s” deadline, Pramanik who is a prominent presence in North Bengal refused to specify a timeline. 

In December 2023, the Union home minister Amit Shah, addressing a BJP rally in Kolkata asserted that the CAA is the law of the land and no force could prevent its implementation.

The announcement is again expected to become a major issue in the upcoming Lok Sabha election – especially in West Bengal, where BJP for the last few years has been trying to consolidate lower caste Hindu votes by posturing itself as a protector of their interests. The party has been steadily making inroads into two of the largest Scheduled Caste segments, the Rajbanshi and Namashudra communities which constitute 18.35% and 17.41% of West Bengal’s total Scheduled Caste population. 

Also read: Does BJP’s Revival of the CAA Issue Reflect the Party’s Desperation in Bengal?

Rajbanshis

The Rajbanshis, the largest SC group in the state, account for an estimated 30% of the North Bengal population. All five of West Bengal’s 42 Lok Sabha seats which have more than 15% of Rajbanshi population went to the BJP in the 2019 Lok Sabha election. The party also won 30 of the 50 assembly seats in the region in the 2021 assembly election, but lost ground to TMC significantly in the last panchayat elections. The induction of Rajbanshi leader Ananta Maharaj into the BJP and his nomination to the Rajya Sabha by the party last year point to the importance of the community in BJP’s electoral arithmetic. 

But Rajbashis are not enthusiastic about the CAA, says Ayan Guha, a political analyst and the author of The Curious Trajectory of Caste in West Bengal Politics. “Rather, there is some degree of suspicion among the Rajbanshis with regard to the CAA. CAA will regularise the settlement of Bengali Hindu refugees whom the indigenous population of North Bengal – comprising communities like  the Rajbanshis have traditionally regarded as outsiders,” Guha says.

Predictably, the announcement was met with severe criticism from West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, who has accused the BJP of exploiting the citizenship law for electoral gains. 

“Our Rajbangshi friends have always been citizens. This sudden focus on CAA is nothing but election drama. We’ve already recognised them, granted them a permanent settlement, and included them in our welfare schemes. If they weren’t citizens, how could they have exercised their basic rights?” said Banerjee while addressing a public event in Cooch Behar in North Bengal. 

Border politics

CM Banerjee had also raised concerns about the BSF’s discriminatory identity card policy for border residents and urged people to reject these documents as “their names would be deleted from the NRC” should they do so. Around 27% voters of Cooch Behar Lok Sabha seat belong to the Muslim community, for whom the NRC remains a burning issue. During the 2021 assembly election, in the Sitalkuchi block of the district, CISF firing led to the deaths of four villagers. The incident had a polarising impact across the state. 

“Both BJP and Trinamool Congress are trying to create an atmosphere of fear for electoral gain. They want religious polarization, and that’s why talking about NRC and CAA to create fear among citizens. No one can displace citizens,” stated CPI(M) state secretary Mohammed Salim.

The CAA, passed in 2019, offers a fast-track path to citizenship for non-Muslim religious minorities (Hindus, Sikhs, Parsis, Jains, Buddhists, and Christians) from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh, who entered India before December 31, 2014. It sparked widespread protests due to concerns about its discriminatory nature and potential connection to the NRC, which aims to identify and deport illegal immigrants.

Also read: BJP’s Exclusion of Muslims Is ‘Unacceptably Barbaric’, Says Amartya Sen

The CAA certainly lends itself to calculations concerning the impending general elections and it is here that the Matua community also comes in, feels the author Guha.

What about the Matuas?

“There are two aspects of such calculations – one relates to the Namashudra Matua community and the other pertains to the pro-Hindu messaging to the population across the country. The pro-Hindu narrative encoded in the CAA is aimed at consolidating the traditional Hindu vote bank of the BJP,” says Guha. 

The Matuas belong to the Namashudra caste, which stands outside the traditional four-tier Hindu caste system. Historically labeled as “Chandals” and subjected to no end of derogatory terms in Bengal, the Matuas organised a movement in the mid-19th century in Faridpur district of what is now Bangladesh. Icon Harichand Thakur led this caste uprising, establishing the Matua Mahasangha – a Vaishnavite Hindu sect that rejected the caste system. After Harichand’s death in 1878, his son Guruchand Thakur furthered the movement’s influence, attracting various Dalit groups. During the Partition of Bengal, many members of these social groups migrated from to West Bengal, significantly impacting the demographic landscape of the region.

Currently forming the second largest Scheduled Caste group in West Bengal, comprising 3.8% of the total population, the Matuas have long been demanding proper rehabilitation and resettlement of Hindu Bengali refugees from Bangladesh.

In 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi strategically initiated the BJP’s poll campaign in the state from Thakurnagar, the Matua Mahasangha headquarters, expressing strong support for the CAA. BJP comprehensively won Ranaghat and Bangagon, two Matua-dominated seats in Nadia and North 24 Parganas, and narrowly lost Krishnanagar to TMC.  

Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Orakandi, a sacred place for the Matuas, during the West Bengal Assembly elections in 2021, further solidified the BJP’s consolidation of the community. According to the CSDS Lokniti Poll Poll survey, 58% of the Namashudra community voted for BJP helping them to secure 14 of the 15 seats in the Matua belt of Nadia and North 24-Parganas. However, in the 2023 panchayat polls, the Matua vote again shifted to Trinamool Congress, which won 49 out of the 53 panchayats in these areas. The BJP won only one.

“There is no simple and necessary correlation between finalisation of the CAA rules and greater Matua support in favour of the BJP. The framing of the CAA rules after an inordinate delay will definitely please the Matuas and naturally, the BJP will try to take credit for the finalisation of these rules. But in the longer run, the Matua support for the BJP will depend upon how liberal and effective these rules are for the grant of citizenship,” says Guha. 

Thus, the BJP needs to straddle the ambitions of two of the main communities in its Bengal support base with the CAA. While one favours the law, the other does not.

Jordan Drone Strike: US Response May Heighten Tensions with Iran, Start a New War in the Middle East

Sara Harmouch, an expert on asymmetric warfare and militant groups in the Middle East, sheds light on the implications following the drone attack on the US military base in Jordan on January 28.

A drone attack that killed three American troops and wounded at least 34 more at a base in Jordan has increased fears of a widening conflict in the Middle East – and the possibility that the US may be further drawn into the fighting.

President Joe Biden vowed to respond to the assault, blaming Iran-backed militias for the first US military casualties in months of such strikes in the region.

But to what extent was Iran involved? And what happens next? The Conversation turned to Sara Harmouch, an expert on asymmetric warfare and militant groups in the Middle East, to answer these and other questions.

What do we know about the group that claimed responsibility?

Al-Muqawama al-Islamiyah fi al-Iraq, which translates as the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, has claimed responsibility for the drone attack.

However, the Islamic Resistance in Iraq is not a single group per se. Rather, it is a term used to describe an umbrella organisation, which, since around 2020, has included various Iran-backed militias in the region.

Initially, the Islamic Resistance in Iraq emerged as a response to foreign military presence and political interventions, especially after the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. The Islamic Resistance in Iraq acted as a collective term for pro-Tehran Iraqi militias, allowing them to launch attacks under a single banner. Over time, it evolved to become a front for Iran-backed militias operating beyond Iraq, including those in Syria and Lebanon.

Today, the Islamic Resistance in Iraq operates as a cohesive force rather than as a singular entity – that is to say, as a network its objectives often align with Iran’s goal of preserving its influence across the region, but on a national level the groups have their distinct agendas.

The collective is notorious for its staunch anti-US posture and dynamic military campaigns, such as a recent two-day drone operation targeting American forces at an Iraqi airbase.

Operating under this one banner of Islamic Resistance, these militias effectively conceal the identities of the actual perpetrators in their operations. This was seen in the deadly January 28, 2024, attack on Tower 22, a US military base in Jordan. Although it is evident that an Iranian-supported militia orchestrated the drone assault, pinpointing the specific faction within this broad coalition remains elusive.

This deliberate strategy hinders direct attribution and poses challenges for countries attempting to identify and retaliate against the precise culprits.

What do they hope to achieve in attacking a US target?

Iranian-backed militias have been intensifying attacks on US forces in recent months in response to American support for Israel in the Israel-Hamas conflict, and also to assert regional influence.

Since the beginning of the conflict in October 2023, Iranian-backed militias have repeatedly struck American military bases in Iraq and Syria, recently expanding their attacks to include northeastern Jordan near the Syrian border.

The deadly assault on January 28 marks a significant escalation, though – it is the first instance during the Israel-Hamas war that American troops have been killed.

The attack in Jordan forms part of a strategy by Iranian-backed militias to counter Washington’s support for Israel in the Gaza conflict. But it is also aimed at advancing a wider goal of pushing US forces out of the Middle East entirely.

By coordinating attacks under the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, these groups are trying to display a unified stance against US interests and policy, showcasing their collective strength and strategic alignment across the region.

What role did Iran have in the attack?

Iran has officially denied any involvement in the drone strike.

However, the Islamic Resistance in Iraq is known to be part of the networks of militia groups that Tehran supports.

Iran, through the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ Quds Force, has provided such militias with money, weapons, and training. However, the extent of Iran’s command and coordination in specific incidents like the Jordan attack remains unclear. At this stage, more concrete evidence is necessary to firmly implicate Iran.

As Iran expert Nakissa Jahanbani and I recently explained in an article for The Conversation, Iran’s strategy in the region involves supporting and funding militia groups while granting them a degree of autonomy.

By doing so, Iran maintains plausible deniability when it comes to attacks carried out by its proxies.

So while Iran’s direct involvement in the attack has not been definitively established, Tehran’s long-standing support of groups like the Islamic Resistance in Iraq is well documented, playing a significant role in the regional conflict dynamics and geopolitical strategies.

What options does the US have to respond?

It isn’t clear how the US intends to respond to the attack. The Biden administration faces complex dynamics when it comes to responding to attacks linked to Iranian-backed militias.

While a forceful military strike is an option that the Biden administration appears to be looking at, targeting Iran directly on its own soil is fraught with risks and may be seen as a step too far.

Even when targeting Iranian interests or personnel, such as the assassination of Quds Force General Qassem Soleimani, the US has conducted these actions outside Iranian territory.

Iran’s denial of direct involvement in the attack further complicates the situation and makes it less likely that the US attacks Iran in retaliatory strikes.

But adopting a targeted approach, such as striking militia leaders outside of Iran, raises questions about the effectiveness of US tactics in deterring Iran and its proxies.

This strategy has been employed in the past, yet it has not significantly curbed Iran’s or its proxies’ aggressive actions. The concern is that while such strikes are precise, they may not be enough to deter ongoing or future attacks.

The key to the strategy’s success may rest in identifying the most influential factors, or “centers of gravity,” that can effectively influence Iran’s behavior. This means determining key leaders, critical infrastructure or economic assets, which, if killed, destroyed or seized, could substantially alter Iran’s decision-making or operational capabilities.

The Biden administration’s need to balance a strong response with the geopolitical consequences highlights the difficulties of navigating a tense and evolving situation.

How might the attack affect the wider Middle East conflict?

How the US responds could reshape the Middle East’s geopolitical landscape and influence the dynamics of proxy warfare in the region.

A strong military response from Washington might deter Iranian-backed militias from future attacks, but it could also provoke them into taking more aggressive actions.

In the short term, any US retaliation – especially if it targets Iranian interests directly – could escalate tensions in the region.

It could also exacerbate the cycle of tit-for-tat strikes between the US and Iranian-backed forces, increasing the risk of a broader regional conflict.

And given that the attack’s pretext involves the Israel-Hamas war, any US response could indirectly affect the course of that conflict, impacting future diplomatic efforts and the regional balance of power.The Conversation

Sara Harmouch, PhD Candidate, School of Public Affairs, American University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Watch | Why a Rajasthan MLA Is Constantly in the News

This isn’t the first time MLA Balmukund Acharya has stirred controversy.

In this video, we delve into the recent controversies surrounding Hawa Mahal MLA and Hindu priest ‘Baba’ Balmukund Acharya, also known as Sanjay Sharma, of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Rajasthan. The MLA’s remarks on the hijab have sparked protests by Muslim students at the Government Senior Secondary Girls School, Gangapol, Jaipur. Asserting their right to wear the hijab, the students took to the streets in a demonstration outside the Subhash Chowk police station on January 29.

This isn’t the first time MLA Balmukund Acharya has stirred controversy. Previously, he garnered attention for shutting down shops selling non-vegetarian food in his constituency immediately after being elected as an MLA. Following public complaints, he issued an apology, and the matter reached the National Human Rights Commission.

Post Pandemic, it Takes Longer for Employees to Reach Office

A survey finds that on an average, Indian employees took more time to reach work in 2023; traffic has gone up and they have moved homes further away from office, it appears. What took 51 minutes now takes 59 minutes on an average.

New Delhi: A survey of office goers and commuters has found that while employees in India are working fewer days from office due to the hybrid work models, with the office still not having made a comeback, they are spending more time commuting as compared to pre-2020, from the pre-pandemic era. Some of this may have to do with the distance to the workplace having increased with a change in residential circumstances, but also as the traffic appears to have surged.

The report ‘2023 on Wheels: How India Moved In Sync’ published by office commute platform MoveInSync has found that an average Indian spent 59 minutes to travel 20 km, that too one way, to work last year in important metropolitan cities, compared with just 51 minutes to cover 17 km in pre-pandemic times.

Photo: MoveInSync report

The report also finds that Indian employees spent 8% of their time (almost two hours) travelling to office and back when work from office was the norm. They now spent 15% more time on the roads as compared to the pre-pandemic days.

The average Indian employee worked only 2.8 days per week from office last year, as per this survey, with the number being the highest in the capital (NCR), where they worked 3.4 days per week from office. The lowest, it found, was in Kolkata, just 2.6 days per week.

The Times of India quotes Deepesh Agarwal, cofounder and chiet executive of MoveInSync, as saying, “We are observing a consistent trend of employees traveling for longer hours and longer distances as time progresses.”

Photo: MoveInSync report

MoveInSync was founded in 2009 and describes itself as an employee commute platform.

The TomTom Traffic Index has concluded earlier that in Bengaluru, India’s second-most congested city in the world, it takes around 30 minutes to cover a distance of 10 km within the city, “whereas the same distance can be covered in less than 13 minutes in Dubai.”

The Journal of Transport and Health this month has reported, based on a study in South Korea, that commuting time and depression are correlated. “Long commuting time was significantly associated with increased depressive symptoms”, note the researchers. The study is based on the Korean Working Conditions Survey, a nationally representative cross-sectional survey of 23,415 selected wage workers aged between 20 and 59 years.