Month: May 2023

Manipur: Violence and House Burning Reported During Amit Shah’s Visit

Unknown assailants fired at a village in the Bishnupur-Churachandpur districts and houses were set on fire in villages in the Imphal East and Kangpokpi districts.

New Delhi: On the morning of Wednesday, May 31, several persons were injured in firing by unidentified persons near Tangjeng village along the Bishnupur-Churachandpur districts of Manipur, even as Union home minister Amit Shah continued to meet with leaders of Meitei and Kuki communities in a bid to end the violence that has now been continuing for nearly a month.

According to Deccan Herald, “houses were set on fire in villages under Thouban Dam police station in Imphal East district and in the Island subdivision of Kuki-dominated Kangpokpi district on Tuesday night”.

Shah visited Moreh and Kangpokpi districts on Wednesday morning, where he met leaders of the Kuki and Meitei communities. The home minister, who has been in Manipur since Monday, also met the Army and other security agencies in Moreh.

Shah directed the security agencies to “take stern and prompt actions to prevent violence, against armed miscreants and recover looted weapons to bring back normalcy at the earliest”, according to a statement issued on Wednesday evening.

Since the violence between Meitei and Kuki communities began on May 3, at least 75 persons have died, hundreds injured and nearly 50,000 displaced.

According to Deccan Herald, the Manipur government extended the internet ban – both mobile and broadband – until June 5. The report added that the state’s chief minister N. Biren Singh also urged people to return weapons “which were snatched during the riot from police battalions and police stations, both in the Valley and in the Hills”. More than 1,000 weapons were snatched but less than 500 half have been recovered or returned.

SC Lawyers Write to Uttarakhand Governor on Govt’s ‘Inaction’ in Hate Speech Cases

The lawyers highlighted cases of hate speech allegedly perpetrated by Hindu nationalist organisations against the Muslim community and said there is a “campaign underway to spread fear and hatred in the state”.

New Delhi: A group of Supreme Court lawyers have written an open letter to Uttarakhand governor Lieutenant General Gurmit Singh about the government’s inaction on repeated instances of hate speech in the state.

The letter, dated Tuesday, May 30, says that the state government is prima facie in contempt of the Supreme Court by refusing to take action on the hate speech cases, despite orders from the Supreme Court to do so.

“We write to express our deep concern at recent events in the state of Uttarakhand, a state with a long history of peace and social harmony. The frequency of these events indicates there is a campaign underway to spread fear and hatred in the state,” the letter begins by saying.

It goes on to list four examples of hate speech incidents that took place within a span of 12 days, adding that they were all perpetrated by Hindu nationalist organisations against Muslims.

The first incident involves a Rudra Sena leader who made speeches and videos threatening the Van Gujjars, a predominantly Muslim community, to leave an area lest they be subject to violence.

The second incident also involves the Rudra Sena, which made speeches in a different area advocating for the economic boycott of minorities and the elimination of all ‘jihadis’ from the world.

Times of India reported that this event was allowed on the condition that it did not commit acts of hate speech, noting that the Muslim month of Ramzan was ongoing then.

The next two incidents involve the Bajrang Dal disrupting schools that had chosen to perform Eid-related plays.

Police did not take action in any of the above cases.

“As per the [Supreme] Court’s October 21, 2022 order in Shaheen Abdullah vs. Union of India … the states of Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh and Delhi were specifically directed to “ensure that immediately as and when any speech or any action takes place which attracts offences such as Sections 153A, 153B and 295A and 505 of the IPC etc., suo moto action will be taken to register cases even if no complaint is forthcoming,” the letter points out.

The full letter and the list of signatories are reproduced below.

§

OPEN LETTER BY LAWYERS OF THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA TO HON’BLE
GOVERNOR OF UTTARAKHAND

To:
The Hon’ble Governor
Government of Uttarakhand

Subject: Repeated instances of hate speech and violence in Uttarakhand in recent weeks; state police prima facie in contempt of Hon’ble Supreme Court of India

Dear Sir,

We write to express our deep concern at recent events in the state of Uttarakhand, a state with a long history of peace and social harmony. The frequency of these events indicates there is a campaign underway to spread fear and hatred in the state. From public information it appears the administration, by failing to take serious action, is also violating the orders of the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India.

In particular, we note the following reported incidents in April 2023:

– As per a complaint made by the Van Gujjar community (who are predominantly Muslim) to the National Minorities Commission and reported in Rashtriya Sahara newspaper on April 16th, in Tyuni, Dehradun district, Rakesh Tomar Uttarakhandi, the leader of the “Rudra Sena,” made speeches and videos demanding Van Gujjars should leave the area by April 10th or violence would take place. The threats were not carried out after the Gujjars appealed to the District Magistrate, but no serious action appears to have been taken against this organisation, as evinced by the next point.

– On April 20th, a “dharm sabha” was reportedly held by the same organisation – Rudra Sena – in Chakrata. Speeches were made calling for the economic boycott of minorities, a ban on settlement of “non Sanatanis” in the state, and declaring that “peace cannot prevail in the world, unless every ‘jihadi’ is eliminated.” It is pertinent to note that as per the Times of India, one of the speakers at this event was Prabhunand Giri, who is also named in the FIR that was lodged after a similar event in Haridwar in December 2021 had attracted international outrage and condemnation from senior retired officers of the Armed Forces as well as large sections of civil society. As per the Times‘ report, the speeches in Chakrata were broadcast on Facebook. The police also claimed that they had videographed the event, and that “no complaint had been received.” No cases or arrests were reported.

– On April 24th, Bajrang Dal activists vandalised a private school in Vasant Vihar, Dehradun. Reports in Hindustan and the Times of India say that the school was vandalised because a play was held to celebrate Eid, while also making it clear that the school conducted such events for all major religious festivals. No arrests or police action for the vandalism was reported.

– On April 28th, another group of Bajrang Dal activists staged a dharna directly outside another school during school hours, claiming that the school had staged a similar play for Eid, leading the school to delete a video of the play. Once again no police action appears to have been taken.

These are only some examples. It is notable that all of these incidents took place within the space of a few weeks. It is also notable that the same individuals and organisations are repeatedly engaging in such actions but facing no apparent consequences.

Sir, it is important to note that the Hon’ble Supreme Court has been deeply concerned at the rise of hate speech and mob violence in the country and in Uttarakhand in particular. On 17.07.2018, in its judgment in Tehseen Poonawalla vs. Union of India and Ors., the Court was pleased to direct all State governments to proactively act against hate speech and mob violence, including through appointing nodal officers who will ” also make efforts to eradicate hostile environment against any community or caste which is targeted in such incidents.” Further, as per the Court’s 21.10.2022 order in Shaheen Abdullah vs. Union of India (WP(C) 940/2022), the states of Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh and Delhi were specifically directed to “ensure that immediately as and when any speech or any action takes place which attracts offences such as Sections 153A, 153B and 295A and 505 of the IPC etc., suo moto action will be taken to register cases even if no complaint is forthcoming and proceed against the offenders in accordance with law” (emphasis added).

From the public record none of these steps is being taken in Uttarakhand. The consistent pattern of events in the last few weeks, coupled with those which occurred in 2021 and 2022, appears to indicate that, through inaction, the police are allowing criminal incitement and violent actions to take place and hence are in contempt of court. We request your immediate intervention to ensure that the Constitution, the rule of law and the orders of the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India are upheld.

The State can, and ought to, play an active positive role to promote the very opposite – the celebration of our strength of community, as we come together from diverse cultures, rich in varied customs. We urge the State to reach out and promote the understanding of one another, to foster a climate of compassion, unity and harmony.

Sincerely,
Sr Adv Anjana Prakash (retd. Judge, Patna High Court)
Sr Adv Raju Ramchandra
Sr. Adv Chander Uday Singh
Adv. Prashant Bhushan
Sr. Adv. Meenakshi Arora
Adv. Indira Unninayar
Adv. Pyoli Satija
Adv. Amita Joseph
Adv. Omanakuttan K.K.Adv. Pranav Arora (Advocate on Record, Supreme Court of India)
Adv. Kabir Dixit (Advocate on Record, Supreme Court of India)
Adv. Ria Yadav
Adv. Jawahar Raja
Adv. Shalini Gera
Adv. Bulbul Das
Adv. Meera Sanghamitra
Adv. Shashank Singh
Adv. Ruksana Chowdhury
Adv. Ramesh Mishra
Adv. Farrukh Rasheed
Adv. Mishika
Adv. Shubham Gurung
Adv. Manavi

China To Take ‘Appropriate Counter-Measures’ Over India’s Ejection of Journalists

The Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said that the number of Chinese journalists stationed in India has plummeted from 14 to just one, and will soon drop to zero.

New Delhi: After a Wall Street Journal report said that there will no longer be any reporters from China in India, the Chinese foreign ministry said on Wednesday, May 31, that it has “no choice but to take appropriate counter-measures”.

While the two countries had begun freezing out journalists in March, WSJ reported on Tuesday that the process was all but complete. For the first time since the 1980s, there would be no Chinese reporters in India after the last two state media reporters – from Xinhua News Agency and China Central Television – had been asked to leave, the newspaper said.

On Wednesday, during her daily briefing, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said that Chinese journalists “have suffered unfair and discriminatory treatment in India for a long time”. She referred to the shortening of visa validity held by Chinese journalists in India to three months or even one month “without any valid reason” in 2017. Mao said that since 2020, the Indian side “has refused to review and approve Chinese journalists’ applications for stationing in India”.

“As a result, the number of Chinese journalists stationed in India has plummeted from 14 at the normal time to just one. As we speak, the Indian side still has not renewed the visa of the last Chinese journalist in the country. The number of Chinese journalists stationed in India is about to drop to zero,” she said.

She said considering this situation, the Chinese side “has no choice but to take appropriate counter-measures to safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese media organisations”. Mao, however, claimed that China “is still willing to maintain communication with India under the principles of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit”.

“We hope that India will work in the same direction with China, seriously respond to China’s legitimate concerns, and take concrete steps as soon as possible to create favourable conditions for restoring normal exchange between the media organisations of the two countries,” Mao said.

Srinagar: Dispute Over ‘Illegal’ Road Leads to War of Words Between BJP and Apni Party

An FIR has been registered against BJP leader Aijaz Hussain Rather for allegedly assaulting two activists of Apni Party on the outskirts of Srinagar.

Srinagar: A dispute over the alleged illegal construction of a road on the outskirts of Jammu and Kashmir’s capital Srinagar led to an outbreak of fisticuffs and a war of words between the BJP and J&K Apni Party, prompting the police to file a first information report (FIR).

Aijaz Hussain Rather, the former national vice-president of the saffron party’s youth wing Bharatiya Janta Yuva Morcha (BJYM), was booked on Wednesday, May 30, by Jammu and Kashmir Police for allegedly assaulting two activists of Apni Party on the outskirts of Srinagar.

A senior police officer said that the victims have been identified as Nazim Hussain Bhat and Imdad Ali Mir, both residents of Balhama locality in Srinagar’s outskirts, where the dispute over road construction has been simmering for the last month. The two are activists of the J&K Apni Party headed by Altaf Bukhari.

The Apni Party and the BJP are widely believed to be in a tactical alliance in Jammu and Kashmir, although their leaders have repeatedly denied such claims.

According to sources, the two Apni Party activists were issued notices by the J&K government earlier this month for allegedly misusing state agricultural land in Wani Mohalla of Balhama and “conversion of ‘Aabi Awal’ (agricultural) land into non-agricultural land by way of earth-filling and construction of road.”

“Whereas the report submitted by the Patwari Halqa concerned reveals that you have been found in illegal conversion of ‘Aabi Awal’ land under Khasra No 407, 1039. 1024, 1023, 1020, 1038, 1037, 1040, 1041, 402, 401, 398, 1042,1043, 396, 397, 412, 411, 1018, 1003, 1001, 904, 1024, 1023 situated at estate Balhama locality,” the notices issued to Bhat and Mir, copies of which are in the possession of The Wire, read.

Speaking with The Wire, BJP leader Rather said that a team of officials led by commissioner/secretary of the rural development department Mandeep Kaur visited Balhama, his native place, on Tuesday as part of the administration’s public outreach programme.

“During the visit, some locals complained that the funds meant for developmental activities were used in the construction of a road which leads to the dairy farm owned by one of the accused,” Rather, who won the District Development Council elections in 2020 from Srinagar’s Khonmoh, said.

Khonmoh was one of the three seats that the saffron party managed to win from the Kashmir valley in the hotly contested DDC polls.

Aijaz claimed that when he tried to raise the issue with the Apni Party activists, their family members and friends attacked him. “It was only due to my personal security officers that I managed to escape from the area,” Rather claimed.

After the alleged attack, Rather said that he approached Pantha Chowk police station in Srinagar on Tuesday and filed a complaint against the two activists of the Apni Party.

However, the family members of Bhat and Mir, who have reportedly suffered injuries, staged a protest in Srinagar’s Press Enclave on Tuesday evening, alleging that they were attacked by Aijaz and his security detail in Sempora on the outskirts of Srinagar.

Raising slogans against the BJP leader, the family members said that Bhat received a phone call from Pantha Chowk police station on Tuesday, asking him to present himself before the investigators as Rather had filed a complaint against him.

“We were on the way to the police station when the BJP leader’s security officers obstructed our car by halting their vehicles in front and on the back. Some people carrying baseball bats got down from the vehicles, dragged Nazim out of the car and assaulted him,” said one of the family members.

The Apni Party leader and Srinagar mayor Junaid Mattu also came out on Twitter in support of the victims, alleging that a “reign of terror has been unleashed” by Rather, who joined the BJP in 2008 as district secretary of Yuva Morcha Srinagar.

Reacting to the allegations, Rather, the BJP leader and member of the Haj Committee of India, accused the Srinagar mayor of “being part of land mafia” who have grabbed properties of Kashmiri Pandits and state land.

He alleged that the family members of the victims were maligning his and his party’s name by levelling false allegations. “They are part of the land mafia which has grabbed hundreds of kanals of land in Balhama. Everything will be clear once the police completes its investigation,” he said.

Srinagar mayor Mattu could not be reached for comment despite The Wire sending him several text messages and repeatedly calling him. The story will be updated if and when he responds.

A senior police officer said that the victims’ families later approached the Pantha Chowk police station and after a preliminary inquiry, a First Information Report (no 51/2023) was filed under sections 323 (voluntarily causing hurt) and 341 (punishment for wrongful restraint) of Indian Penal Code was filed against Rather.

Who Is Afraid of Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh?

A set of events reported in the media suggests that no court is willing to hear the allegations against the BJP MP and WFI chief.

The question in the title admits to many answers. The purpose of this piece is not to provide an answer or many answers. It is to present before the readers a set of events reported in the media and let them make up their own minds about what the series of events means to them.

  1. An application was moved in the Rouse Avenue court, which is designated as a special court for the hearing of cases against MLAs and MPs, with a “prayer to monitor the investigation” in the matter of a complaint lodged against Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, a Member of the Parliament, by a minor wrestler accusing him of sexual harassment.
  1. It was pointed out to the court that since the complaint is by a minor and therefore it falls under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 (POCSO), and the “designated” court for the hearing of POCSO cases was at Patiala House, the complaint should be heard at the Patiala House court and not at the Rouse Avenue court.
  1. This apparently became a very tricky and complicated issue because “there is no one court which deals with MLA/MP and POCSO matters”. It was to find a solution to this issue that the complaint was referred by the “court at Rouse Avenue to the High Court of Delhi to seek guidance in the matter because there is no one magistrate court that can deal with the POCSO as well as a case involving an MLA or an MP.”
  1. The matter was heard by the Delhi high court on May 30, 2023. The judge is reported to have said, “In view of the office note, I consider that the registrar general and principal secretary, government of NCT Delhi are required to file their response. Let a copy of the order be sent to the registrar general and the government of NCT of Delhi for filing their response.” The judge posted the matter for the next hearing on July 6, 2023.

The matter, as is well known, pertains to allegations of sexual harassment lodged by several women wrestlers against Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh who, in addition to being a Member of Parliament, is also the president of the Wrestling Federation of India. This is the case in which the police seemed to be dragging their feet in registering FIRs and did that only after the Supreme Court of India ordered it.

The question that comes to mind is that with the registrar general of the high court being on the same premises as the courtroom and the principal secretary, Government of NCT also being in the same city, is five weeks an adequate period of time for their responses to be received by the court? Or is it too much or too little? And if it so happens that their responses are not received in time, would another date be given?

Did anyone say tarikh par tarikh?

There is a well-known saying in legal circles, “Justice delayed is justice denied.”

I rest my case.

Jagdeep S. Chhokar is a concerned citizen.

Deloitte Raises Concerns Over Adani Ports’ Transactions With 3 Entities

Deloitte raised concerns over Adani Ports’s transactions with three entities, which the company said were unrelated parties. However, the auditor said it could not confirm that the parties were indeed unrelated. It has also issued a qualified opinion on the accounts of Adani Ports.

New Delhi: A top auditor has flagged some transactions by Adani Group, citing allegations from US-based short seller Hindenburg Research’s report that wiped off half of the market value of the ports-to-power conglomerate.

Deloitte Haskins & Sells LLP raised concerns on Tuesday over Adani Ports & Special Economic Zone’s transactions with three entities, which the company said were unrelated parties. However, the auditor said it could not confirm that the parties were indeed unrelated, Bloomberg reported.

It has issued a qualified opinion on the accounts of Adani Ports.

According to the Morning Context, the auditor said the group’s evaluation of the Hindenburg report is insufficient evidence for the purpose of audit.

The report said, citing Deloitte’s note, that the company has also refused to get an independent external examination that would help prove so. This is because the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) is investigating the allegations made by Hindenburg Research against Adani Group.

Deloitte, therefore, said that it cannot comment if the company was fully compliant with local laws, the Bloomberg report said.

This refocuses attention on the lack of information needed to audit the Adani Group companies. For instance, a Supreme Court-appointed expert panel said that due to repealed provisions in 2018, SEBI could not continue its investigation into Adani Group’s dealings with offshore funds. These funds have invested in Adani Group companies, and several media reports have questioned the free float status of the Adani Group with respect to the group’s relation with these funds. Due to their tax haven status, authorities are not able to access information on the ultimate beneficiary of these offshore companies.

Similarly, in several other cases, including the Deloitte report, it appears there’s insufficient information available that is required to investigate these matters.

The apex court panel, however, has said that it has found no regulatory failure or signs of price manipulation in the Adani Group stocks. And, Adani Group had vehemently denied Hindenburg Research’s allegations of stock manipulation and accounting fraud.

Also read: Because of Repealed Provisions, SEBI Hit ‘Opaque Structure’ Wall While Investigating Adani: SC Panel

Bloomberg reported that Deloitte has flagged three transactions of Adani Group. First, the group signed an engineering contract with a subsidiary of a company identified in the Hindenburg report from whom Rs 3,750 crore ($453 million) was recoverable as of March 31. The auditor was told by the group that this contractor is not a related party.

Second, there have been financial transactions, including of equity, made with parties identified in the short seller report. Adani Group told Deloitte that these are not related parties. All payables were settled with no dues remaining.

The third  transaction flagged by the auditor was Adani Ports’ sale of its Myanmar port to Solar Energy Ltd, incorporated in Anguilla, earlier this month. The sale price was revised from Rs 2,015 crore to just Rs 247 crore and an impairment charge was taken. The group told the auditor these are not related parties.

Reuters reported that the company concluded this deal at a heavy discount, which was significantly lower than its investment in the project.

The Sengol Has Been Installed But Saheb’s Narrative Must Now Be Pushed Far and Wide

From the Vishwaguru Archives: A draft of the discussion on how the Sengol ball is to be taken forward.

This is a work of fiction. Although it may appear closer to reality than fiction.

The day after history was rewritten and a new age began with the inauguration of a new building for our parliament, the core of the ruling group (minus ‘the Boss’) met to consider how the Sengol ball was to be taken forward.

A draft of the discussion is now available as guidance.

1. It was unanimously agreed to compliment the Saheb for most ingeniously having introduced the Sengol to our national political vocabulary. Till a few weeks ago, no one had heard of the word and no one had any idea there was something like it tucked away somewhere in our imagination. Now, this country and its media have a controversy that they would keep kicking around for a while. We should ask a writer like Chetan Bhagat to do a piece on “Modi as the Master of the Universal Imagination,” which could then be repurposed as a series on Netflix.

2. It was remarked, half-seriously, that sadly there is no Oscar for political scriptwriting. Otherwise, our Saheb would have walked away with the honour this year (and indeed all years since 2014). The Sengol script would have been a runaway winner. Saheb is indeed the greatest event manager the world has seen since that clown from Munich.

3. Equally, half-seriously, it was pointed out that Saheb was a perfect disciple of Guruji who had years ago stressed the importance of manufacturing a vivaad (controversy) as a tactic to steer public attention to our advantage. Being a diligent student of Guruji’s teachings, who in turn was much influenced by the strategies and tactics used by the new European strongmen after World War I, our Supreme Leader knows how to invent history and myths. This Sengol business has reinforced his reputation as Guruji’s greatest pupil.

4. It was decided that the BJP president, Shri J.P. Nadda should be advised to ask all party MPs, MLAs and Union and state ministers to display hon’ble Prime Minister’s photoshoot with the Sengol on all their social media handles like Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, etc. This display would be a most fitting reply to all those who accuse us of monarchical tendencies. A beloved leader rules over the hearts of millions of his followers, and his followers in turn feel blessed if they get a chance to demonstrate their love and affection for the Leader.

5. It was agreed that the speaker of the Lok Sabha should be requested to arrange for the public display of the Sengol in all state assemblies, where citizens would be encouraged to see for themselves the potent symbol that Modiji has resurrected from our attics. It was pointed out that in popular discourse the Sengol is already being referred to as ‘Modi’s Power.’ A feeble, dissenting voice pointed out that we could be accused of imitating the Kashmiri Muslims’ ritual of the annual display of the “Holy Relic.” The objection was overruled. After all, we are a party that advertises itself as a party that is “sab ke saath”. And in any case, there is no harm in borrowing good practices from any source, even an Islamic one, as long as it serves the project of our Supreme Leader. Any suggestion of divine blessing for our Leader is a powerful sentiment. The “mother of democracy” surely has the right to assimilate other lesser traditions in her bosom if they are useful. 

6. The Ministry of External Affairs is to be advised that it should commission the production of a coffee table book about the new parliament building. It should be a world-class production, classy yet opulent. It was emphasized that special care should be taken to highlight prominently the photos of the Hon’ble Prime Minister with the revered sadhus and saints. Let the whole world know that India has changed and that we are no longer apologetic about being called a Hindu Raj. In fact, all our ambassadors and high commissioners can be asked to send the coffee table book to prominent leaders, citizens, and businessmen in their respective countries of accreditation. Any IFS babu displaying any kind of squeamishness should be sent for re-education in the Bharatiya mode of thought. It was noted that the external affairs minister is most positive and enthusiastic about this project. 

7. The Press Information Bureau and the IT Cell should be asked to join hands to nudge and needle the media, of all kinds, to ensure that the Sengol story does not fade away. The Cell can use AI to draft new stories about “democracy” in ancient Indian traditions and how the Hon’ble Prime Minister is the first and foremost spiritual heir to that glorious history. Just for the sake of a bit of fun, let us even add a citation or two from Romilla Thapar in support of our narrative. It would rile those liberals to no end. The good part of the story is that the media, now totally deprived of any hard and authentic news, is fully trained to dish out whatever gets served to them from our side. The NDTV documentary series on the achievements of our government is a case in point.

8. The University Grants Commission and other educational regulators should be advised to see to it that a Sengol chapter gets introduced in all social sciences/history textbooks at all levels. And, while adding the Sengol story to our syllabus, we should excise all references to Jawaharlal Nehru other than those necessary to push the historicity of the Sengol. Going further, courses in Sengol Studies could be designed for the BA and MA level, to complement the teaching of Narendra Modi Thought.

9. Finally. Our most democratic and popular ally – social media – must be used creatively to tell the “truth” about how Nehru masqueraded as a person with “scientific temper” while doing all that puja on August 14, 1947. On the other hand, our own Hon’ble Prime Minister performs Hindu rituals openly and sincerely and makes no pretence to being anything other than a Hindu ruler. There is no place for hypocrisy in New India. 

Atmanirbhar is the pen-name of an aspiring satirist, who irregularly contributes a column, From the Vishwavguru Archives, and believes that ridicule and humour are central to freedom to speech and expression.

 

Temple Of Democracy Or Temple of the Leader and His Religion?

Unlike when he inaugurated the Ram Temple in 2020, the Narendra Modi who inaugurated the new parliament building in 2023 is an insecure leader who just suffered a humiliating defeat in a crucial state election fought primarily in his name and with his face.

I eagerly look forward to Sunday mornings. Amidst the hectic daily news cycle, this is the only downtime a journalist like me can hope to get. But this Sunday was different. Prime Minister Narendra Modi was inaugurating the new parliament house that the government had built in less than three years.

Given the past record of showmanship and theatricality of Modi and the BJP, as well as the media frenzy created around it, nothing less than a high-voltage event was expected. To add to the drama was the call for a ‘Mahila Samman Mahapanchayat’ by the protesting wrestlers on the very day of the inauguration – and that too in front of the same building.

Minute by minute, as the event unfolded, it looked more like a religious ceremony than the inauguration of a building that is meant to symbolise the sovereignty of the people. The 1.4 billion people of India consist of persons belonging to different religions, regions, castes and ethnicities but that is not how things appeared on May 28, 2023.

‘Meri Sansad, Meri Shaan’ (My parliament, My pride), ‘Nayi Sansad mein Sengol’, ‘Sanatan Sanstriti ka hua udghosh’ (Sengol in the new parliament, Proclamation of Sanatan Sanstriki), ‘Hindu Yug ka aarambh, Sanatan ka Shankhnaad’ (Beginning of the Hindu Era, Declaration of Sanatan), were some of the headlines used by the big Hindi news channels. These channels were essentially telling us that India had left behind its secular democracy and entered a Hindu era. And that Prime Minister Modi, who was so far seen as the ‘Hindu Hridya Samrat’ was no longer just the king of Hindu hearts, but the samrat of India. 

From top editors to junior reporters and anchors of popular news channels, Sunday’s ceremony registered the total capitulation of big media to the state agenda. The Indian Express, once the conscience of the opposition, ran Modi’s quote, ‘Some dates become indelible signatures of history on the forehead of time’ above the date, May 28, 2023, printed as a banner headline. 

Screeching TV headlines and breathless commentary called the new parliament building a historical national accomplishment, telling viewers about the “ultimate glory of Hindu Dharma” brought by the greatest leader in Indian political history. They called the opposition, which had boycotted the event, the biggest enemy and a disgrace to the country. It was tough to distinguish many of these journalists, anchors and editors from BJP activists. 

While Modi lay down in sashtanga pranam – the Hindu religious practice of paying obeisance while lying prostrate on the floor – before the Sengol, a major section of the national media lay supine before the saffron agenda. 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi during the inauguration of the new parliament building on May 28, 2023. Photo: Twitter/@narendramodi

In August 2020 we saw Modi, as prime minister, performing Hindu rituals when he laid the foundation of the Ram Temple in the ancient city of Ayodhya. When the foundation stone for the new parliament was laid, we again witnessed Modi accompanied by priests chanting mantras. 

These public rituals, performed by Modi as prime minister and not a private devotee, were calculated to emphasise his primacy over the constitution and the primacy of his religion over those of others. They sent a message to Indians of other faiths and were also a clear violation of the constitutional principle that the state must privilege no faith.

At the same time, the pujas in Ayodhya and Delhi involved distinct political messaging. The Narendra Modi who laid the foundation for the temple in Ayodhya in 2020 was a confident man who had won a second election with a thumping majority. He was delivering an ideological promise made to his electorate which had rewarded him for his Hindu supremacist agenda by bringing him back to power.

However, the man who inaugurated the new parliament building in 2023 is an insecure leader who has just experienced a humiliating defeat in a crucial state election fought primarily in his name and with his face. 

His defeat in Karnataka has not only led to a ‘BJP-mukt south India’ but also destroyed the myth of Modi’s invincibility and exposed the limitations of Hindutva politics. By making the ‘temple of democracy’ look like a ‘temple of Hindus’, an anxious Modi is desperately trying to consolidate his Hindutva vote bank. The Karnataka result has made Modi double down on what he does best: the politics of religious polarisation. May 28 has settled the debate – if ever there was one – over whether Modi will turn towards Hindutva or vikas (development) for the Lok Sabha elections next year.

After more than four weeks of turmoil, Manipur remains on a knife edge. The pictures of women wrestlers being manhandled, detained and forced to sit on hunger strike have shocked the people of India. Especially when juxtaposed with the image of a stubborn Brij Bhushan Singh in parliament casually smiling and participating in the new building’s inauguration.

Despite a pliant media, the narrative is going out of control for Prime Minister Modi. Each passing day of the wrestlers’ protest is deeply damaging to his ‘strong leader’ image. But he cannot concede. For a raja who now has the ‘divine right to rule’, the praja (citizens) do not matter.

From ‘We the people’ to ‘Me the people’, Narendra Modi has conveyed that he does not care. He did not care when the son of a Union minister was accused of running his vehicle over protesting farmers. He does not care now, when his MP is accused of sexually harassing women wrestlers. Modi is a prisoner of his own image. 

It is important to remember that he was defeated once by the farmers of India when their historic protest forced him to withdraw his pro-corporate farm laws. The farmers leaders are now saying they will make common cause with the women wrestlers in their struggle for justice. Modi is counting on his capture of the media, his capture of the country’s institutions, and his use of religion to ride out the coming storm. But these may not be enough for him come 2024.

 

Delhi Police Deletes Tweet Denying Reports About ‘Lack of Evidence’ Against Brij Bhushan Singh

After the news agency ANI had reported that the Delhi Police did not have enough evidence to arrest the BJP MP, the police agency said this was “wrong” news. It later deleted the tweet.

New Delhi: The Delhi Police on Wednesday, May 31, tweeted a rebuttal to a report by the news agency ANI that the police did not have enough evidence to arrest BJP MP Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, accused of sexual harassment, but later deleted it.

“Several media channels are running a story that the Delhi Police hasn’t found sufficient evidence in the cases registered against [Singh] … It is to clarify that this news is ‘wrong’,” the police’s tweet on Wednesday afternoon read.

ANI had reported that apart from not having enough evidence to arrest Singh, the investigating officer in his case would be unable to arrest him as the punishment for what he was charged with under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 was less than seven years.

“Neither [is he] influencing the witness nor [is he] destroying the evidence”, the news agency quoted anonymous Delhi Police sources as saying.

According to the news agency PTI, apart from the tweet, the Delhi police’s public relations officer (PRO) had also shared a similar message in a WhatsApp group for reporters. But after the tweet was deleted, the WhatsApp message was also deleted, the report said.

In a subsequent message in Hindi, the PRO said: “The cases filed by women wrestlers are still under consideration. Status reports are being filed before the court regarding the investigation in the said cases. As the cases are under investigation, it would be against the procedure to say anything before the report is filed in the court.”

Singh has been accused by wrestlers – including Olympic medallists Sakshi Malik and Bajrang Punia, along with World Championship medallist Vinesh Phogat – of sexually harassing several female athletes, including a minor.

Singh has denied the allegations and said on Wednesday that he would “hang himself” if a single charge against him was proved.

The Delhi police filed an FIR against Singh on April 28 after the Supreme Court issued it a notice. This came after a petition was filed by seven wrestlers.

On May 28, wrestlers Malik, Punia, Phogat and others were detained by the Delhi police when they attempted to march to the new parliament building on the 35th day of their sit-in protest at Jantar Mantar Road. They were charged with rioting after they clashed with security forces.

The new parliament building was inaugurated that day and Singh attended the ceremony.

India’s GDP Growth Slows to 7.2% In FY23 Against a 9.1% Rise in FY22

The production growth of eight key infrastructure sectors slowed down to 3.5% in April 2023. Last year, the core sector growth was 9.5%.

New Delhi: The Indian economy’s growth slowed to 7.2% in the financial year 2022-23, as compared to a 9.1% rise in the previous fiscal year, official data showed on Wednesday, May 31.

The gross domestic product (GDP) grew 6.1% in the fourth quarter of 2022-23 and that led to a rise in the annual GDP growth rate, data showed.

The GDP growth in the October-December quarter was reported to be 4.5%.

“We can stick our neck out and say we will be able to see a further upward revision in GDP numbers,” said chief economic adviser V. Anantha Nageswaran.

The National Statistical Office had released its revised estimate of economic growth for FY22 at 9.1%. It was estimated at 8.7% in May last year.

Separately, the production growth of eight key infrastructure sectors slowed down to a six-month low of 3.5% in April 2023. This was due to a decline in the output of crude oil, natural gas, refinery products and electricity.

In April 2022, the core sector growth was 9.5%. In March 2023, the key infra sectors recorded a growth rate of 3.6%.

The growth rate in April was the lowest since October 2022 when the sectors expanded by 0.7%.