Sound and Fury: PM Modi’s Sixth Address to Nation Furthers BJP’s Political Agenda Alone

The prime minister’s speech was less an address to a nation with several questions and more an attempt to present policy decisions as doles.

New Delhi: Cornered over its poor handling of COVID-19 pandemic and a shaky stance on the recent India-China face-off at the Galwan valley, the Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s sixth “address to the nation” since the outbreak of the pandemic became yet another opportunity for the Union government to capture headlines. 

Over the last week, the Union government has driven a concerted campaign to shut opposition voices which have been raising critical questions against it, and steer the political narrative in its favour.

On Sunday, both the prime minister, in his monthly Mann Ki Baat radio programme, and the Union home minister Amit Shah, in an interview to ANI, attempted to defuse the escalating opposition campaign, raising questions about the competence of the Union government in handling national security issues and the health crisis. 

Almost simultaneously, the Bharatiya Janata Party IT cell stepped up to sidestep these questions by encouraging calls to boycott Chinese goods in the aftermath of the Indo-China skirmish in Ladakh. BJP president J.P. Nadda came to the Union government’s aid when he blamed the former Congress governments for ceding “43,000 kilometres” of India territory to the Chinese, much to the entertainment of Twitterati who leapt to point out Nadda’s serious gaffe. (The figure he quoted was larger than the Earth’s circumference, which is estimated to be 40,075 kms). 

Since last evening when the Prime Minister’s Office announced that Modi will be making a speech at 4 pm on Tuesday, BJP activists managed to create enough hype about it. On Monday night, even as the BJP IT cell raised the hypernationalist pitch, the Union government in retaliatory action, banned 59 applications owned by Chinese companies, including the very popular TikTok and WeChat apps.

While supporters of BJP in the media celebrated it as the ushering of a “New India”, security experts and economists pointed out that the step could hurt India more than China, and saw nothing in it except it being an unapologetic political stunt.  


 When Modi finally spoke, there was barely anything worth the hype. It was clear that domestic political considerations mattered to the Union government more than anything else.  

The Prime Minister, in his characteristic style, appealed against negligence in social behaviour as lockdown measures are being eased, and urged them to take extra care in trying to fend off the coronavirus. He has already been doing so in his last few speeches. 

A large section of people expected him to clarify the Indian position on India-China relations, but he did not touch upon it. 

Rather, he used the platform to drown out opposition voices and other critical narratives against it.  

Muft, muft, muft

While announcing the extension of the Public Distribution Scheme (PDS) benefits until November, the Prime Minister emphasised on the Hindi word “muft” (meaning free) multiple times. 

Modi made out the government’s duty to ensure the right to food and dignity in India a mere dole that the prime minister was himself laying out.  

He said that the ration scheme, under the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana, will be extended till November. For governments across the world, such an announcement would have been one of the emergency administrative decisions taken during a crisis. However, Modi thought it fit to announce the relief measure himself, and didn’t miss the opportunity to make political capital out of it.

While fighting coronavirus, he said, more than 80 crore Indians were given “muft” rations. “Paanch kg gehoon ya chawal muft diya gaya. prati parivar ko ek kg daal bhi mila, (‘Five kgs of wheat or rice were distributed for free. Every family also received 1 kg of daal),” he said.

“There will be an additional distribution of one kg of chana (Bengal gram) too in this period,” he declared. 

He announced that his government has decided to extend the PDS benefits for the poor until November. As if this was not enough in itself, he decided to illustrate the point further, “Pradhan Mantri Gareeb Kalyan Anna Yojana Diwali aur Chhath Puja tak kar diya jayega…yaani 80 crore logon ko muft anaj wali yeh yojana ab July, August, September, October, November mein bhi lagu rahegi (‘The Prime Minister Kalyan Food Scheme will not be extended until Diwali and Chhath Puja. This means that this scheme will be in place in July, August, September, October, and November’),” the Prime Minister said. 

A political statement?

His speech was laced with similar hyperbole, true to his style of presenting even a minor announcement as if it was something path breaking. With an unwarranted emphasis on figures, Modi said that in the last three months, the poor were extended benefits worth nearly Rs 2.75 lakh crore.

He also said more than Rs 31000 crore were deposited directly to 20 crore Jan Dhan accounts, while the government released Rs 18,000 crore to be deposited in the bank accounts of around nine crore farmers. He added that Rs 50,000 crore was also spent to generate employment for rural workers under the PM Gareeb Rojgaar Yojana. 

For a country with 130 crore population, a majority of who are poor, Modi quite gratuitously compared India with the US, UK, and European Union. The size of the “free ration scheme” in India was 2.5 times more than the US, 12 times more than Britain, and two times larger than the whole EU, the prime minister made it a point to say.

Since much of the criticism against his government was on the way it handled the migrant worker crisis, he swiftly added that India is on its way to implement “one nation, one ration card” system soon. 

Even as he said that Modi did not leave the opportunity to give a cultural spin to these announcements. He presented these PDS measures as relief for the upcoming Hindu festival season. He tactfully singled out Eid-ul-Adha, which will be celebrated in July, and Guru Purab, observed by Sikhs, in late November for omission in the list of festivals he mentioned in his speech. 

The festive season, notably, does not end with Chhath. December sees Christmas Day, which Modi also missed.

At the same time, his reference to Chhath Puja, a popular Hindu festival celebrated annually in the poll-bound Bihar, also did not go unnoticed. 

The “one nation, one ration card” idea has been in circulation for a long time now, but Modi repeating it indicated that he had his party BJP’s election prospects of Bihar, which has the largest number of migrant workers in India, in mind. 

Much of the figures Modi mentioned in his speech look good only on paper. While attacking him for maintaining absolute silence on China, Congress spokesperson Gourav Vallabh broke down those figures. He said that the PDS benefits were grossly insufficient. The one-time cash transfer that the PM spoke about was around Rs 500 per family, and the ration kits too have been proving abysmally low in the absence of any income among a large number of families in the last few months.      

He said that the Congress president Sonia Gandhi had already been demanding that PDS benefits be extended. “PM Kisaan Yojana is a two-year old scheme which is again and again announced. ‘One nation, one ration card’ has been announced in the parliament nearly 20 times,” he said at a NDTV show, demanding that at least Rs 7,500 cash should be transferred to every poor family.  

Yet, the BJP spokesperson and Union minister Prakash Javadekar emphasised on the “muft” aspect of the PDS welfare scheme, soon after the PM’s speech.   

The line between the government and the BJP has continuously been thinning over the last six years. Political priorities of the BJP have often been passed off as the Union government’s statement, or positions. 

Only recently, the Prime Minister’s Office tweeted to attack the erstwhile governments led by opposition parties in Uttar Pradesh, while extolling the Adityanath government for its handling of the pandemic in Uttar Pradesh. 

Modi’s speech on Tuesday is yet another case in point. 

A Day After India Bans Chinese Apps, Beijing Says Move Possibly ‘Violates WTO Rules’

China has said that the move is based on “ambiguous and far-fetched grounds”.

New Delhi: Expressing serious concern at India’s ban on Chinese mobile phone applications, China on Tuesday said that the move was discriminatory, impacted the employment of Indian creators and possibly violated rules of the World Trade Organisation (WTO).

On Monday, India’s Ministry of Information Technology announced a ban on 59 mobile phone apps run by Chinese technology companies on privacy and national security grounds. The move came as India and China are locked in a military stand-off at multiple points on their boundary, which has already caused the first casualties ever in 45 years. The list of banned Chinese apps includes TikTok and UC Browser which had been downloaded by millions of Indians. 

The first response came from the Chinese foreign ministry in Beijing on Tuesday morning. “The Indian government has the responsibility to protect the legitimate rights and interests of international investors in India, including Chinese businesses, in accordance with market principles,” said spokesperson Zhao Lijian.

Stating that practical cooperation between China and India has been mutually beneficial, Zhao stated, “Such a pattern has been artificially undermined and it is not in the interest of the Indian side”.

A few hours later, the Chinese embassy in New Delhi issued a longer, detailed statement.

“India’s measure, selectively and discriminatorily aims at certain Chinese apps on ambiguous and far-fetched grounds, runs against fair and transparent procedure requirements, abuses national security exceptions, and suspects of violating the WTO rules,” said embassy spokesperson Ji Rong.

She stated that the move “also goes against the general trend of international trade and e-commerce, and is not conducive to consumer interests and the market competition in India”.

The spokesperson stated that the mobile apps had been “operating strictly in accordance with Indian laws and regulations” and provided “efficient and fast services for Indian consumers, creators and entrepreneurs”.

“The ban will affect not only the employment of local Indian workers who support these apps, but also the interests of Indian users and the employment and livelihoods of many creators and entrepreneurs,” she asserted.

Echoing the Chinese foreign ministry’s earlier remarks, Ji said that China expects India to acknowledge the “mutually beneficial nature of China-India economic and trade cooperation”.

She urged the “Indian side to change its discriminatory practices, maintain the momentum of China-India economic and trade cooperation, treat all investments and service providers equally, and create an open, fair and just business environment, while bearing in mind the fundamental interests of both sides and the overall interests of bilateral relations”.

Along LOC, Villagers Travel Nearly 500 Metres to Reach Bunkers During Ceasefire Violations

‘Around 500 people can huddle in the community bunkers to save themselves. But our main concern is, how will we reach there in such a crisis?’

Keran Sector, LOC: From his house on the foothills of the highly volatile Keran Sector on the Line of Control (LOC), 45-year-old Hussain Lone carries his disabled brother on his shoulders to the bunker which they built in 2016.

A porter with the Indian Army, Hussain’s house was badly damaged during cross border shelling in 2016. Each time tension at the LOC in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) escalates, Hussain, a resident of Madian village in Keran Sector has to cover a distance of 200 metres uphill to the bunker.

His objective is to save not one, but two lives.

Keran Sector is a block situated in Kupwara district of J&K, which often witnesses infiltration bids from Pakistan and cross border shelling. It is the last village on what is called the ‘zero line’. The block has around 4,500 voters and its population is 6,000.

Enclosed by tall deodar trees, mountains, barbed wires and Armymen at every nook and corner, Keran village is further separated by the natural border of the Sindh or ‘Kishan Ganga’ river, in Pakistan.

Also read: Changing the LAC Rules of Engagement With China Will Have Serious Consequences for India

Since the India-China clash at Galwan valley in Ladakh, the men and women at the Keran Sector have been living in fear. Not just Keran, even people in Karnah, Machil, Jummigund, Nawshera, and Budinambal of the border district Kupwara are anxious.

“God forbid, if a mortar shell fell in Keran, do you think anyone would survive? We are on the zero line at LOC. You can easily see the other side of Keran village across the Sindh river, which is the only border between India and Pakistan,” said Haji Hashmatullah.

In April this year, cross border shelling damaged 40 houses in Pathran village, around two kilometres from the LOC. Although there was no loss of life, people have been traumatised by this incident.

“We don’t even go to work. Look at what is happening in the Karnah, Machil and LOC area. We are at high risk. Army camps are at such strategic locations, that shelling will not affect them much. It is only civilians who will be killed. We have been demanding that the government provide us Rs 2 lakh each to construct individual bunkers,” said a local of Pathran village, requesting anonymity.

Notably, the J&K government’s Roads and Building Department has approved 20 community bunkers for Keran Sector. Among these, six bunkers have been sanctioned for Keran village, where 1,400 people live. A single bunker would cost Rs 9.35 lakh, with a dimension of 40 feet by 20 feet. It includes two rooms of (15×12) and a bathroom (6×6).

“Around 500 people can huddle in the community bunkers to save themselves. But our main concern is, how will we reach there in such a crisis? These community bunkers have been constructed at a distance of around 200 to 500 metres from the localities. The government should help us make bunkers near our homes. There are some villages where people have dug up bunkers near their homes,” said Shahnawaz Ahmad, a local.

Also read: A New Website Will Monitor Ceasefire Violations Along the India-Pakistan Border

“We are thankful to the government for constructing community bunkers. The ground reality is that whenever cross border shelling takes place, we find it difficult to even move out of our house, let alone reach the community bunkers at a distance,” said another Keran local Tasleem Ahmad Khan.

The sarpanch of Keran village, Bhat Anisa, said she took up this issue with Deputy Commissioner of Kupwara. “I requested DC Kupwara to construct individual bunkers instead of community bunkers. We are ready to bear the cost of bunkers too. But the DC informed that tenders had already been floated and work had been allotted. He assured us that he would take up this demand next time,” she said.

Interestingly, another village situated at LOC, Mandiyan A (Naga) which too has been highly affected because of cross border shelling does not even have a single bunker for villagers. This village has around 3,000 people.

According to government data, a total of 2,027 ceasefire violations took place on the border till June 14 this year in which four Indian Army soldiers were killed in the month of June alone.

Defence minister Rajnath Singh had said in parliament that more than 3,000 incidents of ceasefire violations took place in 2019.

Lurching From Crisis to Crisis, Congress Faces Leadership Vacuum in Madhya Pradesh

The former advocate general and Rajya Sabha MP Vivek Tankha is now emerging as the only pan-MP face acceptable to all factions of the party.

Bhopal: With Kamal Nath facing continuous probes over his nephew Ratul Puri and his businesses, Digvijaya Singh castigated for overplaying his hand in the short-lived government and Jyotiraditya Scindia now a BJP member of the Rajya Sabha, Madhya Pradesh is virtually rudderless as far as the Congress is concerned.

Though by most accounts, the BJP is still struggling with its own issues—prime amongst them is the question of bypoll tickets for the 22 new entrants, it is the Congress which is actually facing a leadership crisis.

Septuagenarians Kamal Nath and Digvijaya Singh are essentially running towards their last base. Nath had held on to both the chief ministerial post and the post of the PCC president in the hopes of emerging as the undisputed leader of the party, but his hope was scuttled on two counts: Digvijaya’s manoeuvrings and his own inability and inexperience in tackling state politics.

Digvijaya packed Kamal Nath’s 28-member cabinet with 10 of his thakur acolytes. He also stressed on thakurs wherever possible – from inserting them in key positions in the state bureaucracy to appointing them as information commissioners. His insistence on promoting his own son Jayvardhan and his relative Ajay Singh was resented by the rest of the state Congress leadership. Kamal Nath could not even appoint his own people to various boards and corporations till the very last week when everything seemed lost.

Many even believe that Digvijaya may have deliberately hastened the exit of Scindia to open the leadership slot of North MP for Jayvardhan. But though capable, Jayvardhan is still too young to be accepted widely by other satraps. Ironically, Scindia’s exit has opened the floodgates for the struggle for new leadership within the Congress.

And as Madhya Pradesh is essentially several states within one, each region is throwing up new faces.

Also read: Did Madhya Pradesh’s Political Crisis Lead to the Subsequent Health Crisis?

Former youth Congress leader and minister Jitu Patwari has emerged as the best bet for Congress in the resource-rich Indore-Malwa region. He is seen as Congress’ Kailash Vijayvargiya with a similar career curve and strongman attitude. The Mandsaur-Ratlam region had a bright prospect in Meenakshi but she seems to have lost steam and Subhash Yadav’s son, former Union minister of state and PCC president Arun Yadav remains the best bet.

North MP – inclusive of the Bundelkhand and Gwalior regions – has besides Jayvardhan, Gobind Singh and Ramniwas Rawat. The Chhindwara-Seoni region has still not thrown up a replacement for Kamal Nath and his son Nakul has so far proven to be a lightweight. Kantilal Bhuria still controls the Jhabua tribal belt but has little impact outside even though he has been a minister at both the state and Union level for almost 20 years.

The large tract of Vindhya Pradesh and Narmada belt from Jabalpur to Hoshangabad appears particularly stripped of leadership for the Congress. Ajay Singh could not carry on his father Arjun Singh’s legacy in Vindhya and lost two consecutive elections. The tallest tribal leader in Shahdol region, eight-time MLA Bisahulal Singh has rebelled and joined the BJP. OBC leader Inderjit Patel’s son Kamal Patel has also lost his opportunity in Satna region and so has former speaker Sriniwas Tiwari’s son and former MP of Sunderlal in Rewa.

In Bhopal, the former advocate general and Rajya Sabha MP Vivek Tankha is now perceived to be the only pan-MP face acceptable to all factions and is thus emerging as the new pivot for the Congress. He has grown under the shadow of both Nath and Digvijaya as their legal advisor but has leapfrogged into reckoning because of his close association with the Gandhi family. The Gandhis and Vadras are neck-deep in legal tangles and require constant support from senior lawyers which has led to Singhvi, KTS Tulsi, Kapil Sibal and P. Chidambaram all finding Rajya Sabha seats from various Congress-ruled states.

Also read: Has the Scindia Scion Overplayed His Hand?

Tankha has several other things going for him and one of them is the long years of work he has put into the social and health sector. He is known for holding fortnight-long eye camps in tribal regions like Mandla and running schools for specially-abled children in at least two states. In the past few months, things have also moved in his favour politically. Vindhya which is dominated by Thakurs and Brahmins has not found a tall Brahmin leader since Sriniwas Tiwari and there is a gravitation towards Tankha whose family belonged to the Rewa-Satna region and is a Kashmiri Brahmin. The lack of Brahmin leadership in Vindhyas also cost the Congress in the last elections as it performed terribly – winning only four of the 34 assembly seats.

The undivided Madhya Pradesh Congress also had a tradition of Brahmin leadership when Shuklas from Chhattisgarh, DP Mishra from Sagar, Shankar Dayal Sharma from Bhopal, Kailash Katju, Bhagwant Mandloi as also Motilal Vora all became chief ministers. After Arjun Singh, it was Digvijaya who managed to contain the flood of Brahmin leadership in the state. He pointedly promoted thakurs at the expense of Brahmins to retain control as a result of which Brahmins shifted allegiance to BJP and took along with them substantial influence on vote banks.

Jyotiraditya Scindia and Vivek Tankha (right). Photo: PTI

Tankha may be emerging at the right time as far as caste combinations are concerned but his leadership will largely depend upon the respect he draws from the middle class and youth. At a recent webinar organised by a college with Vijay Sharma of Paytm, Tankha drew more than 1.5 lakh viewers online. Another strong lobby supporting him consists of advocates. Across the state, they identify with him for his soft-spoken easy manners and also find in him a suitable candidate from their tribe which has not produced anyone notable over the past two decades.

In the lean COVID-19 period, Tankha has been the most visible face of the party as well. His petitions to the president and the election commission regarding a chief minister holding all portfolios forced Chouhan to hurriedly swear in a cabinet. He has also been instrumental in forcing the state information commissions of all states to deal with cases online. His hard-hitting articles in local media have also enhanced his image.

Also read: How Vivek Tankha, a Little-Known Congressman, Set Off a Domino Effect of Resignations

There is every likelihood though, despite all his credentials, that he may not succeed because of how whimsical politics in Madhya Pradesh is. With Digvijaya out of favour in Delhi but still in control of the state party apparatus and Kamal Nath in control of the money bags, Tankha will have to wait for more manna from heaven like Scindia’s exit to find a place at the top of the heap.

Karnataka HC’s ‘Unwarranted Remarks’ in Rape Case Should Be Expunged: Students, Lawyers

In an open letter, nearly 200 signatories say Justice Krishna S. Dixit’s comments set an “unfortunate precedent which not only condones but actively encourages victim blaming”.

New Delhi: Nearly 200 advocates, law students and concerned citizens have written an open letter seeking the “uncharitable and unwarranted remarks” made by a Karnataka high court judge while granting bail to a rape accused to be expunged. The remarks set an “unfortunate precedent which not only condones but actively encourages victim blaming”, the open letter says.

On June 23, Justice Krishna S. Dixit said that the complainant in a rape case did not react like she was ‘ravished’. He observed that her explanation that “after the perpetration of the act she was tired and fell asleep, is unbecoming of an Indian woman”, granting bail to the accused.

In the open letter, the signatories have expressed “absolute shock and repulsion” at the judge’s remarks.

Also Read: Karnataka HC Judge’s Use of Stereotypes to Justify Bail to Rape Accused Requires Correction

“It is appalling that a venerable judge would seek to foist his personal, prejudicial views in such an uncharitable manner without a thought for the consequences on the society at large, let alone the survivor of sexual assault,” the letter says.

The signatories noted that the remarks were made at a pre-trial stage, which could have the effect of “prejudicing the entire trial”. “In the absence of a charge-sheet and a trial, the fact finding of the case should be left to the appropriate forum and care must be taken not to prejudice the same,” they said.

The full statement, with the complete list of signatories, has been reproduced below.

§

This letter intends to register the absolute shock and repulsion at the remarks by a High Court Judge of the hallowed Karnataka High Court regarding the expected conduct of the rape survivor. It is appalling that a venerable judge would seek to foist his personal, prejudicial views in such an uncharitable manner without a thought for the consequences on the society at large, let alone the survivor of sexual assault.

At the very outset, it is observed that the remarks were made while granting anticipatory bail to the accused. It is highly unfortunate that such remarks have been made at a pre-trial stage as it has an effect of prejudicing the entire trial. In the absence of a charge-sheet and a trial, the fact finding of the case should be left to the appropriate forum and care must be taken not to prejudice the same.

It also creates a very unfortunate precedent which not only condones but actively encourages victim blaming. The remarks further categorise the expected behavior of Indian women survivors vis-à-vis survivors of other nationalities. Comments such as the behavior of the victim was “unbecoming of an Indian woman” is insulting to women everywhere. The statement showcases a parochial mindset which is unbecoming of the otherwise equitable and stoic judiciary.

Such remarks by the Karnataka High Court will have resounding consequences on the lower judiciary as well. The training imparted to the lower judiciary to be more sensitive towards survivors of sexual assault is undone by such remarks. It is a major setback to stop the mentality of victim blaming while being extremely regressive as it encourages perpetrators to get away with heinous crimes by simply putting the blame on the behaviour of survivors.

We remember the words of the Supreme Court in its order dated 11.08.2018 in Nipun Saxena vs Union Of India which while noting that “Unfortunately, in our society, the victim of a sexual offence, especially a victim of rape, is treated worse than the perpetrator of the crime.” found that “the victim’s first brush with justice is an unpleasant one where she is made to feel that she is at fault; she is the cause of 1 the crime.

It may be recalled that after the infamous judgment in Tukaram v. State of Maharashtra, (1979) 2 SCC 143, against which an Open Letter was written by Prof. Upendra Baxi, Prof. Vasudha Dhagamwar, Prof. Raghunath Kelkar and Prof. Lotika Sarkar and a movement started across the country which resulted in amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code in 1983. The movement and protests across the country after the gruesome Delhi gang rape which saw further amendments to the law again reinforced the need to deal with cases of sensitivity without going into the conduct and character of survivors.

The remarks go against the spirit of several supreme court judgments which have long sought to ensure the dignity of survivors of sexual assault regardless of their age, nationality, religion, caste, or even virtue. It is in this context that one hopes that better sense prevails, and the uncharitable and unwarranted remarks made at paragraph 3(c) of the Criminal Petition No. 2427 of 2020 dated June 22, 2020 are regretted and expunged.

Endorsed by:

1. Aadrita Roy
2. Abhijeet Swaroop
3. Adit Shah
4. Afrin K. Ashik
5. Aifoona Punnaram
6. Aishwarya Ajayan
7. Aishwarya Jain
8. Aishwarya Ravi
9. A.J. Srinivasan
10. Akbar Zaheer
11. Akkamahadevi Hiremath
12. Akshita Raina
13. Amrita Barthakur
14. Aman Saxena
15. Anandi Kamani
16. Andre Peter
17. Anisha Gupta
18. Anjali Nishtala
19. Anjali Ramamurthi
20. Annju Joy
21. Anu Chengappa
22. Annette Mathew
23. Anu Swaraj
24. Anushka Tiwari
25. Apurva Bharadwaj
26. Arathi Shivkumar
27. Arpitha Ananthram
28. Arunkumar
29. Aseem Chaturvedi
30. Ashok Dey
31. Astha Shukla
32. Atishya Kumar
33. Avani Chokshi
34. Bapu Vishnu
35. Basawa Prasad Kunale
36. Benjamin E. Moses
37. Bharadwajaramasubramaniam R
38. Bina Sarkar
39. Bindu
40. C.P. Suchitra
41. Chanvi Madappa
42. Chetan Mali
43. Clifton D’ Rozario
44. Dayan Warsi
45. Deeptha Rao
46. Devanjali Banerjee
47. Devashree Pillai
48. Devyani Kulkarni
49. Dileep Krishnan N
50. Dhriti Vishwanath
51. Diwaagar R.S.
52. Faiza Khanum
53. Falguni Madan
54. Harsh Parekh
55. Hazel Lobo
56. Heba Sarah Abraham
57. Hrishika Jain
58. Ipshita Bhuwania
59. Jayalakshmi Shenoy
60. Jayna Kothari
61. Jyoti Saikia
62. J.M. Aiyanna
63. Kavitha H.C.
64. Kavya Varma
65. K.B.K. Swamy
66. Kirthi Jayakumar
67. Krishna Narayanan
68. Kruthika N.S
69. Kushal Rohira
70. Kushi Yadav
71. Lalithashree Prakash
72. Lakshmi Prasanna
73. Law and Society Committee NLSIU
74. Lekha K.G
75. Maitreyi Krishnan
76. Malavika Prasad
77. Manavi Atri
78. Manisha Vidyadhar
79. Manjunatha Hiral
80. Mannat Waraich
81. Mansi Binjraka
82. Maria Leslie Fernandez
83. Maya George
84. Meghana Shetty
85. Mehula Liza Pallathu
86. Mekha Vijayakumar
87. Mohammed Afeef
88. Mrinali Komandur
89. Muralidhara C.
90. Nagasimha PG
91. Nalina Mayegowda
92. Naveena Varghese
93. Nayana K.N.
94. Nehzan Azeez Ekkery
95. Nidhi Khanna
96. Nimisha Kumar
97. Nina Nayar
98. Nitya Kalyani
99. Niyathi.M
100. NLS Feminist Alliance
101. Numaan Raza
102. Pablo Chaterji
103. Pavithra Manivannan
104. Piyush Tiwari
105. Pooja Upadhya
106. Poorna Ravishankar
107. Pradeep Nayak
108. Pragnya Vasishtha
109. Prajwal K Aradhya
110. Prajwal N
111. Prakash H C
112. Prasad
113. Prasad D.V
114. Prasanna R
115. Prashaanth .B
116. Prashanth Kumar.D
117. Pratik Bhattacharjee
118. Prerana Shenoy
119. Priyanka Sarma
120. Priyal Sanghvi
121. Rabia Mohamed
122. Raaga Ramalakshmi
123. Raghavi
124. Raghunath Ananthpur
125. Raghupathi S
126. Raghuram Pillai
127. Raja Sujith
128. Richu Theresa Robert
129. Rithika Raavikumar
130. Ritika Shah
131. Rose Joy
132. Roshini Jacob
133. Rupa Gulab
134. Ruth Thomas
135. Sabina Basha
136. Sagorika Chaudhary
137. Sahana Chandrika
138. Santosh Kumar Ghordi
139. Sarada Mahesh
140. Sariputta Pramod Sarnath
141. Shahrukh Mubashir
142. Shashwat Bhaskar
143. Shilpa Prasad
144. Saudamini Pethe
145. Shamini Mashruwala
146. Shanya Ruhela
147. Shreya Pola
148. Srishti Agrwal
149. Shruti Ramesh
150. Shubhra Baghel
151. Shodhan Babu
152. Shweta Velayudhan
153. Siddhi Gupta
154. Siddharth Rao
155. Smitha Adhyam
156. Sonu
157. Sowrabh S Rao
158. Sudeep Reguna
159. Sudha Rammohan
160. Sugata Srinivasaraju
161. Sujatha Naik
162. Suman Katarki
163. Suki Iyer
164. Surabhi Bhat
165. Sunil H.C.
166. Surendranath GPP
167. Tanishq Toor
168. Tarutr Malhotra
169. Team Volunteers Collective, Tanvi Sharma
170. Theekshna Amin
171. Theyjusvini S
172. Trisha Chandran
173. Vageesh Lakshminarayan
174. Vani Kaushik
175. Vanita Bhargava
176. Ved Bansod
177. Vijay Sambamurthi
178. Vikas Mahendra
179. Vinay Sreenivasa
180. Vinoda Gowda
181. Vishwajith Sadananda
182. Wafa Khatheeja
183. Wamika Trehan
184. Winy Daigavane
185. Yogeshwaran A.

Kashmir: 4-Year-Old Boy Killed in Cross Firing Between Militants and CRPF

Nihaan was excited about accompanying his father and uncle to town. Within hours, he became another victim of the never-ending violence in J&K.

Srinagar: On June 25, a family from Machwa Yaripora village in Kulgam, Kashmir, was preparing dinner when Nihaan, their four-year-old son, came to the kitchen and started kicking and hitting the cabinet doors for no discernable reason.

“We tried to calm him, but he wouldn’t stop. He very rarely behaved like this,” said Fiza Jan, Nihaan’s sister.

That night, Nihaan went to bed without eating, Jan said. The next morning, when Nihaan awoke, he asked his sister to dress him in his best because he planned to go with his father, Bhat, to Bijbehara in Anantnag. Bhat is a government teacher and had some work there.

First, Nihaan chose a yellow outfit. But Jan suggested that he wear red instead, since the colour suited him. “I took his picture and showed him how good he was looking and he was happy,” she said.

Nihaan waved goodbye to his mother and two sisters. He said he would never annoy them again with the kind of behaviour he had displayed the night before. “He said, ‘Behiv khudayas hawal (take care)’,” Jan recalls.

Then Nihaan got into the car with his father and uncle, Nisar Ahmad, and they left for Bijbehara. Ahmad was at the wheel.

At 12 pm, they got to Bijbehara. Bhat got out of the car and told Ahmad and Nihaan to remain there since he would be back soon.

Soon after, Nihaan told his uncle that he wanted to sleep. He had just begun to lay his head down to rest on the car seat when heavy firing broke out, said Ahmad, who had parked near a bunker.

According to the police, suspected militants had fired at a security force party at around 12:15 pm, killing one person from the CRPF.

“I tried to start the car and speed off,” Ahmad said. “But after a few seconds, I realised something was wrong. I looked at Nihaan. He was lying in a pool of blood with his mouth open. He had vomited.”

Ahmad panicked and rushed to a hospital one kilometre from the bunker, but Nihaan was already dead. A bullet had entered his body close to his heart.

The police said Nihaan was also killed in the firing by the militant.

Nisar Ahmad, Nihaan’s uncle. Photo: Quratulain Rehbar

‘Collateral damage’

Nihaan’s parents had wanted a son for years. “We used to visit holy places and pray for a son. We never imagined he would be snatched away from us like this,” they said.

Nihaan’s death sent his family into shock. The death of minor in a crossfire situation outraged Kashmiris, who vented their anger on social media.

For families who have lost children the way Nihaan’s family lost him, life is hell, said Jan. “This conflict is never-ending. It killed my brother for no reason,” she cried. “Who do we ask for justice? Who is listening to us?”

Also Read: In Pulwama, an 8-Year-Old Pellet Victim Awaits Eye Surgery

In Kashmir, when civilians become casualties in a crossfire situation, their identities are often misrepresented.

As soon as Nihaan was declared dead, a number of television news channels, his parents claim, identified him as a stone-pelter. “My son was not even old enough to go to school. How could he be a stone-pelter?” asked his father.

The media also reported Nihaan’s age as nine. “They should at least have crosschecked the information,” said Nihaan’s father.

A photo of Nihan playing with his cousin. Photo: Quratulain Rehbar

In cases like this, there is usually no proper investigation and the families almost never get justice. In fact, the families of civilians killed in cross-firing usually do not even approach the courts, said Habeel Iqbal, a lawyer from South Kashmir. They dejectedly accept these killings as ‘collateral damage.’

“Perhaps this has to do with the fact that courts in Kashmir have usually failed to respond to allegations of human rights excesses,” said Iqbal. “So people avoid legal wrangles.”

On June 26, the police tweeted their statement on Nihaan’s death:


The same evening, the police the terrorist responsible for the deaths of Nihaan and the CRPF jawan had been identified.

There should be no scope for civilian casualties

Khurram Parvaiz, a human rights activist, said that the deployment of security forces is usually in areas where there is a civilian rush, like markets. “If there is an attack, there are bound to be civilian casualties. These deaths are termed ‘unfortunate’, but there should be no scope for such ‘collateral damage’.”

In a region where civilians and security forces exist with a strong sense of mutual distrust, many families of slain civilians find themselves having to protect the reputations of their dead.

For instance, Khalid Ahmad Dar was killed when security forces fired on protesters in Khudwani this January. While the forces said he was one of the protesters, his father, Abdul Salam Dar, said his son had never taken part in any stone-pelting protests. The day he was killed, Dar had been on his way to college to submit a form, the father said.

According to the 2019 annual report of the Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society, 80 civilians were killed during the year.

“Out of the 80 civilians killed this year, 19 were killed by armed forces and 17 were killed in cross LOC shelling between Indian and Pakistani armed forces,” the report said. “While 28 civilians were killed by unidentified gunmen, 6 were killed by militants, 7 were killed in explosions, one person died after being allegedly hit by a stone and one person (a non-local) died in cross-firing between armed forces and militants.”

Quratulain Rehbar is a Kashmir-based freelance journalist.

Bombay HC Suspends Proceedings on 2 FIRs Against Republic TV Editor-in-Chief

“We cannot have the spectacle of a Damocles’ sword hanging over the head of a journalist while conducting a public debate”.

New Delhi: Staying the proceedings in two criminal cases filed against Republic TV’s editor-in-chief Arnab Goswami, the Bombay high court said that as a “mature democracy,” India cannot have the “spectacle of a Damocles’ sword” hanging over a journalist conducting a public debate.

During a debate broadcast on Republic TV after the killing of three persons in Palghar in April, Goswami had questioned whether principal opposition party Congress’s president Sonia Gandhi was silent due to the victims having been “Hindu holy men”. Multiple FIRs had been by various Congress leaders across the country.

On May 19, the Supreme Court quashed all the FIRs, except one, and transferred the matter to Mumbai.

While Harish Salve and Milind Sathe appeared for Goswami, Kabil Sibal and Raja Thakare argued on behalf of the Maharashtra government.

Also read: As FIRs Against Media Pile Up, Inconsistent SC Response Points to Judicial Incoherence

According to LiveLaw, Salve admitted that the language used in the two broadcast “might be sharp” and may even be in bad taste or defamatory, but it does not make out a case under sections 153 and 295A of the Indian penal code.

Salve admitted that the language used by the petitioner in the two broadcasts “might have been sharp” and a view may even be taken that it was in bad taste or defamatory. But it does not make out a case of offence under sections 153, 153A, 153B and 295A IPC.

The division bench Justice Ujjal Bhuyan and Justice Riyaz Chagla noted that the object of Goswami’s attack was the Congress party and its president. “There was no mentioning of either the Muslim community or the Christian community. It would be too far fetched to say that two religious communities were involved in the debate. As a matter of fact, there was no reference to the Muslim community or to the Christian community,” the order said.

The judges further observed that “if the transcript together with the first information are read as a whole, we do not find any statement made by the petitioner which can be construed to be against the Muslim community or Christian community”.

Asserting that India “is now a mature democracy”, the order stated, “We cannot have the spectacle of a Damocles’ sword hanging over the head of a journalist while conducting a public debate”.

“Seventy years into our republic we cannot be seen to be skating on thin ice so much so that mere mention of a place of worship will lead to animosity or hatred amongst religious communities causing upheaval and conflagration on the streets. Subscribing to such a view would stifle all legitimate discussions and debates in the public domain,” it added.

The order said that while a language used may be construed as defaming Sonia Gandhi or Congress party, the offence of criminal defamation would be excluded from purview of investigation of the president FIR as said offence can only be taken cognisance by a magistrate on a complaint instituted by the aggrieved person.

Also read: SC’s Interim Protection to Arnab Goswami: What It Does and Doesn’t Say

The court also said that it cannot also be overlooked that the present FIR was part of 15 complaints lodged by Congress party members and supporters in diverse jurisdictions.

On Kapil Sibal’s contention that Goswami communalised the gathering of migrants outside a mosque even though they gathered outside Bandra station, the division said that the petitioner had already clarified this statement on the show wherein he said that there was no question of targeting any community.

“It was a fact that the incident had taken place outside the Jama Masjid but there was no question of any religion. He further clarified by saying that if the same incident had happened outside the Siddhivinayak temple or any other temple, he would have said the same thing and asked the panelists not to bring religion in every issue”, Court said.

Suspending the proceedings in the two FIRs, the court issued notice to the Attorney General regarding the challenge to vires of sections 153A and 153B(1) IPC.

Explained: Why India Joined the West to Object to a Phrase in the Final UN75 Declaration

The phrase “shared vision for a common future” reflected Chinese President Xi Jinping’s agenda for a global order, India felt.

New Delhi: India had last week joined five western countries to protest against a phrase reflecting Chinese President Xi Jinping’s political creed – but officials assert that it should not be seen just through the prism of New Delhi joining the ‘gang’ against Beijing in backdrop of current border tensions, as India had consistently objected to Chinese diplomats attempting to include this line at other platforms.

On June 26, the text of the Declaration of Commemoration of the 75th anniversary of the United Nations was finalised after the end of the “silence period”.

The process had not been smooth as six countries publicly ‘broke’ to object to the inclusion of a phrase in the final draft that was circulated on June 17

The phrase “shared vision for a common future” was the capstone of the third last paragraph of the four-page declaration. The reason that these six words set off alarm signals in certain permanent missions in New York was that these were a deliberate reference to Chinese President Xi Jinping’s pet concept for the global order.

“All the earlier drafts of the declaration, which were open for negotiation, did not have this phrase. It was only when the final draft was circulated that it was included – and the silence period immediately began. It meant that including the line in the declaration could not be negotiated anymore,” said a senior Indian government official.

The co-facilitators for negotiating the declaration were the representatives of Qatar and Sweden.

The ‘silence procedure’ is the method adopted to consider draft resolutions and declarations as a consequence of the physical restrictions put in place due to the coronavirus pandemic. After the text of a draft decision or resolution is circulated, the item is said to be finalised after a certain period if no country registers a formal objection.

From the initial deadline of June 19, the silence period was extended several times, finally till 6 pm on June 26, as there were hectic parleys in New York conducted on phone or through video conferencing.

After the ‘other side’ did not relent, the UK Chargé d’Affaires wrote to the co-facilitators on behalf of the six countries – Australia, Canada, India, New Zealand and the United States – that they were breaking the silence on June 23. India’s presence raised eyebrows as it was the only non-western member in the group. The rest are close ‘five eyes’ allies of the United States.

There was no reference to China in the letter. The missive said that the three countries were breaking their silence to propose a new phrase – “a better future as envisaged in the preamble of the UN Charter” – to substitute for “shared vision for a common future”.

Also read: Territory, Borders, Identities: India’s Conflict With China and Itself

“We believe that political ideology should not be included in an UN document,” explained Indian sources.

In his recent essay for The New York Times, former foreign secretary Vijay Gokhale wrote that President Xi’s concept to take over the world order, by slowly taking over global institutions, was laid out in his concept ‘Community With a Shared Future for Mankind,’ which was first introduced in 2013. 

He had stated that this hypothesis “revolves around the importance of consultation and dialogue, of inclusivity and consensus, of win-win cooperation and shared benefits.

In a riposte to the six nations’ letter, according to diplomatic sources, China, Russia, Pakistan and Syria wrote objecting to the removal of the phrase on technical grounds. 

The President of the General Assembly (PGA), Nigeria’s Tijjani Muhammad-Bande called “both sides” for a chat.

The main argument from the six countries, including India, was that they “never got an opportunity to negotiate” the text. “By putting it only at the final draft just as silence period started, they forced us to break it”.

China pointed out that this phrase “shared vision for a common future” had been part of the modalities resolution passed in June 2019 that had provided the roadmap for the commemoration of the 75th anniversary celebration.

On June 25, PGA circulated a new letter offering a new formula – “for the common future of present and coming generations” – to replace the previous phrase, “shared vision for a common future”.

This was acceptable compromise for the six countries as the new proposed phrase echoed the language in the UN charter – and more importantly, completely replaced the earlier one. “It was a vindication of our stance,” said an official.

Officials were aware that India’s association with the five western countries would be viewed through the perspective of ongoing military stand-off with China, which has caused the first casualties in 45 years at the border. India is also set to join the UN Security Council as non-permanent member next year.

Also read: ‘Two Steps Forward, One Step Back’: The Chequered Story of India and China’s Border Tensions

“We are not shying away from taking a position because of how it will be seen,” said sources. But, they pointed out that this step was getting more spotlight due to the importance of the document, even though India had taken a similar step just recently – which went unnoticed.

On June 22, the Geneva-based United Nations Human Right Council (UNHRC) passed a resolution ‘Promoting mutually beneficial cooperation in the field of human rights,’ submitted by China. It was adopted with 23 votes in favour, 16 against and eight abstentions.

While EU members, Fij, Togo and Ukraine voted negatively, India had abstained on this resolution. “Phrases like “community of shared future” should not be brought in the resolutions as it has not found universal acceptance,” said India’s deputy permanent representative to UN in Geneva, Puneet Agarwal in the explanation to vote. 

Sources noted that Chinese diplomats have always attempted to insert similar phrases from Xi Jinping’s ‘Thought’ in multilateral documents. “Sometimes, they are successful, sometimes, they are not. Resolutions are after all negotiated on quid pro quo basis”.

India had also, they asserted, objected to these phrases in other platforms, which negated any account was New Delhi joining the western groups against China. Last month, the pointed out, India had supported Japan’s protestation against a similar Chinese attempt in the Asia Pacific Group.

Che, Lenin, Bhagat Singh: How One Man Is Taking Punjab Down Revolutionary Road

Balvir Singh and his murals have rekindled the conversation on the Left in the state.

On seeing Che Guevara’s mural, Balvir Singh’s neighbours asked whether he had painted a ghost in their village.

Mander Kaur, Singh’s next-door neighbour said, “To tell you the truth, my kids wanted Balvir to paint over the mural. They were convinced that Che was a bhoot (ghost) because of his long flowing hair..they were scared to leave the house.”

Expecting such a reaction, Singh explained to them how, like Bhagat Singh, Guevara was also a revolutionary socialist. He then pointed to Lenin’s mural and said that his ideas were particularly inspirational for Bhagat Singh. “I told them how Lenin was one of Bhagat Singh’s Gurus, after which they stopped pestering me to get rid of the murals,” said Balvir Singh.

Gursewak Singh, a professor who also resides in Bhai Desa village, said, “This is a time when our youth needs to be reminded of what Bhagat Singh and these revolutionaries believed in. And because of Balvir’s paintings, there has certainly been some interest in learning about samajwad (socialism) and kranti (revolution).”

Mural of Lenin with a quote that reads: “Let me hear the songs that your people sing and I can tell you the future of your country.” Photo: Kudrat Wadhwa

Although Balvir Singh otherwise runs a flex business store in the nearby city of Maur Mandi, the recent lockdown left him without any work and he decided to keep himself busy by painting the walls of his village, Bhai Desa. He painted images and quotes about a host of topics like saving water and reducing plastic usage but the ones that particularly stood out were the murals of such popular leftist figures.

“I’ve read the writings of all these icons, and ultimately what’s in my head and heart is what will come out of my hand too, right?” said Balvir Singh. He said he has been a lifelong follower of Bhagat Singh and is also a communist and thus couldn’t hide his admiration for these revolutionaries. Unlike his other work that is spread all over the village, these murals are painted on the walls of Singh’s own home.

Also read: Bhagat Singh Is Not the Man the Right Wants You to Think He Is

Singh, now 40, began reading Bhagat Singh’s writings at the age of 16, around the same time that his father died unexpectedly and he had to drop out of school to support his family. A few years later, he got involved with a movement against unemployment led by the All India Youth Federation (AIYF), the youth wing of the CPI. While he never became an official party member, he diligently involved himself in the party’s activities, which ranged from speeches to protests and demonstrations.

Balvir Singh alongside a framed poster of Bhagat Singh, with the title ‘Inquilab Zindabad’ or ‘Long Live the Revolution’. Photo: Kudrat Wadhwa

“No one in my friend circle became official members of the party, but we were involved in the movement. We would go among the people and talk about employment, about our deteriorating conditions. We used to fill up buses and go to protests,” said Balvir Singh.

Specifically, he helped organise yearly demonstrations on Bhagat Singh’s birthday on September 28. “In 2007, on Bhagat Singh’s centenary, I painted his photos all over Punjab. I want the people of Punjab to remember Bhagat Singh. Just like we celebrate Holi and Diwali as major festivals, we should also be celebrating Bhagat Singh’s birthday,” said Balvir Singh.

The Left in Punjab

Even though Bhagat Singh remains a beloved figure in the region, his ideas of socialism and revolution don’t garner the appeal they once did here. Jagtar Singh, a Punjabi Tribune journalist who was also involved with the AIYF agitation in the late 90s, said “There was a time when Communists were very popular in the state. In fact, they had a stronghold in Mansa (the district that Bhai Desa village is situated in). But right now, they’re struggling to maintain their very existence.”

In 1977, CPI and CPI(M) had a total of 15 seats in the state assembly, testifying to their support. The state has also produced firebrand leftist leaders like Harkishan Singh Surjeet, who served as the General Secretary of the CPI(M) from 1992 to 2005, and Satyapal Dang, who represented the CPI in the state legislative assembly for four terms. Additionally, the Naxalite movement also took root in the state, and influenced prominent writers and artists like Paash, Laal Singh Dil and Gursharan Singh.

Also read: Post Lockdown, Social Boycott of Gujjars Continues in Punjab Village

Anand Patwardhan’s documentary, In Memory of Friends or ‘Una Mitran Di Yaad Pyaari’, set in the late 80s when the Khalistani movement that demanded a separate homeland for Sikhs was at its peak, showed how communists played a prominent role in fighting communal violence against Hindus as well as state violence against Sikhs. Some party activists like Jaimal Singh Padda even lost their lives at the hands of Khalistani militants. Since then, however, they have declined There are no active MLAs from left parties and the Naxalite movement has also virtually disappeared from the region.

A flex board of Che Guevara in Balvir Singh’s office with a quote that reads: “Socialism for us means ending exploitation of man by man.” Photo: Kudrat Wadhwa

Why the Left Declined

There are several reasons for this decline, with the first being increasing factionalism in the left. “By 2002, the CPM had split into CPM and CPM (Punjab), which affected its electoral fortunes rather badly.” writes Professor Chaman Lal, a retired JNU professor.

In an interview with The Wire, Lal added, “Even now left-leaning groups like Bharat Kisan Union have some hold among the peasant working class of Punjab. But the problem again is that these groups are also divided into factions. Moreover, these radical organisations often opt to stay out of parliamentary politics, and instead they participate in mass resistance only for minor reliefs like financial support for farmers and so on.”

Others attribute the Left’s present absence to its perceived image as a foreign movement that was vehemently opposed to religion. Bhupinder Singh Mann, a Mansa-based author and educator, said, “Words like proletariat and bourgeois have had a negative impact on left politics. People perceived communism as a movement from elsewhere and didn’t want to join it for that reason.” He added, “They thought that Communists stand for ‘qaum nasht’ (‘community destruction’), and that they will destroy the Sikh qaum.”

Mural of Bhagat Singh with a quote that reads: “Bombs and pistols do not make a Revolution. The sword of Revolution is sharpened on the whetting-stone of ideas.” Photo: Kudrat Wadhwa

According to Sukhdarshan Singh Natt, a Mansa-based senior leader of the CPI(ML) Liberation, “Part of the reason for the Left’s decline in Punjab is that older parties like the CPI actually supported the Emergency instituted by Indira Gandhi, hence maligning the image of all leftists in Punjab.” Jaspal Singh Sidhu, a Chandigarh based writer, argues that the political positions of prominent leftist parties did not differ from “bourgeois” parties like the Congress and the BJP in that they all reinforced the idea of the Indian nation-state.

Also read: Satnam, Revolutionary Author of Jangalnama, Passes Away

The ideology remains

This does not mean that the ideology has totally vanished. Every year in November, various progressive thinkers and leaders congregate at the ‘Mela Ghadari Babeiyan Da’ (‘Fair of Ghadar Veterans’), held at the Desh Bhagat Yadgaar Hall in Jalandhar, Punjab. The programme consists of talks, discussions and performances of revolutionary songs and poetry by renowned artists. Progressive literature, translated into Punjabi, is sold at at affordable prices.

Balvir Singh visits the mela each year with his comrades, including journalist Jagtar Singh, and returns home with a pile of literature and books. It was through the ‘Mela Ghadari Babeiyan Da’ that he learned about Che Guevara and Lenin and what they stood for. He has their framed photos and quotes hung up all over the walls of his office, alongside Bhagat Singh’s.

AIYF poster in Balvir Singh’s office Photo: Kudrat Wadhwa

Balvir Singh with a poster of Bhagat Singh. Photo: Kudrat Wadhwa

The Left’s future

Students politics at Punjab University present a ray of hope for the Left in the state. In 2018, 22-year old Kanupriya of the left-leaning SFS (Students for Society) made history by becoming the first woman president of Punjab University. She won on the platform of opposing fee hikes, increasing commercialisation of education and deteriorating conditions of hostel and mess workers.

CPIML’s Sukhdarshan Singh Natt said that stories like Kanupriya’s keep him and others motivated to continue doing their work. He said, “Punjab University elections are similar to elections in the state in that votes are bought with money. But, SFS won the elections based on its manifesto and on ground work. While University elections don’t have a lot of impact on the ground, it’s heartening to know that it’s possible to influence people and win on the basis of integrity.”

Also read: In Punjab, the Legacy of the Ghadar Movement Continues to Inspire the Fight for Justice

According to Professor Lal, the present time is quite ripe for a resurgence of the left, but that can only happen if leftists are able to form a joint front and oppose fascist forces. He said, “The coronavirus pandemic has exposed the Indian class situation to the crudest level – the whole facade and illusion of a welfare state has been completely exposed. The Left movement can make an impact if it has organisational strength and a clear view of how to organise the most oppressed unorganised working class”.

Kudrat Wadhwa is an independent journalist based in Punjab.

The Subtle Subversion Of Sadequain

The master artist, considered among the four most gifted names Pakistan has bequeathed to the world, would have turned 90 today. A commemorative volume on the painter, calligrapher and poet shines a spotlight on the artist and the man. 

Like many of my generation, my introduction to Sadequain – who was born 90 years ago today, June 30 – came through oblique references to ‘owning a Sadequain’ that one had read or heard about from connoisseurs, or when we at the Progressive Writers Association organised a function to celebrate the 88th birthday of the master artist, calligrapher and poet a couple of years ago in Lahore. It was then that I discovered that art was only one of the facets of this gifted humanist. I was hardly eight years old when he passed away in Karachi, in 1987.

Sadequain is one of the four most gifted artists Pakistan has bequeathed to the world, the other three being Abdur Rahman Chughtai, Shakir Ali and Gulgee. However, unlike the other three in this hallowed quartet, Sadequain left behind no school or students to carry on his work. For this reason alone, the edited volume, Sadequain: Shayir, Musavvir, Khattat, is of interest as it seeks to give a rounded picture of the man.

The very first thing one notes in the biographical details given at the very beginning is that Sadequain’s date of birth is given as June 30, 1930. This may seem a minor detail but is important because Wikipedia gives his birth year as 1923.

Sadequain: Shayir, Musavvir, Khattat
Compiled and edited by Syed Sultan Ahmed Naqvi
Fazlee Books, Lahore

The book is divided into four parts: the first part offers more personalised tributes; the second part consists of hitherto unpublished sketches and essays on Sadequain; the third part contains his own reflections on various subjects; the fourth part consists of reflections on his art; and the concluding section has evaluations of Sadequain’s rubaiyat (quatrains).

A piece by the poet and short-story writer, Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi, opens the first section, occasioned by a visit to a Sadequain exhibition in Lahore, wherein the former notes the artist’s new approach to art, which has two facets – namely,  he shows the unity of man and woman; and, secondly, the artist has now begun to see himself as a representative of universal ideas rather than a conveyer merely of anguish.

One of the best essays in the volume is by Nurul Hasan Jafri, who was a senior bureaucrat and the husband of Pakistan’s pioneering female poet, Ada Jafri. His essay is a testament and tribute to many of Sadequain’s often contradictory traits which are corroborated throughout this volume in one way or the other: his bohemian appearance; his love for the ‘daughter of the grape’ to the detriment of all other kinds of food; his worship of beauty and seeking of and popularity with beautiful women; his magnanimity, highlighted by his act of gifting thousands of his paintings and calligraphic works to seekers, admirers, friends and hangers-on; his self-love and narcissism which paradoxically did not border on arrogance but humility; and his workaholic work ethic, both in terms of his art as well as his poetic verses.

What is particularly revealing and heartbreaking in this essay is an account of his last days in Karachi and the notion that Sadequain could have been saved by preventing his access to alcohol and the kind of company that encouraged it. It made me think of how too many of our great writers – Majaz, Manto, Saghar Siddiqui and Miraji – went this way.

Watch: The Story of Sadequain, People’s Painter and Calligrapher

Munir Ahmed Shaikh’s essay poses the interesting thesis of the end of Sadequain as a painter in 1960 and the rise of his more saleable calligraphy. He sees the iconic painter surrendering to the forces of puritanism and conformism.

Urdu writer and satirist Mujtaba Hussain – who passed away in Hyderabad (India) last month – perhaps has the only humourous piece on Sadequain in this collection, where he describes the transformation of the walls of Sadequain’s rented house in Delhi (during his 14-month sojourn in India) to a veritable telephone directory and address book, quipping,

“I should mention in passing that some undesirable elements from whom I wanted to conceal my telephone number, found it on the wall of Sadequain’s house. It’s a different matter that the addresses of some favourite elements, which I was searching for long, I found from the wall of Sadequain’s house.”

Zaheda Hina provides an interesting anecdote in her piece about Sadequain’s encounter with the formidable Ismat Chughtai who was visiting Pakistan – how the artist who had been surgically critiquing her short stories just prior to meeting her became so deferential upon seeing her that he preferred to sit at her feet rather than alongside on the couch!

Sheikh Aziz’s essay christens Sadequain as our modern-day Prometheus and, contrary to Munir Sheikh’s aforementioned essay, he says that the artist “painted against obscurantism and stagnation all his life.”

The compiler of the book, Sultan Ahmed Naqvi, who also happens to be a nephew of the book’s subject, not surprisingly supplies one of the best pieces in the volume. Decoding the secret of Sadequain’s raison d’être, Naqvi says, “The objective of his work was to make prominent his creative abilities or salvation from the anguish of the creative process.”

Here I am tempted to present my own translation of one of Sadequain’s rubaiyats which he wrote in honour of a young cleaning staffer in the hospital where he was being treated:

Go peek bohat thook rahi thi Lachhmi
Khidmat men kahan chook rahi thi Lachhmi
Ispatal ke is viraane men
Koel ki tarah kook rahi thi Lachhmi’

(Though there was much of Lachhmi’s betel spit
Her service was not lacking in spirit
In this desolation of the hospital
She was cooing like a cuckoo with true grit)

Naqvi also informs us that in his early days Sadequain had authored a collection of poetry which, regrettably, has been destroyed.

In this painting of Sarmad by the Pakistani artist Sadequain, the medieval mystic holds up his head - severed at Aurangzeb's insistence - while continuing to defiantly be himself.

In this painting of Sarmad by the Pakistani artist Sadequain, the medieval mystic holds up his head – severed at Aurangzeb’s insistence – while continuing to defiantly be himself.

Another piece in this section is a wide-ranging interview of  Naqvi, which is the most personalised piece in the volume, providing information about Sadequain’s domestic life and shattering many myths in the process such as the nature of his ‘friends’, who turned out to be little more than opportunists.

A great revalation

A great revelation is Sadequain’s will which stated that his body should be committed to the sea rather than be buried, the reason being that he was against individual ownership of land to such an extent that as in life, in death too he did not want that there be two yards of land in his name and he be its occupant. Needless to say, his will was not honoured.

Another piece, Sadequain Ka Naya Roop (The New Face of Sadequain), by Hasnain Javed is as entertaining as it is instructive. It refers to an exhibition of ‘lewd paintings’ by the ‘devilish artist Sadequain’ at the Punjab Arts Council in Lahore sometime during Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s ‘Islamic turn’ in the mid-1970s, and proceeds to lambast Sadequain for his apparent ‘abandonment of Islam’ and his series of paintings on kissing.

Because there is no reference as to where the piece was originally published, the reader cannot tell whether it is a satirical piece from an admirer or a serious one intending to morally police artistic creation. If it is indeed the latter, it reminds one of Manto’s essay, ‘Allah Ka Barra Fazal Hai’ (Allah is Very Kind) in the 1950s, about a fictional, artless dystopia imagined by the writer. It also brings to mind events more real in the present day Naya Pakistan such as the recent cases of Adeela Suleiman’s wrecked exhibition in Karachi or the ban on Sarmad Khoosat’s film, Zindagi Tamasha.

The section on unpublished sketches and essays on Sadequain does not add anything substantial to our knowledge of Sadequain and therefore seems unnecessary to the central concerns of the volume. Instead, one is inclined to read with greater interest what he himself has to say about his work and experiences. In this respect, the first essay on Indian art may be more useful for art connoisseurs and art historians.

A Google doodle to mark Sadequain’s birth anniversary.

The delightful preface

However, the Muqqadima (Preface) to his rubaiyat is an absolute delight. The initial part of the preface is essentially apologetic and concerned with technical details like the demands and requisites of sketching, pages and scripts, but once the reader is able to negotiate this minefield, he finds that the writer is delightfully candid about his creative process regarding his less discussed rubaiyat.

According to Sadequain, “I do not call my rubaiyat poetry.” The following lines remind one of Manto who in his famous talk at Bombay’s Jogeshwari College, in 1944, responded to the critics who questioned the ugliness and realism in his stories.

Sadequain’s response is worth quoting in full:

“The artificial and cosmetic empty smile of some profiteer’s concubine on his decorated throne is meaningless for me. When a naked and hungry man searches for offal thrown on a dustbin and when he succeeds in his struggle, the impression of his face appears meaningful. I am indeed the artist of the gutter, not the marble minaret. I search truth within the stench of the dustbin, not from the decorative environment and fragrance of thrones.”

The publisher has remarked in the introduction to this volume that after reading the Preface of Sadequain, the reader would fall in love with him.

The next piece in the volume is an incomplete autobiographical account by Sadequain of his apprenticeship in Delhi as a teenaged master calligrapher and budding poet in the making and his meetings with and cameos of important people like Urdu poet Miraji and singer Iqbal Bano. One wishes that he had had the time and inclination to complete it and not left it abruptly at his critique of the Naya Adab movement that had just gained traction in colonial India.

In his piece, Safarnama-e-Sadequain (Sadeqian’s Travelogue), exploring the background to his trip to the Middle East for an exhibition of his work, the artist raises an interesting point about the influence of geography on the flourishing of various industries, arts, crafts and movements, hinting at his own industriousness as emanating from the waters of the Ravi.

This travel piece, too, like the aforementioned autobiographical one, ends abruptly, leaving the reader desiring more. The last piece in this section, Sher Kya Hai? (What Is A Verse?), is significant if one wishes to understand Sadequain’s poetic philosophy. For students of poetry at any stage of their craft, it has the additional value of putting in verse the answer to the question of the title according to Plato, Omar Khayyam, Goethe, Carlyle, Herder, Arnold, Chateaubriand, and Shelley, though one is disappointed not to find Faiz and Ghalib – Sadequain’s beloved subjects – in this imagined pantheon.

Also read: Form and Meaning in Modern and Contemporary Pakistani Art

He rounds off the piece with his own answer to the question in verse. This appears to be a piece from his early days because the essay mentions his earlier nom de plume ‘Sidq’ before he settled for Sadequain.

The section on the analysis of Sadequain’s poetry is peppered with fine essays by Sibte Hasan, Farman Fatehpuri and Khatir Ghaznavi. It is difficult to disagree with Fatehpuri’s concluding thoughts that while Sadequain’s art and calligraphy achieved worldwide fame and the good fortune of having deserving critics, the same cannot be said of his rubaiyat. They need to be translated into English like the rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam – which inspired Sadequain and on which his verses were modelled – in order to rightfully claim their place in the pantheon of poetic achievements

One wishes that the opinions of Sadequain’s great predecessors in the rubaiyat genre, namely Firaq Gorakhpuri and Josh Malihabadi (both of whom were living at the time when Sadequain’s rubaiyat were published) had also been included in the volume.

This is a great volume commemorating one of Pakistan’s – nay the world’s – great citizens and artistic ambassadors, its value enhanced by the sections on Sadequain’s own writings and rubaiyat and memorable photographs of its subject provided at the end of the book. In places, shoddy editing and proofreading errors mar the appeal of the book. Perhaps a future edition might also include some samples of Sadequain’s fabled calligraphy and rubaiyat in his own hand.

Also missing are the opinions and impressions of some of his other contemporaries from Europe and the Middle East, where he spent considerable time before returning to make Pakistan his permanent home.

I suggest including some material in the book which is in English (or can be translated into English) to make this edition bilingual and enhance its appeal to a younger generation not familiar with Sadequain’s work beyond the confines of art and calligraphy.

One also feels an under-representation or downright absence of some illustrious contemporaries of Sadequain in this volume – and not just from the art world – like the artists Shakir Ali, Satish Gujral (who passed away earlier this year) and playwright Enver Sajjad; and many others who are still living — writer Mustansar Hussain Tarar, poet Kishwar Naheed, poet and musician Gulzar (Deenavi), writer Jilani Bano, human rights activist I.A. Rehman, poet Zehra Nigah, writer Masood Ashar and poet Iftikhar Arif to name a few.

Satish Gujral. Photo: Facebook/Satish Gujral Design Awards

The absence of any references, dates and sources regarding the essays throughout the book was startling, even though it is mentioned by the publisher in the introduction that many of the essays in the book appeared first in the ‘Sadequain Number’ of the Tuloo-e-Afkaar journal. Still, for literary historians and younger readers alike, the value of proper references is not one of mere academic interest.

Perhaps this volume could be the beginning of a definitive biography of Sadequain, written in time for his birth centenary in 2030. Who better to write it than his dedicated and beloved nephew, Syed Sultan Ahmed Naqvi?

Raza Naeem is a Pakistani social scientist, book critic and award-winning translator and dramatic reader currently based in Lahore, where he is also the President of the Progressive Writers Association. He can be reached at: razanaeem@hotmail.com.