Tag: Nepal politics

Explainer: Why Did Nepal’s Prime Minister Suddenly Change His Coalition Partners?

The recent upheavals in the coalition signal that Nepal’s political landscape will continue to be marred by instability until the next elections.

In a dramatic turn of events over the weekend, Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ousted its key coalition partner, Nepali Congress (NC), from the government, and inducted the Communist Party of Nepal — Unified Marxist-Leninist (CPN-UML) and two other smaller parties. This move marks a revival of the coalition that Prime Minister Dahal originally formed shortly after the 2022 parliamentary elections, which was dissolved during last year’s presidential elections.

Four parties – CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) – have entered into an eight-point agreement on power-sharing. The agreement states that ‘coalition shall work to ensure people’s aspirations such as good governance, development and social justice.’ On foreign affairs, the new alliance has said that ‘it shall work to ensure a balanced and extended international relation keeping national interests and priority at the forefront.’

As per the agreement, a new cabinet has been formed with eight ministers from UML, five from Maoist and two CPN (Unified Socialist). Another signatory, JSP, led by Upendra Yadav, has not taken an official decision about joining the government. This new coalition, dubbed the “left-plus coalition,” is characterised by the predominance of left-leaning parties, with the inclusion of democratic parties as well.

Third coalition after 2022 elections

In November 2022, Nepal conducted its regular national elections, resulting in the NC emerging as the largest party, followed by the CPN-UML in second place, and the Maoist Centre party securing a distant third position. While there was a pre-election alliance between the NC and the Maoist party, there was no clear agreement regarding power-sharing after the elections.

Once the election result came out, Dahal asserted his claim to the chief executive post. But, NC being the largest party in Parliament refused to accept him as a new Prime Minister. Dahal then switched to UML and the newly emerged RSP to garner support for his bid for the prime ministerial role.

A few months later, Dahal changed his mind in March 2023 and agreed to elect NC leader Ram Chandra Poudel as president which paved the way for the formation of a coalition between the NC and the Maoist party, along with two other smaller parties. The CPN-UML was forced into the opposition bench.

There was an understanding among the three leaders Dahal, NC president Sher Bahadur Deuba and CPN (Unified Socialist) to lead the government on a rotational basis. But, as expected by many seasoned political observers, implementing this formula was easier said than done. Yet again, after just one year, Dahal unilaterally terminated the alliance without consulting the other leaders or providing any explanation.

Causes of friction

In the intricate dance of Nepali politics, the unravelling of alliances often reveal hidden tensions and elaborate power plays.

One pivotal catalyst is the imminent vacancy in the position of the National Assembly (upper house) chairman, as the current chair, CPN-UML’s Ganesh Timilsina, is set to retire next month. Contrary to a “gentleman’s agreement”, the Maoist party refused to support NC leader Krishna Prasad Sitaula for the National Assembly Chair, even though he was elected as a member in the recent NA elections from the Koshi province.

The discord was compounded by the fallout from the National Assembly elections in the Koshi province. Sitaula’s triumph in the elections was expected yet the defeat of the Maoist candidate by the CPN-UML contender laid bare that NC did not vote as per the terms of the alliance. After the results of the National Assembly elections became clear, Maoist leaders publicly stated that the party would review its relationship with NC.

Another contributing factor was that Prime Minister Dahal and finance minister and NC’s Prakash Sharan Mahat were not on the same page on several issues related to the budgetary and development projects and resource sharing. Dahal often expressed dissatisfaction to Deuba regarding Mahat’s working methods and his perceived failure to address the country’s economic challenges.

Additionally, Dahal urged Deuba to replace underperforming ministers including Mahat, but Deuba maintained that since the ministers had not completed one year in office, they should be given the opportunity to demonstrate their capabilities.

Furthermore, during NC’s recent Mahasamiti meeting, a political document presented by general secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa was approved, stating that the party would refrain from forming pre-election alliances.

This decision unsettled Prime Minister Dahal, who had sought to secure election alliances for the forthcoming national and local elections, recognising the party’s vulnerable position. After NC’s Mahasamiti meeting, it seems that Dahal reached a conclusion that there is no need to continue the alliance with NC which is not ready for the electoral alliance.

Similarly, NC passed a political document which has negatively portrayed the Maoist insurgency. According to Maoist leaders, this is the primary cause behind the mistrust between NC and Maoist. Later, NC expressed readiness to rectify those issues in a forthcoming party meeting but Dahal responded saying that it is already late.

The NC had also been displeased over the selective opening of some corruption files including the fake refugee scandal in which senior NC leader Bal Krishna Khand was arrested and investigated.

NC leaders were of the view that the home ministry is selectively targeting the party’s leaders for corruption scandals as Dahal attempted to burnish his anti-corruption credentials in order to find something to list in the achievements category. According to NC leaders, they had agreed to adopt flexibility on all contentious issues but Dahal dismantled the agreement.

How did the new coalition emerge?

Gradually, a growing sense of mistrust between the Maoists and the NC began to hinder the overall functionality of the government. The administration led by Dahal faced increasing unpopularity due to its failures in service delivery, governance, job creation, and economic productivity.

Second-rung officials within the Maoist party began to perceive that maintaining the alliance with the NC would hinder Prime Minister Dahal’s capacity to fulfil his promises, prompting them to suggest pursuing cooperation with the CPN-UML.

Behind the scenes, UML leaders had also kept chipping away at the NC-Maoist coalition, biding their time. Initially, they approached the NC to form a new coalition, but Deuba did not entertain K.P. Sharma Oli’s proposal. At the same time, there was a strong sentiment among the second-tier politicians of both the Maoist and UML parties that communist factions should unite to compete with emerging political forces like the RSP and others. Particularly, youth leaders within the Maoist ranks believed that due to ideological disparities, a coalition with the NC was neither sustainable nor natural.

Following Oli’s dissolution of Parliament in December 2020, tensions between him and other parties escalated, prompting other parties to form an alliance against him. In the 2022 elections, Oli’s party campaigned independently but still secured the second position in Parliament, despite forging a significant electoral alliance with the NC, Maoist, and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Socialist). Recently, all three parties – NC, UML, and Maoist – have faced challenges from the newly emerged RSP, which secured 20 seats in Parliament during the 2022 elections.

Therefore, certain second-tier leaders began the discussions between the two parties. Initially, only a handful of leaders were optimistic about the revival of the Left alliance due to the prevailing low level of trust between Oli and Dahal, compounded by the steadfast commitment of both Dahal and Deuba to their existing coalition. During this period, Dahal and Oli frequently met to negotiate power-sharing, though publicly they claimed to be discussing transitional justice processes.

Simultaneously, key figures within the UML and Maoist parties held frequent meetings to strategise the formation of the new coalition. They believed that if the communist parties contested elections separately, their collective strength would diminish over time. To facilitate the agreement, Oli refrained from extensive bargaining with Dahal over ministerial portfolios and agreed to allocate the National Assembly chair to the Maoist party.

Domestic challenges before the new coalition

For over a year now, the Dahal-led government has been grappling with a myriad of domestic challenges. The new coalition has provided some respite to Prime Minister Dahal to buy time that he has just built a new coalition. However, hopes for significant improvement remain subdued.

Foremost among these challenges is the urgent need to implement concrete measures to uplift the country’s economic situation. Despite some positive developments in sectors such as remittances and tourism, key economic indicators continue to paint a bleak picture.

The government’s inability to generate employment has resulted in approximately 2,000 Nepalese citizens seeking work abroad every day. Meanwhile, individuals affected by loan sharks and micro-finance woes are awaiting justice, with many taking to the streets in protest. Moreover, tensions related to regional and ethnic issues are on the rise both in the hills and the Terai region.

These factors have contributed to a prevailing sense of pessimism within Nepali society, posing potential threats to the existing political system as anti-establishment sentiments gather momentum. Given the ideological and other differences within the new coalition, it is anticipated to encounter challenges similar to its predecessor in terms of functionality.

The coalition’s foreign policy outlook

Since assuming power in December 2022, Prime Minister Dahal has adopted a cautious stance on foreign affairs. Consequently, the new government is expected to maintain the status quo regarding policies concerning India, China, and the United States.

With India, there have been some positive developments in areas such as power cooperation, development partnerships, and connectivity projects. Despite Oli’s previous nationalistic rhetoric and confrontational stance towards India, relations between the two have significantly improved. Consequently, New Delhi is unlikely to be perturbed by the return of the UML to power.

Regarding China, there may be advancements in the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI), an agenda that China has long pressed Nepal to prioritise. Both countries are actively working towards implementing the BRI implementation plan, indicating potential progress in this area.

Dahal’s strategy involves sidestepping key contentious issues with major powers, a stance likely to persist in the foreseeable future.

Dwindling hopes

The recent upheavals in the coalition signal that Nepal’s political landscape will continue to be marred by instability until the next elections.

With the latest turn in the Nepali political landscape, the largest party in the House of Representatives (HOR) finds itself relegated to the opposition bench.

The NC has already initiated talks with other non-coalition parties to forge a new government, indicating political stability will remain a mirage.

In the interim, Nepal is poised to witness a narrative of polarisation between communist and democratic parties, though the actualisation of this division appears doubtful.

Numerically, the current coalition remains fragile. The four parties collectively hold 142 members in the 275-seat lower house, which is just around 51% of the seats. The withdrawal of support from any coalition member will plunge it into minority status.

More disconcerting is the erosion of public trust in major political entities, with disillusionment growing palpable. Initially hopeful of alternative political forces, the populace now finds even these newcomers entangled in the same web of traditional politics.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai is a Kathmandu-based journalist and political commentator.

After Parliament Remains Disrupted, Nepal PM to Clarify in House Over Remarks on Indian Businessman

Dahal said that a Nepal-based Indian businessman had lobbied in India’s power corridors to make him the prime minister.

New Delhi: Nepali Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal will make a statement on his remarks that a Nepal-based Indian businessman had lobbied in India’s power corridors to get him the top job in the Nepal parliament, after the opposition disrupted parliamentary proceedings for the second day.

On Monday, July 3, Dahal was invited to launch a book called, Roads to the Valley: The Legacy of Sardar Pritam Singh in Nepal, about a trucking entrepreneur who had close links with the Nepal political leadership.

In his speech, Dahal acknowledged that Singh had made repeated efforts to make him the premier.

“He (Singh) had once made efforts to make me the prime minister,” Dahal said, as quoted by The Kathmandu Post. “He reached Delhi several times and held multiple rounds of talks with political leaders in Kathmandu to make me the prime minister.”

His remarks created an uproar with the opposition leaders, and even ruling coalition leaders, claiming disquiet at the insinuation that New Delhi decides on who will become Nepal’s prime minister.

With both chambers of parliament dysfunctional, the ruling coalition convened an urgent meeting on Thursday, July 6.

After the meeting, Nepali media quoted the CPN (Maoist Centre)’s chief whip, Hitraj Pandey, as saying that an agreement was reached that Prime Minister Dahal would make a clarification in parliament. They also rejected calls for Dahal’s resignation.

PTI quoted CPN-Maoist Centre secretary Ganesh Shah as saying that Prime Minister Dahal didn’t intend to indicate that India intervened in Nepal’s domestic politics, “but he should have used political and diplomatic words in a cautious manner while speaking about such a sensitive issue”.

Also read: India in South Asia: ‘Vishwaguru’ Slogans Meet Regional Realities

For the last two days, the House of Representatives and the National Assembly witnessed the principal opposition, Communist Party of Nepal-(Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-UML), as well as the Rastriya Swatantra Party and Rastriya Prajatantra Party, refusing to let routine work proceed as per schedule.

They shouted slogans that said that a “prime minister appointed by New Delhi does not have the right to continue in the post.”

After the Speaker allowed him to speak, CPN-UML lawmaker Raghuji Panta said that Nepal’s dignity and prestige had suffered due to Dahal’s off-the-cuff remarks. “Shouldn’t we turn to the Nepali people to make somebody the prime minister? Why should anybody go to New Delhi to make somebody the prime minister?” he wondered.

“Is the prime minister’s post above the country’s pride, territorial integrity and dignity?” he wondered, as quoted by The Himalayan Times.

At a programme organised by the party’s affiliated students’ association, Dahal said that his words had been distorted. He said that the opposition parties were using his words to find a way to scuttle the anti-loan shark legislation which had been tabled and was scheduled to have been discussed.

“I wanted to show that Pritam Singh was not only interested in social service and transport business but also in politics and that he had lobbied with parties in Delhi as well as in Nepal to make him prime minister,” said Dahal.

With His India Visit, Nepali PM Dahal Hopes to Prove He Has New Delhi’s Support

If what Dahal said in Parliament is all that is on the bilateral agenda, the visit seems to be largely about economic issues, with additional minor agreements and MoUs.

Despite receiving a highly sought after invitation from China to participate in the annual Boao Forum for Asia and subsequent meetings with Chinese leaders, the Nepali prime minister has chosen not to make any foreign appearances till now.

Instead, Pushpa Kumar Dahal decided to uphold the longstanding tradition of every Nepali prime minister by making his inaugural foreign visit to India. However, unlike previous occasions, New Delhi took six months to extend a welcome to Dahal at Hyderabad House.

As the country’s chief executive, he will embark on an official visit to India from May 31 to June 3, marking his first foreign trip since assuming office on December 25 last year. Having already served as prime minister twice earlier, he had previously visited India in 2008 and 2016.

On Monday, he informed Parliament about his itinerary and key plans for the visit. “During my visit, I will discuss with the Indian side various aspects of bilateral relations such as trade, transmission, energy cooperation, irrigation, air route, roads, and other connectivity projects,” he said.

If what Dahal said in Parliament is all that is on the bilateral agenda, the visit seems to be largely about economic issues, with additional minor agreements and MoUs.

Of late, the two countries are focusing on energy cooperation, and Dahal said he will hold “concrete talks on the same issue”. “Hydropower is one the key areas of cooperation between the two countries, so my priority should be securing Indian investment in the hydropower sector, ensuring that our national interests and welfare are well served,” Dahal told Parliament.

Both Nepal and Bangladesh are urging India to facilitate the energy cooperation between them, but there has not been any tangible progress. “This time, I will hold concrete talks to secure the deal that would allow us to export our electricity to Bangladesh,” he said. Nepal has already started to export power to India but many hurdles still remain.

Prime Minister Dahal also said that he will ‘solid talks’ to finalise the Detailed Project Report (DPR) of the Pancheshwor Multipurpose Project, but any breakthrough on it is unlikely because there have not been any concrete preparations at the bureaucratic level. Since 2016, this remains a top agenda item of bilateral meetings, but the two countries have failed to prepare a DPR.

Domestically, Dahal is under pressure to take up the territorial dispute and other outstanding issues between the two countries, but it seems that both sides are going to downplay these issues this time.

While addressing the Parliament, the Nepali prime minister did not prominently raise the issue of border disputes. His speech clearly hinted that there will not be any progress on these issues during the visit. “An atmosphere of trust will be created to resolve this longstanding issue,” he said. India is asking Nepali politicians not to politicise the border and other issues.

As a part of the preparations for his visit, Dahal consulted former foreign ministers and experts about the issues he should raise with the Indian leadership. According to local media reports, they urged him to raise longstanding issues with India including the border dispute. The Eminent Persons’ Group on Nepal-India relations prepared a report on the matter in 2018, but it has been gathering dust as the Indian prime minister has not given the Group a time to submit the report to him. It is unlikely that this report will be discussed anytime soon.

Though there is the least possibility of any breakthrough between the two countries on bilateral issues, the visit provides an opportunity for Dahal to get first-hand information about New Delhi’s view on him and the current coalition.

Dahal is travelling to India after getting an endorsement of the government’s policy and programme from Parliament. The budget was also presented in the Parliament on Monday.

The Maoist leader has been largely busy consolidating his political position. Just a week ago, his full cabinet was formed.

At the same cabinet meeting that approved deals to be signed with India, the Nepal government also made a request to President Ram Chandra Poudel to officially approve the Bill that amends certain provisions of the Citizenship Act 2006. The government also granted amnesty to Resham Chaudhary, a political prisoner from the Nagarik Unmukti Party, which is a coalition partner.

All these developments indicate that there is no immediate threat to the Dahal-led government. Even the opposition CPN-UML has not taken a combative stance against the government in Parliament.

Through the visit, political observers say, Dahal wants to showcase that his government has the support and goodwill of India.

Dahal had left a post-election coalition with the CPN-UML and established a fresh alliance with the Nepali Congress and other smaller parties, a move that some observers believe aligns with New Delhi’s preferences as well.

While the prime minister may enjoy a comfortable majority in Parliament, Dahal faces significant economic challenges. The government’s efforts to control inflation have been unsuccessful, and public discontent is on the rise. If the government fails to deliver adequate services and promote good governance, it is likely to spark a debate within the Nepali Congress, a crucial coalition partner, regarding the government’s relevance.

Internal dissatisfaction within the Nepali Congress regarding the government’s performance has already surfaced. Rumors are circulating that the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML could potentially unite to form a new government, while talks of a coalition between all communist parties have also emerged.

Against this backdrop, Dahal aims to convey a message that India strongly supports the coalition during the upcoming visit.

However, New Delhi is unlikely to put all its eggs in Prachanda’s basket. India is going to keep its options open with relations with the main opposition party, CPN-UML, having improved lately.

Dahal’s visit to India has the potential to strengthen his position in domestic politics. However, the future of his government predominantly hinges on his ability to maintain a positive relationship with the Nepali Congress, effectively manage the economy and implement measures to enhance service delivery. These factors will play a crucial role in determining the fate of his government.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai is a Kathmandu-based journalist and political commentator.

Nepal Has Not Had a Chief Justice for 15 Months

The political feud between the major parties should not have prevented the government from appointing or confirming the Chief Justice.

Nepal’s judiciary has been without a Chief Justice (CJ) for almost 15 months. Hari Krishna Karki, the senior-most justice of the Supreme Court, has been serving as acting CJ after another acting CJ, Deepak Kumar Karki, retired in October last year.

The delay in the appointment of the CJ has adversely impacted the judiciary’s role in the administration of justice, where more than 36,000 cases are yet to be adjudicated. Understandably, aspiring leaders among the Supreme Court (SC) justices might not want to adjudicate those cases where the government or the major parties, particularly the ruling parties and the main opposition, have high stakes. SC justices might hesitate to pass an order that could antagonise any side of the political parties.

By nature, the government infringes upon people’s human rights, and often people file petitions against the government.

If the SC justices fail to deliver bold verdicts in cases where the government is a party, that would lead to a bizarre situation. Some crucial public interest litigations are sub-judice at the SC, including the writ petition challenging the presidential pocket veto against the Citizenship Bill and the petition against the Secretary-General of Parliament against his decision to give a clean chit to former CJ Cholendra Shumsher J.B. Rana. The public wants the top court to deliver its verdict immediately.

Acting CJs cannot work with high morale and implement their policies and vision confidently. Implementing the SC’s decisions and orders also remains challenging, especially when the SC remains headless for a prolonged period. It is also obvious that the top court cannot act effectively in fulfilling vacancies in other judicial positions.

The Judicial Council, which recommends high court judges, has failed to convene its meetings. Similarly, the Constitutional Council (CC), which recommends the CJ, has not held its meeting due to the government’s attempt to amend the Constitutional Council Act to allow the CC to nominate members in the constitutional bodies on the basis of majority. The Parliamentary Hearing Committee, which confirms the appointment of Justices of the SC, has not been formed yet. All these aspects show hurdles ahead for the independence of the judiciary.

Also read: Political Instability, Churning Will Continue in Nepal

We can draw important lessons from the Mahabharata, where Bhishma asks Dhritarastra why the announcement of the heir of Hastinapur is being delayed. When Shakuni interjects, Bhishma angrily says, “The meaning of politics is not the welfare of the son (Putra Kalyan) but the welfare of the people (Jana Kalyan).” Angry Bhishma stops Dhritarastra from announcing Duryodhan as the heir to the throne of Hastinapur, arguing that Dhritrastra himself had not been officially declared the king. But in Nepal, the CJ, who has not been confirmed, administered the oath of office and secrecy to the President, the highest public post holder of the country.

Justice Hari Krishna Karki recused from the House of Representatives (HoR) dissolution case, proving his neutrality in the case, yet he is deprived of an opportunity to serve as the confirmed CJ of the country.

Notably, Article 10 of the UN Convention on Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary stipulates that persons selected for judicial office shall be individuals of integrity and ability with appropriate training or qualifications in law. Any method of judicial selection shall safeguard against judicial appointments for improper motives. If we look closely at this provision, we can conclude that there are improper motives behind the delay in the appointment or confirmation of the CJ. The government and the major political parties are delaying it mainly to suit their interests. Judges should not be put in a situation where they have to seek the mercy of the executive or other branches of the government to get promoted, or else they cannot act independently. A delay in the appointment of the CJ can lead to a situation where the executive could try to exert pressure on the justices to get favourable decisions on some key cases.

Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal wants the Truth and Reconciliation Bill under consideration of the House of Representatives to be passed soon because the SC has recently passed an order expressing dissatisfaction over the delay in transitional justice issues. Given its bitter relations with the Maoist Centre, the CPN-UML is unlikely to give what the prime minister wants on the TRC bill easily. This means the TRC bill might not be passed soon, and as the prime minister understands the UML’s game on the TRC bill, he has been saying that he wants to pass both the TRC and CC bills together.

The Dahal-led government has moved the CC bill in Parliament with the major objective of endorsing the CC decisions endorsed by three office bearers. When the then prime minister, K.P. Sharma Oli, brought an ordinance proposing similar provisions, the Maoist Centre and the Nepali Congress opposed it. The spirit of the constitution is that all the office bearers of the CC unanimously recommend nominees for constitutional bodies, which is not bad.

The question, however, is that all the parties that lead the government want their upper hand in the nomination done by the CC, and this is at the root of the current feud between the major political parties. If the Maoist Centre had opposed Oli for diluting the majority in the CC, it is wrong for the Dahal-led government to try to amend the CC Act to make it easy for the CC to recommend nominees on the basis of a simple majority.

This political feud between the major parties should not have prevented the government from appointing or confirming the CJ. The legal fraternity knows well that Karki has always strictly followed the principles of justice in all the cases he has adjudicated as a Justice of the SC. Considering his background, CJ Karki recused himself from the HoR dissolution case, which should be appreciated. No political party should harbour ill will against the judiciary because judicial decisions are taken on the merits of the case.

This article was first published on The Kathmandu Post. Read the original here.

Dipendra Jha is a lawyer practicing at the Supreme Court.

Ram Chandra Paudel Elected Nepal’s President

The Nepali Congress leader is a former speaker of the House of Representatives and was deputy prime minister between 2000 and 2002. He has been elected as a lawmaker six times.

New Delhi: Ram Chandra Paudel was elected as the third president of Nepal on Thursday after receiving nearly two-thirds of votes by weightage from members of the country’s federal parliament and provincial assemblies.

Paudel was a nominee of the Nepali Congress. After Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda) threw his weight behind Paudel, it created a rift in the then-ruling alliance between the Maoist Centre and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML), led by former PM K.P. Oli. After the UML quit the alliance, Prachanda realigned with the Nepali Congress – with which he had a pre-poll alliance before last year’s election.

According to Kathmandu Post, out of 52,628 votes by weightage, Paudel secured 33,802 votes while Subas Nembang of the CPN-UML garnered 15,518 votes. Members of the House of Representatives (lower house of parliament), National Assembly (upper house of parliament) and seven provincial assemblies voted to elect Nepal’s head of state.

The newspaper reported that while 881 federal and provincial lawmakers were eligible to vote, 831 votes were cast in the presidential election on Thursday. This included 313 federal lawmakers and 518 provincial assembly members.

A total of 14 federal Rastriya Prajatantra Party lawmakers and Prem Suwal of the Nepal Majdoor Kishaan Party did not take part in the voting.

Outgoing president Bidya Devi Bhandari’s term ends on March 12.

Paudel is a former speaker of the House of Representatives and was deputy prime minister between 2000 and 2002. He has been elected as a lawmaker six times.

Political Instability, Churning Will Continue in Nepal

Though PM Prachanda’s government enjoys a resounding majority on paper, a deeply fractious political mandate in Parliamentary and state elections means an extended phase of instability.

Nepal’s general elections may be over, but the political churning continues.

A deeply fractured Pratinidhi Sabha – Nepal’s House of Representatives – has propped up Pushpa Kamal Dahal or ‘Prachanda’ as the prime minister.

He now heads a seven-party coalition, where his own Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) has only 32 seats.

In the 275-member House, the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist, or CPN-UML, is the leading party, with 78 seats. Meanwhile, the largest party in parliament, the Nepali Congress (with 89 seats), is not in the government. But it has also refused to sign up as the main opposition, lending support to the new prime minister instead. In a January 10 confidence vote, only two lawmakers voted against Prachanda.

So on paper, the ruling coalition effectively has no opposition. 

Unsurprisingly, in the election for the Speaker on Thursday, the candidate from the seven-party coalition handily defeated the rival candidate. The CPN-UML lawmaker Devraj Ghimire, who is the party chairman and former PM Khadga Prasad Oli’s close political ally, received 167 votes, while the Nepali Congress’s Ishwori Devi Neupane received only 100.  

But there is more to this complex political story. What transpired before the election in the House floor and after the election outside explains how fractious the coalition is and its political ramifications of the new equation. The deeply divided political landscape will continue to manifest itself in various ways. 

The next big date in the political calendar is the election of the president, which will take place by mid-February. The term of President Bidya Devi Bhandari comes to an end on March 13. A total of 334 members from the federal Parliament – both from Pratinidhisabha and Rastiryasabha – and 550 members from the seven provincial assemblies will vote for Nepal’s third president. All across the federal structures, there are no clear winners, and coalitions are inevitable for survival. 

Also read: Why Has the Nepali Congress Supported Dahal’s Government in Parliament?

In his address in Parliament before the Speaker’s election on Thursday, Nepali Congress general secretary Biswoprakash Sharma (known for his oratorical skills) warned that the CPN-UML was trying to trap a weak Prime Minister in a cage, a political expression that has found much traction in the public debate since. According to a last-minute quid pro quo on December 25 between Prachanda and Oli, which made Prachanda a surprise prime minister (replacing NC president Sher Bahadur Deuba in office), the two communist leaders are said to have agreed to give both speakership and presidency to CPN-UML. Also, Prachanda is to give way to Oli’s premiership after the two and a half years in office. 

By all accounts, Prachanda is clearly having second thoughts now. And he has articulated as much in his recent remarks, including after the Speaker’s election. To him, the political ground has shifted after the Nepali Congress voted in his favour in the January 10 confidence vote. He now seems open to the idea of electing a president with technocratic background or even an NC member. Prachanda is acutely aware of the fact that in President Bidya Devi Bhandari, CPN-UML has found a close ally these last five years each time there was a constitutional and political crisis. And given a deeply hung parliament this time, there are going to be a few more.     

Predictably, CPN-UML Chairman Oli has shot down PM Prachanda’s proposal for ‘a national consensus’ to share the posts of President, Vice President, Speaker and Deputy Speaker. In an all-party meeting on Tuesday, Oli categorically ruled out such a possibility, arguing that Prachanda was supported as Prime Minister based on the agreement that his party CPN-UML would get both the posts of President and Speaker.

Undaunted, the Nepali Congress, meanwhile, said vocally on Thursday its ‘Mission President’ will continue. 

Indeed, the Nepali Congress may even find new allies. Of the seven parties in the ruling coalition, third- and fourth-largest parties are perceived as anti-federalist forces – the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), a brand-new party, and the royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP); the latter wants to restore Nepal as a Hindu state. Though it has elected some lawmakers with decent professional backgrounds, RSP faces some hard questions over its long-term vision and goals. For example, it didn’t field any candidate in the assembly elections. In an interview this week, a senior RSP leader said his party is “very much on a churn”. Yet another major impediment for the party (with a creditable 20 seats in Parliament) is that it very much revolves around its president Rabi Lamichhane, a former TV anchor whose public vitriol against established political parties and leaders seems to have resonated with the voters. He is now a Deputy Prime Minister (there are four!) and Home Minister. Most notably, the Supreme Court will soon start hearing on a very serious charge filed against him – holding his American citizenship while contesting the November elections. Nepal’s constitution does not allow dual citizenship.       

Much like the PM’s Maoist Centre, three other parties supporting him are unequivocally pro-federalist – the Janata Samajbadi Party, Nagarik Unmukti Party and Janamat Party. The Madhesi parties could find a common ground with the Nepali Congress and the Maoist party.       

Politics on a churn

The November results arguably tilted Nepal’s politics to the right and towards populism, a trend best reflected in major urban hubs. The conventional wisdom that one needs party organisations to win elections has gone up for a toss. In Kathmandu, it was nearly a repeat of the mayoral election in May last year when a 32-year-old Balen Shah, a rap singer, handsomely defeated much favored candidates from the two most established political parties – the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML.

Little known outside his professional circle, Balen Shah won as an independent candidate. His recent measures to “clean up” the capital by tearing down what he claims are unauthorised properties and removing street vendors from the streets without any long-term planning clearly appear elitist. Kathmandu after all is home to people from all 77 districts and from different socio-economic backgrounds. It remains to be seen what RSP makes of its decent showing in parliamentary elections in the capital. 

With the Speaker’s election now done with, the attention of the parties has shifted to the crucial presidential election. While leaving the parliament premises after the Speaker’s election, Oli said yesterday that the possibility of electing President through national consensus has not been ruled out, but he also insisted that such a candidate has to come from his own party, CPN-UML. PM Prachanda was far more conciliatory when he said efforts were on for a broader agreement for President and Vice President: “There is still time left for the election of the President.” The next one month will no doubt see much political horse-trading and battle over the narratives. 

Such will be the story of Nepal’s politics at least until the next elections. A deeply fractured mandate in both the parliamentary and state assembly elections leaves all options open. We are in for an extended phase of political instability and new political churning. 

Akhilesh Upadhyay is a senior fellow at IIDS, a Kathmandu-based think-tank. Opinions expressed are personal.

Nepal Election: One Dead in Violent Clash, Nationwide Voter Turnout at 61%

A 24-year-old was killed after being shot dead at a polling station in Nateshwari Basic School of Tribeni Municipality in Bajura.

Kathmandu: About 61 per cent polling was recorded on Sunday in Nepal’s parliament and provincial assemblies elections, marred by sporadic violence and clashes that left one person dead and disrupted voting at several polling stations, officials said.

The polling started at 7 am local time at over 22,000 polling centres and closed at 5 pm.

“The nationwide voter turnout has stood at around 61 per cent. This is likely to increase slightly as we continue receiving details from districts across the country,” Chief Election Commissioner Dinesh Kumar Thapaliya told reporters.

“This is certainly less than what we had expected,” he added.

The voter turnout is significantly lower as compared to the past two elections – 77 per cent in 2013, and 78 per cent in 2017.

More than 17.9 million voters were eligible to cast their votes to elect a 275-member House of Representatives and provincial assemblies.

Also Read: All You Need to Know as Nepal Goes to the Polls

Thapaliya said the elections were held largely in a peaceful manner except for a “few minor incidents”. He said that voting has been postponed in 15 polling stations in four districts as a result of such incidents.

He said the Election Commission has directed the concerned election offices in those districts to make necessary arrangements to hold the elections within two days.

One person was killed after being shot dead at a polling station in Nateshwari Basic School of Tribeni Municipality in Bajura. The 24-year-old man was shot dead by the police following a dispute between two groups after the voting was over, officials said.

A minor explosion took place near Sharda Secondary School polling station in Dhangadhi Sub-metropolitan City in Kailali district. However, there was no casualty, they said, adding that voting continued in the polling station despite the incident with just half-an-hour interruption.

Some incidents of heated arguments between party cadres were reported from 11 areas in Dhangadi, Gorkha and Dolakha districts. However, it did not affect the polling, they said.

Prime Minister and Nepali Congress (NC) president Sher Bahadur Deuba cast his ballot in his home district Dadeldhura. He voted at the Ashigram Secondary School polling centre at Ruwakhola in Ganyapdhura rural municipality-1 in the morning. Deuba had studied at this school.

Deuba has continuously won the election from Dadeldhura since 1991. He is running for the federal parliament member for the seventh time in this election, The Himalayan Times newspaper reported.

Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) chairman and former prime minister K P Sharma Oli cast his ballot at the polling centre situated in Suryabinayak Municipality in Bhaktapur district near Kathmandu.

Talking to reporters after casting his vote, Oli said that his CPN-UML-led alliance will secure a clear majority and form the next government by December 1.

“The UML will form a majority government, or at least a coalition government comprising parties that have forged an alliance with us in the elections,” he said.

CPN-Maoist Centre chairman and former prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda” cast his vote at the polling centre located at Bharatpur Municipality in Chitawan district.

“It is most likely that the next government will be formed under the leadership of the Nepali Congress and I will contest for the post of Parliamentary Party leader to forward my claim for the top executive position,” NC general secretary Gagan Thapa said after casting his vote in Kathmandu constituency No. 4.

Another NC leader and former deputy prime minister Prakash Man Singh said the leaders of the five-party alliance will sit together to decide who will lead the next government and chalk out the future course of action.

Out of a total of 275 Members of Parliament, 165 will be elected through direct voting, while the remaining 110 will be elected through a proportional electoral system.

At the same time, voters also voted to elect representatives to seven provincial assemblies.

Out of a total of 550 members of the provincial assemblies, 330 will be elected directly and 220 will be elected through the proportional method.

Political observers closely watching the elections have predicted a hung parliament and a government that is unlikely to provide the required political stability in Nepal.

Political instability has been a recurrent feature of Nepal’s Parliament since the end of the decade-long Maoist insurgency, and no prime minister has served a full term after the civil war ended in 2006.

The frequent changes and fighting among parties have been blamed for the country’s slow economic growth.

There are two major political alliances contesting the polls — the ruling Nepali Congress-led democratic and leftist alliance and the CPN-UML-led leftist and pro-Hindu, pro-monarchy alliance.

Nepali Congress led by Prime Minister Deuba, 76, has formed an electoral alliance with former Maoist guerrilla leader Prachanda’, 67, against former premier Oli, 70.

The Nepali Congress-led ruling alliance includes CPN-Maoist Centre, CPN-Unified Socialist, and Madhes-based Loktantrik Samajwadi Party while the CPN-UML-led alliance includes pro-Hindu Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Madhes-based Janata Samajwadi Party.

The next government will face challenges of keeping a stable political administration, reviving the tourism industry and balancing ties with neighbours — China and India.

Out of a total of 2,412 candidates contesting the election for federal Parliament, 867 are independents.

Among the major political parties, the CPN-UML has fielded 141 candidates while the Nepali Congress and CPN-Maoist Centre have fielded 91 and 46 candidates respectively.

Security has been stepped up in all 77 districts across the country with air-patrolling around polling stations and closing of international borders for 72 hours.

(PTI)

Nepal Votes to Elect New Parliament and Provincial Assemblies, Counting to Start Tonight

Home secretary Binod Prakash Singh said that up to 46% votes have been cast across the country as of 2 pm local time.

Kathmandu: Millions of Nepalese began voting on Sunday, November 20, to elect a new parliament and provincial assemblies amid tight security, hoping to end the political instability that has plagued the country for more than a decade and impeded growth.

The polling started at 7 am local time at over 22,000 polling centres and is expected to have closed at 5 pm.

Talking to reporters, home secretary Binod Prakash Singh said that up to 46% votes have been cast across the country as of 2 pm local time.

Barring a few sporadic incidents, the voting remained largely peaceful.

A minor explosion took place near Sharda Secondary School polling station in Dhangadhi Sub-metropolitan City in Kailali district. However, there was no casualty, officials said, adding that voting continued in the polling station despite the incident with just half-an-hour interruption.

Some incidents of heated arguments between party cadres were reported from 11 areas in Dhangadi, Gorkha and Dolakha districts. However, it did not affect the polling, they said.

Singh said that voting has resumed at the places where it was put off after minor disputes earlier in the day.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister and Nepali Congress (NC) president Sher Bahadur Deuba cast his ballot in his home district Dadeldhura. He voted at the Ashigram Secondary School polling centre at Ruwakhola in Ganyapdhura rural municipality-1 in the morning. Deuba had studied at this school.

Deuba has continuously won the election from Dadeldhura since 1991. He is running for the federal parliament member for the seventh time in this election, The Himalayan Times newspaper reported.

Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) chairman and former prime minister K.P. Sharma Oli cast his ballot at the polling centre situated in Suryabinayak Municipality in Bhaktapur district near Kathmandu.

CPN-Maoist Centre chairman and former prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda” cast his vote at the polling centre located at Bharatpur Municipality in Chitawan district.

Also read: All You Need to Know as Nepal Goes to the Polls

Speaking to the media after voting from a polling station in Bhaktapur, chief election commissioner Dinesh Kumar Thapaliya said the counting will start at 9 pm Sunday after collecting all the ballot boxes.

Thapaliya said the commission would announce all the first-past-the-post results in the next eight days while the results of proportional representation elections would be announced by December 8.

More than 17.9 million eligible voters will elect a 275-member House of Representatives.

Out of a total of 275 members of parliament, 165 will be elected through direct voting, while the remaining 110 will be elected through a proportional electoral system.

At the same time, voters will also choose representatives to seven provincial assemblies.

Out of a total of 550 members of the provincial assemblies, 330 will be elected directly and 220 will be elected through the proportional method.

Political observers closely watching the elections have predicted a hung parliament and a government that is unlikely to provide the required political stability in Nepal.

Political instability has been a recurrent feature of Nepal’s Parliament since the end of the decade-long Maoist insurgency, and no prime minister has served a full term after the civil war ended in 2006.

The frequent changes and fighting among parties have been blamed for the country’s slow economic growth.

There are two major political alliances contesting the polls – the ruling Nepali Congress-led democratic and leftist alliance and the CPN-UML-led leftist and pro-Hindu, pro-monarchy alliance.

Nepali Congress led by Prime Minister Deuba, 76, has formed an electoral alliance with former Maoist guerrilla leader Prachanda’, 67, against former premier Oli, 70.

Also read: Nepal: Will Madhes Remain an Influential Factor After the November Elections? 

The Nepali Congress-led ruling alliance includes CPN-Maoist Centre, CPN-Unified Socialist, and Madhes-based Loktantrik Samajwadi Party while the CPN-UML-led alliance includes pro-Hindu Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Madhes-based Janata Samajwadi Party.

The next government will face challenges of keeping a stable political administration, reviving the tourism industry and balancing ties with neighbours – China and India.

Out of a total of 2,412 candidates contesting the election for federal Parliament, 867 are independents.

Among the major political parties, the CPN-UML has fielded 141 candidates while the Nepali Congress and CPN-Maoist Centre have fielded 91 and 46 candidates, respectively.

Security has been stepped up in all 77 districts across the country with air-patrolling around polling stations and closing of international borders for 72 hours.

(PTI)

Nepal: Will Madhes Remain an Influential Factor after the November Elections? 

When it comes to their agenda, Madhes-based parties are unlikely to make substantial gains. But the region, which is of particular interest to India, is sure to find integral space in Nepal politics.

Nepal’s Madhes-based parties, which came into the forefront of Nepali politics mainly after the 2008 Constituent Assembly elections, are now struggling to retain their strength and keep themselves relevant in national politics.

Madhes is the name for the flatlands of southern Nepal bordering India. The Madhesis are a diverse minority group in Nepal. The region covers one out of seven provinces and elects representatives for 32 electoral constituencies, under the ‘First Past the Post’ or FPTP category, to the House of Representatives. 

Two major Madhes-based parties – Loktantrik Samajwadi Party (LSP) led by Mahantha Thakur and Janata Samajbadi Party-Nepal (JSP-N) led by Upendra Yadav – are contesting the parliamentary and provincial assembly elections tomorrow, November 20.

The Mahantha Thakur-led party has joined the ruling alliance in some constituencies in Madhes, while the Upendra Yadav-led party has allied with Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) led by K.P. Sharma Oli. 

C.K. Raut’s Janamat Party is the third factor in Madhes. Raut, who launched a secessionist movement in Madhes from 2011, returned to constitutional politics by signing an 11-point agreement with then Prime Minister Oli on Mar 2019. Subsequently, he registered a party with the Election Commission (EC). 

Thakur and Yadav’s parties consider Raut as a threat to them. In turn, Raut has criticised the two other Madhes-based parties, stating that they have failed to take up and establish the genuine agenda of Madhes. Notably, Raut and Yadav are going head-to-head in the Madhes province’s Saptari 2 constituency.

According to the Nepal EC, the Yadav-led party is contesting elections for the House of Representatives in 79 seats, the Thakur-led party in 51, and the Raut-led party in 54 seats under the FPTP category all over the country. 

Also read: Favourites, Alliances, Numbers: All the Questions Ahead of Nepal’s November Polls Answered

Madhes parties have fielded candidates in certain constituencies with the support of allies. In others, they are directly contesting ally candidates. In addition, there have been multiple splits and name changes for these parties in the last several years. All in all, the situation is confusing for voters and gives analysts plenty of reasons to conclude that the parties may not do well in Madhes this time.

Traditionally, Madhes is considered the bastion of the Nepali Congress or NC. Of late, Oli’s CPN-UML has also improved its position. CPN (Maoist Center) also has a sizeable presence there. 

So Madhes-based parties, who remain divided into various factions, are competing in a crowded field and are less likely to perform well in the election, says Pranab Kharel, editor of the new book, Reading Nepali Transition (2006-2015). 

“Over the past decade, Madhes-based parties, to some extent, have succeeded in ensuring the symbolic representation of Madhes, but substantive changes to ensure meaningful representation are not happening,” noted Kharel.

The first Madhes party, named Tarai Congress, was established in 1951. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, the Nepal Sadbhawana Party came into existence but suffered multiple splits between 1990 to 2006. But it was only after 2006 that Madhes-based parties emerged as a prominent force in national politics.

In 2007, Upendra Yadav launched the Madhes movement and later formed the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, which secured 54 seats in 601-member Constituent Assembly elected in 2008. 

Veteran NC leader Thakur also formed the Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party.

From 2008 to 2013, Madhes-based parties remained a key factor in the government formation and constitution drafting process. After that, there were multiple splits among them. 

In 2015, Nepal drafted a new constitution, but Madhes-based parties snubbed it and resorted to a four-month-long protest. India, too, expressed displeasure with Nepal’s new constitution and imposed an economic blockade to press Kathmandu to address the concerns of the Madhes-based parties. Both the blockade and the Madhes movement were lifted after the first amendment to the constitution in 2016, which addressed some of the demands.

The unofficial blockade has led to massive shortages of fuel in Nepal. Photo: File

However, while India had earlier advocated for more equity for Madheshis in nation-building, it has maintained public silence on the Madhes issue in recent years.

Just before the 2017 parliamentary elections, six Madhes-based parties came together and formed the Rastriya Janata Party Nepal.  

After the 2017 elections, then Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum, led by Upendra Yadav, won 16 seats, while Mahantha Thakur’s Janata Samajbadi Party got 15 seats – both FPTP and proportional representation categories, in the lower house of parliament.

The 2017 general election yielded a powerful communist government, which meant that Madhes-based parties lost much of their bargaining power as kingmakers. Oli, who became prime minister for the second time in 2018, rejected outright the Madhesi parties’ demand for a constitutional amendment. 

After this election, Kharel observed, the number of seats obtained in Madhes would determine Madhesi parties’ role in national politics. Their ideologies will take a backseat, he says. Still, the issues on their traditional agenda, such as inclusion and citizenship, will continue to linger even after the elections. 

“Madhes-based parties should be credited with establishing the agenda of federalism and inclusion, but of late, they are negotiating with Kathmandu on the terms of their personal benefits to ensure proximity to power,” explained Kharel. 

To secure the support of Madhesi, janajati and marginalised communities, major parties such as Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and Maoist in their election manifestos have pledged to amend the constitution to make it acceptable to all sections of society.

In addition, like other parties, Madhes parties are also dominated by older faces, such as Mahantha Thakur, Upendra Yadav and Rajendra Mahato.

The result of local elections held in May this year also suggests that the November 20 election is going to be tough for Madhes-based parties. 

Also read: Timely Local Polls in Nepal Mean the Return of Grassroots Democracy

There are altogether 136 local governments in the Madhes province. Of them, Madhes-based parties, in total, won just 40 seats, while NC and UML became the first and second party, leading to a mass shift to the NC and UML by Madhes party leaders with an eye on the parliamentary elections.

Madhes-based parties, it is believed, have begun a bargaining process with Kathmandu and have not stuck to their demands agenda. The latest poll alliance of Madhes-based parties with the ruling coalition and CPN-UML demonstrates this. 

There are projections that NC, UML and Maoist Centre will emerge as the first, second and third parties in the national parliament. 

There are three possible scenarios of power-sharing after the elections. First, parties may form the government as per their pre-election coalitions. The other two scenarios are for Nepali Congress to join hands with UML, or for the two largest communist parties to support each other, just like they did in 2017.

For the Madhes parties, it is evident that the votes that they get in the election will determine their place in the larger power-sharing deal.

At the same time, whichever coalition forms the government will try to bring Madhes-based parties on board to avoid the next protest movement in Madhes. Though Madhes-based parties have become weak, major parties fear that there could be an eruption of a new movement in Madhes at any time, in a repeat of 2007-2008 and 2015.  

Additionally, national parties want to increase the acceptability of any government formed by them in Madhes. For this, they need regional parties’ support.

When it comes to their agenda, Madhes-based parties are unlikely to make substantial gains. But they are sure to find some space in central politics.

Winds of Political Change As Nepali Congress Party ‘Elects’ New Leadership, Youth Get Priority

Many believe the inner-party democracy demonstrated by the oldest democratic party of Nepal will eventually result in deepening republican democracy in the country.

Despite a myriad of distractions, and beyond all partisan rhetoric, the oldest democratic party of Nepal, the Nepali Congress (NC), steered through a very effective democratic exercise in the process of arriving at its 14th general convention which concluded early this week. It elected new leadership in the seven-tiered party organisation—from the wards through the municipalities, Provincial Assembly constituencies, federal constituencies, districts and provinces to the federal level—created in congruence with the restructured federal state.

Barring a very few exceptions, these party executives were elected from closely contested elections, which is unquestionably a meaningful contribution to the party’s internal democracy; but more generally, towards deepening republican democracy that is often touted to be a fledgling. The outcome of this democratic exercise shines even brighter if contrasted with the modus operandi employed by two other major political competitors of the NC, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), in “electing” their new national leadership through their respective national conventions being organised around the same time. Both these communist outfits essentially thwarted all scope of intra-party democratic competition to pick trusted henchmen of the party supremos, KP Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, respectively. Its democratic credentials thus honed should provide a real competitive edge to the NC in the forthcoming local and parliamentary elections.

Citadel of power

No doubt, technically, the citadel of power in the NC remains with the establishment faction led by the prime minister and re-elected president of the party, Sher Bahadur Deuba. Out of the 14 central executives, including himself and one treasurer yet to be nominated, nine are his apparent supporters. Apart from the executives, among the 154 central committee members, according to Section 21, Clause 10 of the party statute, he will single-handedly nominate 33 members.

Also read: PM Sher Bahadur Deuba Elected As Nepali Congress Party President

However, he also has a political-moral obligation to nominate his opponents like his nearest rival in the presidential race Shekhar Koirala and other contestants to senior positions like the vice-president and general secretary who lost the elections by honourable margins. Even though a number of his close confidantes got severely beaten, Deuba still enjoys a very comfortable majority in the central committee.

But in politics, numbers and the plan rule the roost. The 14th general convention of the NC has unequivocally endorsed the plan of transfer of power to the next, younger generation of the leadership. The electoral victory of two dynamic young leaders, Gagan Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, to fill in both general secretary positions, contesting from anti-establishment panels, is unequivocal evidence that the party rank and file was desperate to see the transfer of power from what is known as the second generation of the NC leadership straight to the fourth generation.

The victory of Thapa and Sharma, who garnered 64.56% and 42.37% respectively of the 4,682 ballots cast, also shows that the electorate defied the decrees of the “lords” of the party’s factional divisions in the future interest of the organisation. More than 60% of the elected central executives across the panels are either fresh faces or have assumed new responsibilities. Equally important is the fact that they effectively displaced a number of self-proclaimed party heavyweights who essentially were responsible for the party’s downfall in the immediate past.

This set of new leadership possesses particular character traits. Many of these young leaders started their active political careers after restoring democracy in 1990. Therefore, this generation did not suffer long years of incarceration, exile or repeated arrests meted out by the then Panchayat system under an absolute monarchy. The only large scale organised political revolt they participated in or experienced was the anti-monarchy, pro-republican movement of 2006-07. This phenomenon forces these leaders to bank more on their delivery than on the anecdotes of personal sacrifices and painful struggles.

Also, this undoubtedly is the generation that better understands the aspirations of the youths in general, which is more interested in their future than whining stories of the past, communicates more through social media than social revolt, and looks for pragmatic solutions to socio-economic problems dancing with trite political rhapsodies.

The fact of the matter is that the rise of the youth leadership in the NC, as personified by Thapa and Sharma, serves only as a symbolism to change. To prove their mettle, as leaders of change befitting their elected responsibility, will be more challenging than the battle fought through the ballot. The “next generation” leadership that has emerged regardless of their function of affiliations must pass a three-stage litmus test. Their victory has, though partially, ratified the agenda of the “imperative of change” in the party put forth by them. But, as the first step, it now becomes their collective responsibility to adequately articulate that agenda of change in terms of calibration of the party’s principles, policies and programmes.

Burning problems

Second, they must be able to end the pervasive sense of “disconnect” between the party’s mainstay of business and the country’s burning problems like rapidly deteriorating economic indicators, decaying education system, worsening unemployment scenario and depleting national prestige in the international arena.

The new political leadership aspiring to climb higher cannot afford to be impervious and clueless like their predecessors towards the people’s pressing problems.

Also read: Nepal Needs Less Hysteria Over Geopolitics, More Global Support for Its Young Democracy

Third, the selected pattern of the central leadership in the NC has dismantled the existing factionalism in the party and created new power centres. The most critical challenge for the NC will be to make it a party of interest to the next generation of Nepali youths who are hopelessly becoming disenchanted with the politics centred on the petty vested interests of a few influential players in the national party.

Therefore, change both in narratives and functionality of the leading democratic force like the NC is quintessential, and must be led by these change leaders. It can only happen with the realisation in these young leaders that they represent their cadre-supporters who voted for them and the more considerable popular will that is breathlessly waiting for the nation’s politics to deliver the goods.

Achyut Wagle holds a Ph.D. in economics and is currently a professor at the Kathmandu University School of Management.

This article was first published in The Kathmandu Post. Read the original article here.