‘No Redistribution in Congress Manifesto, BJP Wants to Distract and Communalise’: Amitabh Dubey

Amitabh Dubey, a member of the Congress’s manifesto committee, underlines in an interview to The Wire that the idea of his party’s manifesto is to analyse where government funds go and how to increase representation.

New Delhi: As Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other top Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leaders accuse the Congress of promising in its manifesto that it will redistribute resources in the country and give them to Muslims, specifically mentioning land, gold and women’s mangalsutras, the Congress has accused the saffron party of distracting and communalising voters.

In an interview with The Wire, Amitabh Dubey, a member of the Congress’s manifesto committee, said that the document does not talk about redistribution.

“We are very clear about what we mean. The prime minister’s false claims are, in our mind, the ravings of a panicky mind who has seen the inevitable, which is an election defeat, and is trying to throw distraction bombs everywhere,” he said.

“But we are very clear. [The] first thing the manifesto talks about is that inequality is a huge problem in the country. It is a global problem, but in India, it is particularly acute.

“As the data shows, as Thomas Piketty and his co-authors have shown this empirically, the top 1% has 40% of the wealth of the country. The level of inequality has soared to higher levels than the British Raj, which is quite an indictment of the Modi government and its policies.”

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

Dubey said that the Congress manifesto lists a set of proposals to address inequality, including providing Rs 1 lakh per year to poor women, Rs 400 in wages under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, apprenticeship programmes, filling 30 lakh Union government vacancies, providing a legal guarantee for minimum support prices as well as a socio-economic caste census.

“So this is a package to address the inequalities that have gone up to record levels under the Modi government. All these proposals are for all segments of society and are not aimed at minorities or SC/ST/OBCs specifically, but to all poor people,” he said.

Dubey said the proposals also seek to address caste discrimination but do not talk about the redistribution of property.

“There is no redistribution of property. It is about where the resources go, and government land is a part of that. We are not taking land away from anyone,” he said, adding that government land has been distributed to the underprivileged in the past.

“It is not about redistribution of anyone’s property, it is about how government money is spent and how these groups are represented,” he said.

While the BJP has spun a communal narrative by referring to former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s 2006 speech at the national defence council, where he spoke about minorities and particularly Muslims having the first claim to India’s resources, Dubey said that the speech is available for everyone to see and read.

“Mr Modi’s policies have been an attack on everyone. He is bringing in the religious aspect [and] he is trying to divide the poor on religious grounds,” Dubey said, adding that the poor “understand … that they are all being discriminated against, [that] the OBCs are the largest section of the poor, [and] that his policies are against SCs/STs/OBCs, economically weaker sections and minorities.”

“Which brings me to the point that Dr Manmohan Singh had made. It is very clear, everyone can watch the speech or read the transcript, where he said that the first claim of resources should go to the disadvantaged, which is the SCs/STs/OBCs [and] minorities. This is clearly a distortion,” he said.

Dubey said that the BJP’s attempt to equate the manifesto’s promises by alleging that the Congress wants to run the government by “Sharia law” and allow the slaughter of cows, and equating the document to that of the Muslim League, shows that the Modi government is “desperate” to cling to power.

“There are clearly two things that are going on. One is, our feedback, the feedback of many parties, and I am sure the feedback for the BJP, is that all of their gambits in the last few months have failed to convert into votes,” he said.

“Their vote share is dropping and they will go below 180 seats and the opposition will come up. So they are trying to distract from inflation and unemployment, which have come up in the elections as the two main issues that voters care about.

“And the other thing that has happened is that the turnout has dropped sharply. So what is probably happening in our view is that their base is not voting.

“So perhaps to whip up their base and convince them to think about religious issues and not economic issues, they are engaging in this rhetoric. It has clearly not worked in the first two rounds, we don’t expect it to work in the coming rounds.

This government is on its way out and these are the last desperate attempts on its way out to cling to power,” he said.

Ordeal of Dalits In Uttar Pradesh: Arrest, Suspension of Students; Removal of Ambedkar’s Statue

Dalits in Uttar Pradesh have witnessed two humiliating incidents in the recent past while commemorating Ambedkar’s birth anniversary: at the Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University in Lucknow and in Hardoi’s Kesripur village.

Lucknow: Twenty three students, 20 of whom belong to Dalit communities, were arrested and jailed for agitating against the Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University (BBAU) administration in Lucknow. The administration has suspended six students, out of whom three are from Dalit backgrounds.

On April 17, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) brought a sound system to the BBAU campus to commemorate Ram Navami without permission.

Dalit students went to the chancellor’s residence to complain about the ABVP, and student leaders held a demonstration outside chancellor Sanjay Singh’s home, blaming the university administration for not prohibiting the right-wing student union from using the sound system.

Dalit students were upset because the BBAU administration had previously denied them permission to use the sound system during a cultural event to commemorate Ambedkar’s birth anniversary.

According to the protesting students, the security officers beat them in front of the proctor, Sanjay Kumar.

Many of the students had sustained injuries and proceeded to the university’s medical centre for treatment.

Rahul Kumar, who is pursuing a master’s degree in history, claimed he sustained several injuries on his head, backbone, waist and hands.

Kumar also said that the security personnel used casteist remarks against Dalit students. Further, he suggested that the BBAU administration was complicit in the assault on Dalit students.

Another Dalit student, Ashwani Kumar, had injuries on his shoulder, mouth and neck. 

“Police registered a frivolous first information report (FIR) against students on the complaint of [a] security agency, but cops have not registered a case against guards so far,” Kumar said.

On April 25, the protesting students were arrested around 11:30 pm. The university administration suspended six protesters on April 27.

Also read | Crackdown, Suspension, Invitation to Probe: The TISS Playbook of Curbing ‘Anti-National’ Activity

Student leader Abdul Wahab told The Wire that a dharna and hunger strike against the BBAU administration was started on campus after the incident.

According to Wahab, students were demanding the cancellation of the FIR filed by the security agency and the dissolution of the university’s proctorial board.

According to proctor Sanjay Kumar, security personnel were only trying to stop students from barging into the chancellor’s residence.

“On April 14, Ambedkar Jayanti was celebrated by university staff, but besides this, BBAU administration granted permission to students for another event on April 17,” said Kumar.

“However, we did not allow the use of sound systems on campus,” he added.

Kumar told The Wire that six students have been suspended from the university for a period of three months. 

However, the students termed the suspension “illegal” as the reason for the suspension was not mentioned in the suspension letter issued by the BBAU administration.

According to C.P. Singh, inspector of the Ashiyana police station, a case has been filed against four identified and 25 unidentified students following a complaint from the security agency “Security and Intelligence Services”.

Students who have been booked include Ashwani Kumar, Rahul Kumar, Vikas Kumar and Alok Kumar Rao.

Singh said that “nearly 23 students were arrested and sent to jail.” 

Roop Rekha Verma, the ex-chancellor of Lucknow University (LU), condemned the assault and arrest of Dalit students and stated that democratic atmosphere was fading in universities.

“I wonder how the BBAU administration was allowed to celebrate a religious event [Ram Navami] in its campus,” she said.

Notably, the BBAU administration had earlier prevented Roop Rekha Verma from taking part in Jyotoba Phule Jayanti on April 11.

This was not the first incident where Dalit students were targeted.

In Lucknow’s universities, tension is escalating between pro-Dalit organisations and the Hindutva right-wing faction, which has been tenaciously seeking to establish its dominance in institutions of higher learning since the saffron party came into power in the state.

The right-wing group at LU allegedly even threatened a professor. On May 11, 2022, ABVP students on the LU campus allegedly intimidated and heckled a Hindi professor, Ravikant Chandan, for statements he made on the ongoing dispute between the Gyanvapi mosque and the Kashi Vishwanath temple in Varanasi.

ABVP students also disrupted a rally hosted by various student unions on January 17, 2023, to commemorate the seventh death anniversary of Dalit student Rohith Vemula at LU.

The Ambedkar statue

In another incident, the local administration removed Ambedkar’s statue within hours of its installation on Ambedkar Jayanti.

According to villagers, during the Republic Day celebrations, they planned to erect a statue of Ambedkar in the Kesripur hemlet, for which they had identified a gram panchayat property.

A Hindu temple of the “Balaji Maharaj” deity was also located on the other side of the panchayat’s land.

Locals with the Ambedkar statue. Photo provided by author.

Before beginning the construction work, Dalit community members sought permission from Malti, who is a pradhan of Mandauli (Sandila), Hardoi.

Malti gave a no-objection certificate (NOC) for the statue’s erection, according to villagers.

In her NOC, she also stated that there is no disagreement among inhabitants of the village regarding erection of statues.

The statue’s construction started in February and ended in March. However, locals chose to unveil it on April 14, which is Ambedkar’s birth anniversary.

On April 14, villagers held a ceremony and unveiled the statue with great excitement. 

However, the local administration marred the event the following evening. Police forces arrived in the village and ordered Dalits to remove the statue. Locals refused to remove it and began protesting against the administration’s diktat.

Bharat Choudhary, president of the Socialist Yuvjan Sabha (Hardoi), told The Wire that despite objections, the statue’s platform was demolished.

According to Choudhary, the police used a bulldozer to demolish the platform on which the statue stood.

“They also confiscated the statue,” Choudhary added.

Resentment among local villagers is brewing.

“What law permits the existence of a Hanuman temple on the same premises, while a bulldozer destroys a symbol of faith for others?” Choudhary questioned.

Ashok Bharti, general secretary of the Socialist Party of India’s, Hardoi unit, told The Wire that during a meeting on April 17, villagers decided that if the Ambedkar statue was not returned to its original location by 7 am on May 13, the day of the Lok Sabha election in this constituency, they will boycott the elections.

The police have registered a case against nearly 20 identified protestors. Keshawa Chand Goswami, the superintendent of police in Hardoi, said police have taken action on the complaint of a lekhpal (accountant) of the revenue department.

Goswami told The Wire that the statue’s installation was illegal because the district administration did not grant permission for it.

“A case has been registered against those who created the mayhem when officials were removing the statue,” he said.

Commenting on the incident, former MLA and Samajwadi Party leader Rajpal Kashyap expressed apprehension about the future of Dalits in India.

Kashyap asserted that the BJP initiated its campaign against Dalits by removing the Ambedkar statue and will conclude it by discarding the constitution he had authored.

He went on to say that if the BJP gets one more term, it will scrap the constitution to disempower Dalits, backwards and Muslims.

Arun Khote, a human rights activist who works with Dalits, suspects a plot behind the attack on Dalit students at BBAU.

According to Khote, the objective of forming BBAU was to empower underprivileged people, but recent incidents suggest that a plan is underway to remove them from the institution.

Khote also denounced the destruction of the statue, questioning that if the locals installed it illegally, why the administration did not give them enough time to fulfil the necessary formalities.

Note: An earlier version of this report misreported the number of arrested students and the caste background of those suspended.

Under Naveen Patnaik’s Brand of Dynasty Politics, Wives, Daughters Get Precedence Over Sons

The approach adopted by Naveen Patnaik is in line with the ideal espoused by his party that there should be more women in legislative bodies. Out of 21 parliament seats, women have been fielded as candidates in seven seats, and in 34 out of 147 assembly seats.  

Bhubaneswar: As campaigning picks up momentum in Odisha, it is becoming increasingly clear that the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD) is trying hard to keep anti-incumbency at bay by denying tickets to a large number of sitting MLAs and replacing them, in most cases, either with their sons or wives. More than sons the focus seems to be on the wives with chief minister Naveen Patnaik following the avowed policy of promoting members of women in politics.

As women have been the loyal voters of his party since its inception, he has been campaigning for 33% reservation for them in the parliament and the state legislatures across the country. Patnaik, who also happens to be the president of BJD, has already fielded women in seven out of 21 Lok Sabha constituencies in the state, thus meeting the promised 33% target. Thirty-four women have so far been nominated on assembly seats, making it roughly 24% of the 147 seats at stake. This is much higher compared to the 2019 figure of 19 when the party did not find enough eligible candidates from the fair sex.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

Senior BJD leader and sitting Morada MLA Rajkishore Das, who has been replaced by the party this time with his wife Preetinanda Kanungo, feels the chief minister has taken the right step by fielding more women candidates. “This has created a positive image of the party and our campaign is making the right kind of impact on the people,” said Das adding that empowerment of women remains one of the top priorities of the chief minister.

However, many other BJD leaders feel that the candidature of women in the constituencies where they have replaced their husbands would not create any bitterness because their spouses know that in the event of victory, the control will be in their hands. “We have seen this happening in the panchayat elections and this will also happen in the assembly elections. Most of these women are actually proxies for their husbands. But this helps the party fight anti-incumbency as they are entering the electoral arena with a clean slate unlike their husbands many of whom had incurred the wrath of the people because of their acts of omission and commission,” said a BJD leader who did not wish to be named.

Like in Morada in Angul, too, sitting MLA and former minister Rajanikant Singh has been replaced by his wife Sanjukta even though he had been winning the seat since 2004. In the Surada assembly constituency, which falls under the Aska parliamentary seat, three-time MLA Purna Chandra Swain has given way to his wife Sanghamitra. All these women will be making their poll debut this time.

Among other women debutants of the BJD are Indira Nanda, wife of former state minister Rabi Narayan Nanda who is contesting the Jeypore assembly seat which falls under the Koraput Lok Sabha constituency. Her husband had won the seat thrice between 2000 and 2009 but he lost to the Congress’s Taraprasad Bahinipati in the 2014 and 2019 polls.

Subhasini, wife of former Balasore MP Rabindra Kumar Jena, who unsuccessfully contested the 2019 Lok Sabha polls from the seat, is in the fray from Basta, one of the seven assembly seats falling under the Balasore parliamentary constituency which is witnessing an interesting contest this time with former union minister and BJP candidate Pratap Sarangi pitted against his own party turncoat Lekhashree Samantsinghar who is the BJD candidate on the seat.

While on the reserved seat of Bangiriposi sitting MLA and state minister Sudam Marndi, who has been fielded this time from the Mayurbhanj Lok Sabha seat, has been replaced by his wife Ranjita,  in Paradip sitting MLA Sambit Routray has made way for his better half Geetanjali. Similarly, three-time MLA Subrat Tarai has been replaced by his wife Archana Rekha Behara on the Raghunathpali assembly seat.

In some of the seats, the party has nominated the children of sitting MLAs who had to be replaced because of a variety of reasons including advancing age and unwillingness to contest. A good example of the reluctance of the sitting MLA to pave the way for the political baptism of the next generation is the Chikiti seat in Ganjam. With former minister and six-time MLA from the seat Usha Devi expressing her unwillingness to contest, her son Srirup Deb has been nominated by the BJD to contest from the family bastion. Scion of the Chikiti royal family, Deb has been accompanying his mother during campaigning in the past. But this election is going to be his test by fire as he is pitted against the two sons of former assembly speaker Chintamani Dyansamantara, one representing the BJP and another the Congress.

While the son of BJD heavyweight Pratap Jena, who has been kept out of the fray this time because of a criminal case against him, would be making his electoral debut from Mahanga assembly seat. Arabinda Mohapatra, son of veteran  Bijoy Mohapatra, who was expelled from BJD 24 years ago, will be the party’s candidate from Patkura which his father represented several times in the state assembly.

One of the youngest candidates in the fray this time is Geetanjali Devi, the 28-year-old scion of the erstwhile Dharakote royal family and daughter of former MLA Nandini Devi whom the BJD has fielded from Sanakhemundi, where her mother had lost to the Congress’s Ramesh Jena in 2019. The sons of former Puri MLA Maheshwar Mohanty and former speaker Surya Narayan Patra are also in the fray this time.

Political analyst Shashi Kant Mishra thinks picking up young leaders is an effective way of not only beating anti-incumbency but also keeping internal rebellion in the party at bay. “Many of the leaders denied tickets this time are influential people and could have damaged the prospects of official candidates by fielding dummies. The party has avoided this by picking their wives and children.  This way it can also take the credit for promoting women and the youth,” said Mishra.

However, notwithstanding all this, there is simmering discontent among BJD workers in certain constituencies where senior leaders have been denied tickets. While the followers of former minister and sitting Nimapara MLA Samir Dash appear to be in a rebellious mood following his replacement on the seat with a newcomer, the adherents of Barchana MLA Amar Satpathy are feeling let down after the party replaced him with Odia film actress Barsha Priyadarshini. Apparently aware of the undercurrent of discontent among workers and leaders in some constituencies, the BJD leadership has urged people to vote for the party instead of the candidate. The results will show whether the voters heeded to the advice.

Why the SC Verdict on EVM-VVPAT Misses Critical Points

It’s important to understand the method of hack – in which consecutive votes are stolen and cast in favour of the hacker’s party when the lamp is switched off.

The Supreme Court’s two-judge bench on April 26 delivered its much-delayed judgement on the demand for 100% verification of EVM-VVPAT.

The petition was filed by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) a year ago. Other petitions were tagged with it.

The verdict came on the day of the second phase of polling of the 2024 General Elections.

This wasn’t any contest between any political party and the Election Commission (EC) or the government. This was a contest between the citizens of India and the EC. None of the political parties were petitioners. However, the bench seemed to have missed this point and gave a relief that petitioners never asked for.

The order was signed by both Justices Sanjiv Khanna and Dipankar Datta. A separate order was signed by only Justice Datta.

SC order on EVM-VVPAT

The only positive aspect of the order is the direction issued to the EC, which is expected to considerably reduce the chances of hacking because of the fear of getting caught during the audit, if done honestly and competently.

Unless the audit process, which is in the hands of the EC (BEL and ECIL engineers), is subverted, the risk for hackers getting caught will be huge.

The top court order has limited the audit to a maximum of 5% of EVMs per constituency. If the losing contestants (the second and third runner-up) had been permitted to request an audit of all EVMs, the possibility of hacking would have been eliminated.

The order makes it explicit that the burden of the cost of audit will be on the challenger. However, it does not speak about the consequences of malware detection in the suspected devices: will a re-poll be ordered around the booth where the EVM was deployed, or the whole constituency, or the whole country?

The order shows its magnanimity in refunding the cost incurred by the challenger should any tampering be detected.

It is strange that the order did not consider it justified to appoint independent auditors in resolving the audit challenge. Independent auditors could have compared the object code (access to the source code is not necessary) in the suspected machines with healthy machines provided by the EC and given their verdict about the evidence of tampering, i.e. presence of illegitimate stuff (malware or any foreign software).

The order unnecessarily elaborates that the “microcontroller’s burnt memory” will be subject to audit. What about the flash memory of 4MB (see paragraph#22 in the order)? For a semi-technical note on the EVM hackability, read here.

Let’s now consider the curious (bad) part of the order which betrays the misunderstanding on part of the honorable judges – and which is worthy of a challenge in a review petition.

The main petitioner, senior advocate Prashant Bhushan, asked for sensible reliefs which would have served to foil hacking of the EVM system completely. He also explained all the important vulnerabilities and tried to elaborate the possibility of malware infiltrating the “programmable memory” of the VVPAT but Justice Khanna cut him off multiple times – as can be read from the court proceedings and live updates from independent websites.

Also read: The Anatomy of an Electronic Voting Machine: What We Know and What We Don’t

The method of hack

The first relief sought was that the voters should be able to verify the correctness of the vote slip printed by the VVPAT and assure themselves that it is cut and dispensed into the ballot box.

Senior advocate Bhushan offered three alternatives: i) revert to paper ballot, ii) hand over the vote slip to the voter who can verify its correctness and dispense it into a ballot box, and iii) keep the light inside the VVPAT behind a dark glass (why on earth this glass should not be transparent is not explained satisfactorily by the EC. The secrecy argument is totally specious as the voter compartment is always placed in a corner of the room, illuminated all the time so that the voter would leave the voter compartment only after full satisfaction: the correct slip is printed, cut and dispensed into the ballot box. Merely lighting up the lamp for a brief seven seconds to show the slip to the voter is insufficient.

Watch in this video how the hacking method – in which consecutive votes are stolen – works. In this method of hacking, the vote count in CU and VVPAT printed slips would match.

However, the top court order has explicitly denied this right to the voter. Justice Datta elaborates in a separate order – in para#15 & 16 page#48 & 49 – that under Rule 49M(3), it is sufficient to merely show the slip to the voter.

It appears that the judge never understood the method of hacking – in which consecutive votes are stolen and cast in favour of the hacker’s party when the lamp is switched off.

Control unit in an EVM said to be tamper-proof by the Election Commission of India. Photo: CC BY 3.0/Wikimedia Commons

The judges elaborate naively in their order that never in the past have discrepancies been reported between the CU count and manual count of VVPAT printed slips. Therefore, no hacking could have ever taken place. The order quite unnecessarily derides the demand for paper ballots and voter slips being handed over to the voter without mentioning all the three alternatives.

‘Godi media’ has also amplified the view that asking for paper ballots is a “retrograde demand”.

Based on the third alternative Bhushan offered, the judges should have quizzed the EC to articulate methods of satisfying the voter that the vote is correctly printed, cut, and dispensed into the ballot box. The EC should have specifically answered why it has designed the complicated system of switching light on and off and generating an audio beep signal. Further, the EC should have been asked to explain why the simple method of illuminating the cutting operation and dispensing of the slip in the ballot box was not preferred.

The poll body had revealed in the court that there is a sensor which detects the falling slip, and it sends out an audio beep. What if the audio beep signal is generated falsely by a hacked VVPAT? Therefore, the relief of voter verification should have been granted to foil this smart method of hacking.

After the results, the audit can also detect this hack. However, the cost of foiling the hack is much smaller than the cost of recovering from the consequences of a hack after it has been allowed to happen.

The second relief the petitioners asked for was a manual count of 100% vote slips and comparing the same with the CU count. The comparison would diminish the errors of the manual count.

The Supreme Court court order shows that the wisdom of comparison escaped their comprehension completely. This comparison would serve to foil the simpler, though a dumber, hacking of the voter pressing the button of one candidate and the vote in the CU being written of another party. In this hack, the vote slip of the correct candidate in a manual count would not match with the CU count. This hack is easy to catch. Therefore, it is not likely to be preferred by a sophisticated hacker.

It is a no-brainer that the hacker is not likely to be a run-of-the-mill type. The subversion of Indian elections can entangle trillions of rupees (the General Election 2024 is projected to cost $14 billion) and national security. The order allows only 5% of EVMs to be tallied manually in a constituency. However, it has directed the EC to evaluate bar code printing on the vote slips for possible machine counting in future elections.

The denial of this relief was not logical and penny-wise-pound-foolish. According to S.Y. Quraishi, the 100% manual count of vote slips cannot be compared with the paper ballot era when the ballot papers could be the size of a newspaper. With small VVPAT printed vote slips, it is feasible to finish counting within one day – watch here. By capping the manual count to 5% of EVMs per constituency, the chances of the second type of hack still remain. However, this is not as much a serious compromise as is the denial of the aforementioned relief of verification by the voter because that allows the smarter hack to still take place.

In a review petition, the first relief ought to be demanded. Perhaps, if a larger bench hears this petition, there would be more chances of convincing the judges.

The judgement has many other technical bloopers (for example, in para#22, the candidate data file is a bit map file. It cannot be so as the candidate name and ID, apart from the symbol, needs to be transferred). The language used in the Supreme Court order, in many places, seems to be that of BEL or ECIL engineers, as pointed out by Kannan Gopinathan in a recent interview to Poonam Agarwal.

NewsClick Case: SC Pulls Up Delhi Police for Flouting Norms During Purkayastha’s Arrest

Justice Sandeep Mehta expressed surprise over the fact that the remand order was passed before the remand application was served on Purkayastha’s lawyer.

New Delhi: The Supreme Court on Tuesday, April 30, pulled up the Delhi Police on the manner in which NewsClick founder and editor Prabir Purkayastha was arrested in October last year.

Justice Sandeep Mehta pointedly asked the Delhi Police what was the “hot haste” in producing Purkayastha at 6 am before the magistrate on October 4. He has been under custody since his arrest on October 3 last year in the case over alleged Chinese funding to promote “anti-national propaganda” through the digital portal.

“First please answer this, why did you not inform his lawyer? What was the hot haste in producing him at 6 am? You arrested him at 5.45 pm the previous day. You had the whole day before you. Why the haste?” said Justice Mehta, according to Livelaw.in.

Justice Mehta also expressed surprise over the fact that the remand order was passed before the remand application was served on Purkayastha’s lawyer.

Justice B.R. Gavai, another judge on the Bench, also said principles of natural justice required that Purkayastha’s lawyer be present when the remand order was passed. He said the accused could have been produced at 10 am or 11 am instead.

According to Kapil Sibal, Purkayastha’s lawyer, the information regarding his remand was sent to his counsel only when Purkayastha objected to his being produced before the magistrate at 6 am without the knowledge of his counsel. Sibal said the investigating officer had only sent the remand order to his counsel at 7:07 am on WhatsApp after Purkayastha pressed for it.

The Delhi police had filed an 8,000-page chargesheet in the case on March 30 against NewsClick and Purkayastha under sections 153A (promoting enmity), 120B (criminal conspiracy) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and sections 13 (unlawful activities), 16 (terrorist act), 17 (raising funds for a terrorist act), 18 (conspiracy), 22C (offences by companies, societies, and trusts), 39 (offence relating to support given to a terrorist organisation) and 40 (offence of raising fund for a terrorist organisation) of Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA).

ICJ Rejects Nicaragua’s Request for Germany to Halt Aid to Israel

Germany is Israel’s second largest arms supplier after the United States, approving sales worth $353.70 million in 2023.

New Delhi: The UN’s top judicial body on Tuesday (April 30) ruled against Nicaragua’s case concerning whether Germany should halt its military aid to Israel.

By a 15-1 vote, the court concluded that “at present, the circumstances are not such as to require the exercise its powers … to indicate provisional measures,” president of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) Nawaf Salam said.

Nicaragua had alleged that German military aid to Israel enables acts of genocide and constitutes a breach of international humanitarian law in Gaza.

It asked the court to indicate five provisional measures, of which there are two main ones: one is that Germany be ordered to immediately suspend its aid, including military assistance, to Israel in so far as it may be used in the violation of international humanitarian conventions and norms, including the Genocide Convention.

The second is that the ICJ order Germany to resume funding for the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, also known as UNRWA.

While rejecting Nicaragua’s request, the panel however declined Germany’s request to de-list the case, saying there was “no manifest lack of jurisdiction” to justify doing so at the provisional measures stage.

This means the case will continue to be heard at the ICJ, AP reported.

The court also said it “remains deeply concerned about the catastrophic living conditions of the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, in particular in view of the prolonged and widespread deprivation of food and other basic necessities to which they have been subjected.”

The central American state had instituted proceedings against Germany on March 1 in the Hague-based International Court of Justice for violating its obligations under the Genocide Convention, the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols and international laws in the Gaza Strip.

Since October 7, Israel has conducted a military invasion of Gaza after Palestinian militant group Hamas launched a terror attack that left around 1200 dead and took over 200 hostages. The latest toll from Israel’s continuing operation in Gaza is over 34,000, more than two-thirds being women and children.

Germany is Israel’s second largest arms supplier after the United States, approving sales worth $353.70 million in 2023.

A month before Nicaragua went to the ICJ, the world court had told Israel that it must comply with the Genocide Convention and immediately increase the flow of aid into Gaza but stopped short of ordering Tel Aviv to cease its military operations.

The ICJ’s provisional ruling was in a case filed by South Africa arguing that Israel had violated the Genocide Convention.

Nicaragua had asked the ICJ to order Germany to resume funding for the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, also known as UNRWA, which had been stopped after Israel had claimed that the organisation had been infiltrated with Hamas.

Last week, an independent review commissioned by the UN secretary general had found that Israel had not provided evidence to support its accusations that many employees of UNRWA were members of terrorist organizations.

Germany signalled that it will resume funding after the independent review, despite the report being slammed by Israel.

Immediately after the Oct 7 attack, German chancellor Olaf Scholz had arrived within days in Tel Aviv to express solidarity. It had been one of the staunchest supporters of Israel’s right to self-defence after the Hamas attack, but publicly the tone has changed substantially in the last few weeks.

Standing next to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on October 17, 2023, Chancellor Scholz said that Germany had “only one place” during the Jewish state’s trying circumstances, and “and that is alongside Israel.”

Five months later, Scholz was back in Tel Aviv. “The more desperate the situation of the people in Gaza becomes, the more this begs the question: No matter how important the goal can it justify such terribly high costs, or are there other ways to achieve your goal?,” he said at a press conference with Netanyahu on March 17.

At the open hearing earlier this month, Nicaraguan ambassador to the Netherlands, Carlos José Argüello Gómez said, “Germany is failing to honour its own obligation to prevent genocide or to ensure respect of international humanitarian law”.

He also stated even when a “so-called right of self-defence is invoked, it can never serve to justify violations of the norms of the Genocide Convention or other norms of international humanitarian law”. “Surprisingly, Germany seems not to be able to differentiate between self-defence and genocide,” added the Nicaraguan envoy.

Alluding to the Holocaust, German foreign ministry’s legal adviser Tania von Uslar-Gleichen told the court that Germany’s history was “the reason why Israel’s security has been at the core of Germany’s foreign policy”.

“Where Germany has provided support to Israel, including in a form of export of arms and other military equipment, the quality and purposes of these supplies have been grossly distorted by Nicaragua,” she said.

The German diplomat also stated that Berlin “has learned from its past, a past that includes the responsibility for one of the most horrific crimes in human history, the Shoah”.

Indore: The Anatomy of a Defection

The story of how BJP tried to grapple with a low turnout by engineering a situation where a Congress candidate had to jump ship.

Bhopal: In hindsight, the sensational withdrawal of the nomination by the Indore Congress candidate Akshay Kanti Bam should not be a surprise. His betrayal of the Congress hours before the deadline for withdrawal of nomination papers in Indore is an explosive manifestation of the BJP’s nervousness in the face of unexpectedly low voting in the first two phases (April 19 and 26) of the Lok Sabha election in Madhya Pradesh.

Here is what happened.

Amit Shah’s warning

Upset over the 6% fall in voting in the first phase of the election for six seats, Union home minister Amit Shah is learned to have held a meeting of BJP leaders in Bhopal on April 25, a day before the second phase of voting. He apparently warned the ministers that they would lose their jobs if voting percentage decreased in their respective assembly segment. The warning, however, had no effect on voting the next day, as it plunged further by 8% from the 2019 polls for seven seats.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

Of the dozen ministers whose constituencies were covered in the two phases of polling, six had had lower voting than the previous Lok Sabha election in their assembly segments.

More worryingly for the BJP, the women voter turnout dipped as low as 14% in some constituencies. The party is banking heavily on women voters who are believed to have played a crucial role in the BJP’s stunning victory in the 2023 assembly election, largely due to its Ladli Behana Yojana that promises a sum of Rs 1000 per month to nearly one crore 20 lakh eligible beneficiaries.

Vijayvargiya’s operation

Unsurprisingly, the lower turnout rang alarm bells for the ministers whose constituencies are slated for polling in the next two phases – on May 7 and May 13. They felt the need to figure out how to escape Shah’s stern purgatory.

Shah’s close confidante and the state’s urban development minister Kailash Vijayvargiya, it is learned, then hit upon an idea to do something “spectacular”.

After years in West Bengal as the BJP’s general secretary of Bengal, Vijayvargiya zeroed in on the Congress candidate Akshay Kanti Bam in his own political backyard of Indore.

Vulnerable Bam

Of all the 28 Congress candidates in the fray in Madhya Pradesh, Akshay Kanti Bam clearly appeared most vulnerable to the BJP’s strong-arm tactics. He runs three major educational institutes in Indore. He is a neophyte politician having no experience of electoral politics. His penchant for religious functions in Indore qualifies him for a role in BJP. He loves to flaunt his riches, and most crucially, has a criminal case pending against him since 2007 in an Indore court.

The court case was considered a clincher for the operation to oust Bam from the race.

Attempt to murder section added

On April 24, the day Bam filed his nomination, a district court framed charges against him and his father, Kantilal, under the Indian Penal Code’s Section 307 (attempt to murder), which carries a 10-year prison sentence if convicted, in a land dispute case. Bam and his father were summoned to appear in court on May 10.

During the scrutiny of nomination papers, the BJP’s legal cell had raised an objection on the fact that Bam’s nomination papers had not mentioned the addition of the ‘attempt to murder’ charge, but poll officials overruled the objection as the charge was added on the day he filed his papers.

According to the court order in which the ‘attempt to murder’ charge was added, the accused persons, including Bam and his father, had on October 4, 2017 “assaulted the complainant’s labourers, set fire to a soybean crop, used criminal force and instructed to open fire at the complainant”.

While BJP leaders said Bam switched over after being inspired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s guarantees, Congress leaders said the BJP had been putting pressure on him for some time.

A Congress leader said Bam was also unhappy over increasing election expenses. “There are around 2,500 polling booths, and at the last minute, the expenses began rising,” the leader said.

Dangling sword

Failure to get Bam’s nomination cancelled did not deter Vijayvargiya’s operation. Immediate arrest lay on the horizon of the Congress candidate, who is scheduled to appeal in the court on May 10 in connection with the case. Vijayvargiya’s closest ally and Indore MLA Ramesh Mendola remained in contact with the beleaguered Bam. Eventually, the Congress candidate capitulated to the BJP on April 29.

Congress men and women did not have the foggiest of idea of what their candidate was up to. Bam had been campaigning in Indore until the night of April 28 and had even spoken to some Congress workers at 7 am on April 29. A few hours later, he went to the collector’s office, in a vehicle, accompanied by Vijayvargiya and Mendola.

When photographs of him with Vijayvargiya started circulating on social media later in the day, Congress leaders rushed to Bam’s residence, where they found a police contingent outside and the Congress flags missing. While Congress leaders fumed over their candidate’s betrayal, the BJP gloated.

Kailash Vijayvargiya (blue coat) with Akshay Kanti Bam (cream coat). Photo: X/@KailashOnline

Narrowed options 

The unsavoury Indore is also a grim reminder of the Congress’s severely narrowed options when it comes to candidate selection.

Given his background, the Congress should not have chosen Bam for the Indore seat. Many Congress leaders including those aspiring for tickets were shocked when his candidature was announced. However, party insiders tell this reporter that the Congress had no option but to look for a candidate who is rich enough to bear the poll expenses.

Indore is the sprawling commercial capital of Madhya Pradesh where any election can be very expensive – be it local body, assembly or parliamentary. In the past too, the Congress had opted for millionaires to contest from this seat. But most of them who made their fortunes in the Congress regime through real estate or industry or educational institutions, have switched over to the BJP to protect their commercial interests.

The latest among them are Sanjay Shukla and Pankaj Sanghvi, both Congress candidates who were defeated in earlier Lok Sabha elections.

BJP’s impregnable fortress

Indore is a veritably impregnable BJP bastion where the Congress has been defeated with huge margins since the 1989 Lok Sabha elections. Its sitting MP, Shankar Lalwani, won the 2019 election by a margin of over five lakh votes, despite the fact that he had little personal political clout.

Bam had come in contact with Congress veteran Kamal Nath when the latter was the chief minister.

In a function at Indore, Nath as chief minister had felicitated Akshay as an “icon of Indore” for his contribution to the education sector. Bam then sought a Congress ticket for the assembly election but was asked by top state Congress leaders to wait for the parliamentary polls. Newly elected state Congress chief Jitu Patwari, who replaced Kamal Nath in the aftermath of the assembly election debacle, is well acquainted with Bam. Both are from Indore.

Patwari’s strong recommendation smoothened the path for Bam, it is learned. State stalwarts Kamal Nath and Digvijaya Singh also backed the untested politician.

From the day his candidature was announced in march, the Congress candidate – with seemingly no dearth of funds – had been vigorously campaigning. This is also why Congress was taken by surprise by his move.

Also read: Dwindling Voter Turnout Shows Discontent and Political Apathy in 2nd Phase of Lok Sabha Polls

Pyrrhic victory

Having made Shankar Lalwani’s passage to Lok Sabha smoother, the BJP’s victory could be a pyrrhic one.

Of the 29 seats, 15 are still to go to polls in the next two rounds. A sizeable section of hardcore BJP and RSS volunteers are already unhappy with this open-armed welcome policy of Congress leaders into the party.

The low turnout in the two phases is being largely attributed to the apathy of BJP and RSS workers. The Indore episode is expected to add to their anguish.

It is noteworthy that the BJP’s high decibel and extravagant campaign has failed to arouse much interest in the voters. The festive atmosphere that used to mark BJP campaigns in the previous elections is conspicuously missing.

RSS mouthpiece sceptical

The BJP may have put a positive spin to the lower turnout in public but internally it is said to be rattled. A sizeable section of the party is said to be surmising whether the BJP’s open- arm policy to Congress defectors might have proved counterproductive. The BJP’s nervousness has reflected in the two analytical articles in its unofficial mouthpiece and RSS-owned paper, Swadesh. Two political commentators, Jairam Shukla and Atul Tare, have speculated in their analyses that mass exodus from the BJP to the Congress might have annoyed the party’s hardcore supporters to the extent that they stayed away from voting.

Alarmed over low voting in the first phase and party workers’ lack of enthusiasm, the BJP has redoubled its efforts to mobilise voters. The party leaders have cautioned cadres, particularly the RSS volunteers, to shun overconfidence. They are being told that the twin icons of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the deity Ram alone would not fetch votes for the BJP unless they are motivated enough to bring the voters to the polling booths.

Under Modi’s Domineering Rule, Regional Parties Have Found Common Cause to Save Constitution

State-based parties, which are accused of pursuing a narrow political agenda and being oblivious to the national priorities, have assumed the responsibility of protecting the idea of India.

Politics in India has undergone an incredible transformation, almost impossible to visualise a decade ago. The catalyst for this change is doubtless Narendra Modi whose decade-long tenure was perceived more to be a ruthless scheme for hegemonic control of the country than normal political governance.

Who could have imagined that Uddhav Thackeray, the leader of Shiv Sena that projected itself as the sole protector of Hindu interest, would viciously attack the BJP for misusing religion to divide society and subvert constitutional culture? Tejashwi Yadav, whose Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) was identified with regressive governance symbolising “jungle raj” is persistently trying to force the Prime Minister to discuss jobs and prices instead of running away from the real concerns of the masses. Akhilesh Yadav of the Samajwadi Party, often maligned for running “gunda raj” in Uttar Pradesh has pinned down the ruling BJP for undermining the rights and respect guaranteed by the Constitution to the weaker sections of the society.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

This demonstrable metamorphosis has indeed become the defining feature of this parliamentary election where state-based parties accused of pursuing a narrow political agenda and being oblivious to the national priorities have assumed the responsibility of protecting the idea of India. It is indisputably the domineering conduct of the Modi regime that pushed all these regional forces to realise the vitality of constitutionalism, creating a unity of purpose and shaping up the electoral battle in a way that is far different from the routine partisan contest. It is not only the attack on federalism; the BJP’s aggressive assault on regional parties to expand their dominance also played a crucial role in changing their perspective. While these parties abandoned their anti-Congressism, Shiv Sena committed an ideological somersault to nestle itself into the anti-BJP camp.

It is probably for the first time that the political discourse in the hinterland is so much similar to the big cities. Local civic issues have been drowned by the larger worries about the fate of democracy in India. Even identity politics seems to have taken a back seat. Akhilesh Yadav or Tejashwi Yadav, Uddhav Thackeray or MK Stalin, all the opposition leaders are speaking the same language in small towns or villages that the principal opposition leader Rahul Gandhi has been speaking in big cities. Much like Rahul, Akhilesh holds a copy of the Constitution in his hand and passionately appeals to voters, “Samvidhan is our lifeline; this gives us rights and respect. We are fighting for the interest of PDA (Pichhda-Dalit-Alpsankhyak). They (BJP) deride our families but their family (Sangh Parivar) is the most dangerous. They want to destroy the Constitution. They want to snatch away the reservation you get from the Constitution.” Akhilesh also talks about paper leaks, Agniveer scheme and Chinese intrusion, asking people if there has been any improvement in their lives in the last 10 years.

Tejashwi insists at his public meetings that the election is about “mudda,” not Modi. He is fixated on the question of unemployment, telling voters, “I gave five lakh jobs in 17 months and Modi only gave lies and false promises. The same Nitish Kumar used to say there are no resources to provide jobs when he was with the BJP. I cleared three lakh more jobs when I was the Deputy Chief Minister. Why are they not making appointments? Modi is indulging in meaningless discourse. He says he will send everybody to jail, they will snatch your mangalsutra. Certain things are impossible but may happen – like the sun rising from the west, catching fish in the desert and trees being planted in the sky. But this impossible can never be made possible – Modi talking about jobs, love, compassion and harmony.”

DMK leader MK Stalin has also focussed on Modi’s divisive politics, saying, “The Prime Minister’s toxic speech is vile and highly deplorable. Fearing public anger against his failures, Modi has attempted to whip up religious sentiments and resorted to hate speech to avoid what seems to be an imminent defeat. Hate and discrimination are the real guarantees of Modi. In turning a deaf ear to the PM’s blatant hate speech, the ECI has shamelessly abandoned even a semblance of neutrality. The socio-economic caste census promised by the INDIA bloc is a remedy long overdue to create an egalitarian society. It is sad that the PM is twisting it and depriving socially disadvantaged communities of their due share in education, jobs, and seats of power. Leaders of the INDIA bloc should be wary of the BJP’s devious diversionary tactics. We must firm up our commitment to exposing the miserable failures of Modi.”

Uddhav Thackeray also highlights the crisis of democracy at all his meetings. Arguing that a coalition government is always better than an autocratic setup, he portrays Modi as anti-Maharashtra. On the question of dynasty, he said, “Modi has no problem with dynasts who run sex rackets but those fighting for democracy are unacceptable.” How effectively the coalition is running on the ground is reflected in Thackeray’s public pledge to implement Congress Nyay Patra (manifesto) after coming to power.  The veteran Shard Pawar also dwells on the threat to democracy, recalling how many BJP leaders spoke about changing the Constitution. Pawar repeatedly warns people against India becoming like Vladimir Putin’s Russia and asks them to vote out the Modi government before it is too late.

Even the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and Trinamool Congress have made the attack on democracy and misuse of central agencies their main electoral theme. Modi, who started by seeing Muslim League imprints in the Congress manifesto and graduated to imagining snatching of gold and mangalsutra, is now into supernatural fantasies, telling voters about “bhatakti aatma (wandering soul)” amidst stray references to Aurangzeb and Ram temple.

LVMH Succession Planning: Keeping It in the Family When You’re the World’s Richest Man

This month, two more of Bernard Arnault’s five children were appointed to the LVMH board at the conglomorate’s AGM in Paris. The move leaves just one offspring, youngest son Jean, without a seat (although he is employed at the firm).

In the high end world of luxury and heritage, many brands are still owned and managed by the original founding family. The issue of succession planning, therefore, can be particularly important. This recently came to the fore for founder of the world’s largest luxury conglomorate, LVMH, and the wealthiest man on the planet, French billionaire Bernard Arnault.

There’s been much speculation over Arnault’s succession plan. The 75-year-old chairman and CEO of LVMH had his retirement age raised from 75 to 80 in 2022, which should keep him at the helm of the €440 billion (£377 billion) empire for another couple of years at least. LVMH is home to Louis Vuitton, Christian Dior and Givenchy, among many other top-end brands, and generated a cool €86.2 billion in sales in 2023.

This month, two more of Arnault’s five children were appointed to the LVMH board at the conglomorate’s AGM in Paris. The move leaves just one offspring, youngest son Jean, without a seat (although he is employed at the firm). It also gives the family 48.6% of LVMH’s share capital and 64.3% of the voting rights.

Luxury brands often use their heritage as a selling point. With the globalisation of the sector, the nature of luxury consumption is changing. Succession planning allows the infusion of fresh perspectives and ideas, and helps the brand to be agile and adapt to evolving tastes and trends. The two latest Arnault appointments are young – aged just 29 and 31.

A well-executed succession plan also provides stakeholders with a sense of stability and confidence in the business’s trajectory, mitigating uncertainties and fostering trust in the brand’s resilience.

LVMH isn’t the sole luxury brand with familial management. Others, including Hermès, Chanel, Prada, Zegna and Ferragamo also adhere to this tradition. But LVMH stands out as the largest multi-brand luxury conglomerate predominantly controlled by a single family.

The company boasts a glittering portfolio of brands, each with its own storied heritage and cultural significance. From Louis Vuitton’s iconic monogram to Moët & Chandon’s legacy in the champagne world, LVMH’s brands collectively project an image of luxury craftsmanship and artistry. Other major brands under the LVMH umbrella include Fendi, Celine, Bulgari, Hublot and TAG Heuer.

Multi-brand luxury conglomerates enjoy distinct advantages, including economies of scale, diversified revenue streams and increased bargaining power with suppliers and retailers. But there are also unique challenges compared to mono-brand enterprises.

First, harmonising brand identities and ensuring consistency across product lines and market segments poses a formidable task. Each brand boasts its own lineage, ethos and customer base, which need to be carefully navigated to preserve individual identities.

Resource allocation across brands with diverse needs demands a delicate equilibrium. Investment decisions must align with each brand’s growth potential, market positioning and strategic objectives, while also safeguarding the conglomerate’s overall financial health and longevity.

Internal competition between the brands for market share, resources and talent means there needs to be clear delineation of roles and mechanisms. Collaboration without encroaching on brand autonomy is the name of the game.

The family strategy

Arnault’s career at LVMH spans several decades, marked by bold acquisitions and strategic expansions. Under his stewardship, LVMH has emerged as a global powerhouse. In his succession plan, Arnault has strategically positioned his children – Antoine, Delphine and Alexandre – in key leadership roles within the company.

Antoine Arnault, the eldest son, has emerged as a prominent figure within the firm, responsible for guiding the strategic direction of LVMH’s retail businesses. Delphine Arnault, the eldest daughter, holds an important position within LVMH’s fashion division, which encompasses some of the world’s most iconic luxury brands.

As the executive vice president of Louis Vuitton, Delphine oversees the strategic development and expansion of the brand. Alexandre Arnault has been entrusted with spearheading LVMH’s technology and digital initiatives, reflecting the conglomerate’s approach to innovation and growth.

The Roy name was tied to media rather than luxury goods but the succession complexities were the same.

Looking outside

While sometimes it can pay dividends to keep things in the family, considering the challenges associated with heritage conglomerates such as LVMH, appointing an external leader can offer certain advantages. External leaders bring fresh perspectives and impartiality, unhampered by tricky familial biases or dynamics. This impartiality can be invaluable in navigating intra-group conflicts, fostering collaboration between brands and propelling innovation.

Bringing in an outsider can also mitigate risks tied to family dynamics, such as conflicts of interest or succession-related tensions, fostering a meritocratic culture where qualifications and performance are given priority. But when a brand is so closely tied to one family name, introducing an external leader may lead to resistance from family members worried about a departure from tradition.

Plus, the process of assimilating an external leader into the organisation’s ethos and aligning their vision with long-term strategic objectives can be a fine line to tread, and stakeholders must also be on board.

Succession planning in the luxury sector is a complex process that requires a careful balance of tradition, innovation and leadership. It serves as a custodian of the brand’s essence and a safeguard of its legacy in a complex marketplace. Getting the succession plan right, whether that means keeping things in the family or looking outside for new leadership, is crucial to maintain continuity and prosperity.The Conversation

Qing Wang, Professor of Marketing and Innovation, Director, Marketing Innovation and The Chinese and Emerging Economies (MICEE) Network, Warwick Business School, University of Warwick

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Watch: The Inequalities AI Is Creating – and Deepening – Around the World

Madhumita Murgia, the AI Editor at Financial Times, explains what she found during her research, focused on the lives of individuals living far away from Silicon Valley.

In her new book Code Dependent: Living in the Shadow of AI, Madhumita Murgia digs into the different ways in which artificial intelligence is already impacting everyday lives in deep and often problematic ways – from the creation of pornographic deepfakes to the use of algorithms as policing tools that reinforce existing biases and lead to more over-policing.

In conversation with The Wire’s Jahnavi Sen, Murgia, the AI Editor at Financial Times, explains what she found during her research, focused on the lives of individuals living far away from Silicon Valley. She talks about what has gone wrong, why she still believes AI can be harnessed for good, and how that can happen.