Eyewitness to History: A Journalist’s Account of the Fall of Sheikh Hasina’s Government

The juxtaposition of calm and chaos, of prayer and destruction, painted a disturbing picture of a moment in history that seemed to be spiralling out of control.

Three weeks before the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government in Bangladesh, I found myself amid the swelling crowds of the Students Against Discrimination (SAD) movement, documenting their fervent push for change. The final day of this wave of protests offered a particularly striking experience — marching with a procession from Mirpur to Ganabhaban, the Bangladesh prime minister’s official residence.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

It was Monday, August 5, when my chief reporter dispatched me to Mirpur, a bustling suburb of Dhaka. I arrived at Mirpur 10 in the early hours, riding in a CNG auto-rickshaw provided by the office. My assignment was relentless — covering Mirpur today, Uttara tomorrow. Each day brought a new hotspot, and this morning was no exception.

As I approached Mirpur 10, the scene was tense. Army personnel had cordoned off the area, laying down barbed wire barriers across all four roads leading into the circle, effectively sealing it off. It appeared that today, like many days before, the streets would be empty, silenced by the show of military force. But that assumption, like those on previous days, soon proved to be a miscalculation.

The air was thick with anticipation, as if the city itself was holding its breath. Then, slowly but surely, people began to emerge. From behind the barbed wire, a wave of demonstrators started to gather, their voices rising in a chorus of defiance. The road leading towards Mirpur 2 was alive with movement, and I knew I had to get closer.

Ganabhaban

Navigating through the narrow Falpatti area, I took the road toward Kazipara. A source tipped me off that a crowd was forming on the road toward Mirpur 13. I quickly made my way to the Mirpur Ideal School and College, and there, I found them — about five hundred strong, their voices ringing out in fiery slogans.

The tension escalated quickly. Soldiers moved in, firing blanks to disperse the crowd. The skies opened up, and rain began to pour, momentarily scattering the demonstrators. But they were undeterred. As the rain subsided, they returned, their resolve seemingly strengthened by the brief pause. The protest continued, undiminished, a testament to the unyielding spirit of the movement.

From the direction of Mirpur Original 10, word spread quickly — more protestors were arriving by the minute. I hopped into a battery-powered rickshaw, flanked by Kamran from The Business Standard and Taufiq from Kaler Kantha. As we approached, the scene was intense — army personnel held the road’s center, surrounded on three sides by a throng of protesters, their voices echoing with chants.

Also read: A Challenging Task Stretches Ahead for Bangladesh’s Next Leaders

Over a loudspeaker, an army officer tried to calm the crowd, announcing that the army chief would be addressing them soon. “Please wait until then,” he urged. But the protesters, their patience worn thin, were in no mood to wait. The army chief’s speech was scheduled for 2 p.m., but by 1:35, the tension reached its peak.

In a sudden and unified movement, the crowd pushed forward, tearing down the barbed wire barriers that separated them from the main road. The soldiers stood by, offering no resistance. What followed was a remarkable display of unexpected camaraderie. Protesters began thanking the troops, saluting them, and in some cases, even embracing them. I watched as some demonstrators hugged the soldiers and snapped photos, capturing a moment of surreal unity amid the charged atmosphere.

The procession, initially barred from stopping at Mirpur No. 10, pressed on relentlessly, winding its way through Kazipara and Shewrapara, heading straight for Shahbagh. I moved with the crowd, but as we reached Agargaon, Taltala, I felt a strong pull, as if I were being swept backward in time. The procession flowed down one side of the road, while I crossed to the opposite side, catching a battery rickshaw to get ahead of the march. I disembarked at Bijay Sharani, at the very front of the procession.

The main wave of the protesters was streaming toward Shahbagh, but a faction broke away, determined to head toward Ganabhaban, the prime minister’s official residence, behind the parliament. Police and army personnel scrambled to block their path, but their efforts were in vain. The soldiers who had earlier fired blanks to disperse the crowd now stood motionless, as if the tide of the day had turned irrevocably.

As the crowd neared the rear of the Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban, a helicopter lifted off from there. The time was 2:25 p.m. The students erupted in chants of “vua (disgrace), vua (disgrace)” surging toward Ganabhaban with renewed vigour.

At that moment, I spotted a man on a motorcycle. Desperate to get ahead, I stood in his path, arms outstretched and I quickly introduced myself as a journalist, requesting a ride. He agreed, and I was soon back on the move, arriving in front of the prime minister’s house gate.

There, a remarkable scene unfolded. Students had scaled two armoured personnel carriers of the presidential guard regiment, waving the national flag triumphantly. Within moments, a group of 40 to 50 protesters clambered over the gate adjacent to the parliament building. The rest, emboldened by their success, pushed forward, urging the soldiers to open the gate. They did, and in that instant, I found myself among the first hundred to enter Ganabhaban.

Protestors taking books and other materials from Ganabhaban, the Bangladesh prime minister’s official residence. Photo: Yeasir Arafat

Inside Ganabhaban Palace, chaos reigned as the first wave of protesters unleashed their fury. Glass shattered, furniture was smashed, and I documented it all, snapping photos and capturing video. Amid the frenzy, I noticed three or four young men prostrating on the grass in front of the Palace, one of them shouting a prayer in the ground:

“God, grant martyrdom to those who died in this movement!”

As I ventured deeper inside, the surreal scene continued to unfold. In the hallway, tables were set with food — meat, vegetables, chicken — left untouched from what was likely a recent meal. Some of the protesters began to eat, while one young man took sweets from the fridge and distributed them among the group. He even offered me one.

In the room where the prime minister used to hold briefings, people were sitting cross-legged in her chair, snapping pictures. Others rifled through books, and some were looting items — saris, jewellery, electrical goods. One man triumphantly held up a chicken and declared:

“There will be a party tonight to celebrate the fall of dictator Hasina!”

I watched as a few young men entered the Prime Minister’s bedroom on the first floor, lying on her bed and taking selfies.

Despite the efforts of PGR army officers to prevent the destruction and looting, their warnings went unheeded. The scene was eerily reminiscent of the events in Sri Lanka, which I had seen on social media, but now it was unfolding in my own country before my eyes. In the midst of it all, I received a call from AFP journalist Mohammad Ali Mazed. Dhaka bureau chief Shafiqul Alam asked him if my quotes could be used in their report. Although we were among the first hundred to enter, the crowd had swelled to over 1,500, with more arriving every moment.

An hour later, as I made my way out, the number of people at Ganabhaban had grown into the hundreds of thousands. Later, I learned that AFP had been the first to break the news. Before leaving, I attempted to go up to the first floor, but an Army Officer named Zahid stopped me, forbidding access to the bedroom. He was visibly shocked when I introduced myself as a journalist. “You’re a journalist and you’re in here too?” he asked, incredulous. “Just look at the mayhem going on.” As if to underscore the absurdity of the situation, a young man casually walked up to the officer, holding a bottle of body spray, and said, “I took it, sir.”

Protestors creating mayhem inside Ganabhaban, the Bangladesh prime minister’s official residence. Photo: Yeasir Arafat

As I stepped out onto the front of Ganabhaban Palace, I was greeted by an unexpected sight. To my left, under a leafy tree, sat Abhi Khasru, a leader of the SAD movement from Shariatpur, outer region from Dhaka. The elderly man was calmly smoking a cigarette alongside his friend, Anik Khan, while a young man nearby casually held a chicken. It was a surreal contrast to the chaos unfolding around us.

Abhi, noticing me, brought over some lozenges and a Coke from inside the Palace. Moments earlier, I had seen him inside, occupying the very seat where the prime minister once held discussions. Anik, his friend, was also inside, snapping pictures in the same room. It was a bizarre scene — some were prostrating in prayer, others puffing on cigarettes, all amidst the widespread destruction.

A protestor holding a hen. Photo: Yeasir Arafat

Inside Ganabhaban, the vandalism was still in full swing. No one had entered the building with weapons or tools, but once inside, most of the young men were seizing chairs and smashing glass with them. At least 80 percent of the crowd appeared to be students, judging by their dress and behaviour. Among them were a few middle-aged individuals who, from their conversations, seemed to be affiliated with the opposition alliance.

Throughout the Palace, chants echoed repeatedly:

Palaiche re palaiche, Hasina palaiche (She’s fled, she’s fled, Hasina has fled)”.

A lone voice tried to rally the crowd with the slogan “Naraye Takbeer, Allahu Akbar” but it fell flat, flopped with silence. Despite the repetition, the same slogans were chanted over and over, occasionally punctuated by bouts of profanity.

The juxtaposition of calm and chaos, of prayer and destruction, painted a disturbing picture of a moment in history that seemed to be spiralling out of control.

During the movement, the Ganabhaban, the symbol of governmental authority, was strictly off-limits — its boundaries firmly guarded, with no one allowed entry. The roads around this area were perpetually clogged with traffic, yet access was tightly controlled, with even nearby routes closed to the public.

But once inside, the protesters unleashed a wave of destruction that suggested they viewed the Ganabhaban as something entirely separate from the country it represented. The disciplined solidarity they had shown in the anti-discrimination movement over the past few days seemed to dissolve as soon as they crossed the threshold of the building. The absence of any protective instinct toward this national landmark was glaringly evident, and the reason was clear to everyone present.

The anger fueling the destruction stemmed from a deep and personal pain — many of these young people had lost friends like Abu Saeed and Mir Mugdha, whose lives were cut short by orders from within these very walls. Those orders were given to preserve power at any cost, and now, standing in the epicentre of that power, the protesters were exacting a form of retribution, fueled by the memory of their fallen comrades.

Also read: Who Are the 17 People in Bangladesh’s Interim Cabinet?

When it came to my safety, the office fell short of providing bulletproof jackets and helmets. For the first two days, they arranged CNG-powered auto-rickshaws for transportation, but after that, I had to rely on rented motorbikes and battery-operated rickshaws. Despite these limitations, I had no regrets. I chose not to use the protective gear — if I truly wanted it, I could have purchased it myself.

One night, one of my senior friends, a writer and chartered accountant in profession, who had been keeping a close eye on my situation, voiced his concern. “The way you’re going out into the field is risky,” he said, offering to sponsor the jackets and helmets himself. “Buy them tomorrow,” he urged. I was touched by his care, but I didn’t follow through.

Protestors sitting on the lawn of Ganabhaban, the Bangladesh prime minister’s official residence. Photo: Yeasir Arafat

Senior crime reporters at the office had their own advice: they suggested staying close to the police or law enforcement officers. Their reasoning was simple — our job was to document, not to put ourselves in harm’s way, they would say, and it made sense because the shoot-out most of the time comes from the security forces. But working in the real situation requires a different approach. I always kept mini packs of toothpaste and a gaslighter in my pocket for teargas situations.

Most of the time, I stayed among the students. It was within their ranks that I felt I had the best chance of seeing the story unfold in its entirety. By remaining close to the action, I could better understand the situation as it evolved, scanning my surroundings until I felt I had grasped the full picture.

Slogans, bullets, tear gas, sound grenades and bricks — vandalism and violence marked the last three weeks. The 19 days between July 18 and the fall of the government on August 5, along with the two intense days that followed, undoubtedly represent the most significant period of my journalistic career. Of all these moments, witnessing the public’s occupation of Ganabhaban at the outset stands as the most crucial.

In recent days, the unrest has tapered off. While attacks and vandalism continue, they are being covered by other colleagues as the intensity decreases rapidly. The hope now is that a new Bangladesh will rise from this turmoil, guided by the ideals of the youth and steering clear of conflict.

I’d like to conclude with a personal reflection. As a journalist, I’ve interacted with thousands of people, but during these three weeks of covering the movement, around 30 individuals checked in on me regularly. There were moments of despair when it felt like I was alone in this tumultuous world, but those concerns were dispelled by the care and support I received. This realisation has renewed my motivation, not just in my work but in my personal life as well.

Yeasir Arafat is a staff reporter at Daily Samakal. 

Watch | What Does Sheikh Hasina’s Victory Mean for India-Bangladesh Relations?

Dr. Happymon Jacob discusses the results of the recent general elections in Bangladesh with Veena Sikri, who served as India’s High Commissioner to Bangladesh from December 2003 to November 2006.

Dr. Happymon Jacob discusses the results of the recent general elections in Bangladesh with Veena Sikri, who served as India’s High Commissioner to Bangladesh from December 2003 to November 2006.

The conversation also looks at what these results will mean for India-Bangladesh relations. What is the current state of relations between the two countries and how will this change with increasing Chinese forays into South Asia? What can India learn from its relations with Bangladesh and apply its learnings to its policies towards other regional neighbours?

Interview | When It Comes to Human Rights, Awami League and BNP are no Different

Human rights activist Sultana Kamal speaks about the multiple rights abuses plaguing Bangladesh, the lack of a third front and why the election may not be conducted fairly.

Dhaka: With the Bangladesh’s national election scheduled for December 30, thousands of soldiers are being deployed across the country to maintain the peace.

Bangladesh has been no stranger to violence when each cycle of polls swings about. In recent week, at least six people have died while hundreds have been injured in different parts of the country. In its latest report, Human Rights Watch has demanded that Bangladeshi authorities impartially investigate allegations of election violence.

With Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina seeking a third consecutive term in office, the Okiya Front, a multi-party opposition alliance, has alleged that the election may be rigged. Hasina’s long time rival, Khaleda Zia of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, is presently in jail on corruption charges and has been barred from contesting.

Over the past decade, under Hasina’s rule, Bangladesh has witnessed an increasingly authoritarian government pulling the reins tighter. Opposition members have been arrested, there has been a rise in extra-judicial killings and there have been several attacks on supporters of opposition parties, which Human Rights Watch says the police never investigate properly.

“This report, based on more than 50 interviews with political activists, students, and members of civil society, and analysis of court records and secondary sources, documents repeated instances of arbitrary security force arrest and detention of protesters and political opposition figures, and acts of violence and intimidation by members of the ruling party’s student and youth wings. Institutions, including the judiciary and the election commission, do not appear to be fully prepared to independently and fairly resolve disputes around campaigns and elections, such as on registration, candidacies, and results.”

Earlier in August this year, photojournalist and rights activist Shahidul Alam was picked up from his home in Dhaka by plainclothes policemen without a warrant, just hours after he went live on Facebook to describe the student protests in the city and how he was attacked by members of the ruling party while covering a demonstration.

The recently passed Digital Security Act has been called another assault on free speech in the country. The Act combines the colonial-era Official Secrets Act with tough new provisions such as arrests without a warrant.

Also read: Why the Bangladesh Government Is Scared of Shahidul Alam

In such a setting, many like Sultana Kamal, lawyer, human rights activist and chairperson of the Transparency International, Bangladesh (TIB) in Dhaka, have been perturbed by the scale of the violence and vocal about it.

In an interview with The Wire, Kamal speaks about the humans rights issues that have plagued Bangladesh in the run up to the end of year election, the lack of a third front, why many believe the upcoming election may not be conducted in a fair manner, and the Awami League’s and Sheikh Hasina’s fear of what the future may hold if the election is lost.

Read the edited version of the full interview:

Aaquib Khan: When we spoke to people outside Dhaka, many says that ‘if there a free and fair election, then the BNP would win’. What is your assessment of this sentiment?

Sultana Kamal: People doubt whether this is going to be an inclusive election. Many political parties may be participating, but people doubt whether the processes that ensure free and fair election will be allowed to work.

They are looking at how the Election Commission is functioning, which is the de-facto government now and is responsible for ensuring a free and fair election. In many cases, they have not taken the expected steps to control the situation. On the other hands, there have been random arrests, of those who more often than not, belong to an opposition party.

The numbers are so overwhelming that the people have every reason to doubt whether the arrests are being made on a fair basis. These are points that raise certain questions in the minds of the people.

For one, incumbency always has certain challenges to meet. Losing is one particular aspect, which is why perhaps people feel the Election Commission is not being allowed to work in a fair way. There is no caretaker government and it is quite unprecedented in Bangladesh that the parliament is still there and that the ministers are still sitting ministers who have not given up protocol as of yet.

I was at the Rayer Bazar event celebrating Martyred Intellectuals Day on December 14 in Dhaka. It’s a national event, which mean it not an event tied to just one political party. Even so, when we heard the speaker, he made it clear that the Awami League (AL) is Bangladesh, and Bangladesh is the Awami League. Do you feel this is that wrong?

That is definitely not right. Obviously, Bangladesh is not AL. AL had a historical role to play in the liberation movements of Bangladesh and the liberation of Bangladesh. We actually fought the war under the leadership of ‘Bangabandhu’ Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was the leader of AL.

With AL’s name being on the right side of the liberation war, AL probably thinks and believes that Bangladesh belongs to AL. Even if they don’t believe it, the way they act, the way they behave, they way they project themselves, people think that AL believes that Bangladesh is AL.

There were three main events this year that took the country by storm. There was the that crackdown on alleged drug dealers and extra judicial killings, the violent response of the state when it came to student protests, and the introduction of the Digital Security Act.

We have been very critical of the Digital Security Act. As I said, there are certain issues I find rather inconsistent with the pronounced manifesto of AL. The Digital Security Act is one, because AL has always said it believes in democracy, in freedom of expression and in media freedom.

But the Digital Security Act is going to curtail media freedom; there is no doubt about it. But it is not only media freedom, now any individual can be implicated by that particular Act which is very risky.

Also read: Bangladesh Enacts Digital Security Law in Its Latest Assault on Free Speech

Then of course there is the crackdown on drug dealers. Several people were happy as drugs were becoming a very serious problem in society, across class and gender. In that sense, many accepted the crackdown. But those who work in the area of human rights were very upset.

The crackdown on protesting students was when many actually started reacting negatively against the government.

It is interesting to see how Sheikh Hasina is perceived internationally as someone who has dealt with the Rohingya refugee crisis in a very humanitarian way. But internally, human rights issues are a big concern.

Well, I somewhat know Sheikh Hasina personally because we happened to be classmates; we lived in the same neighbourhood, so we grew up together. But on the other hand, as a political leader, she probably has to deal with different challenges. In that position, I have sometimes found Sheikh Hasina to have been rather insensitive about certain issues.

She has actually earned a goo reputation in the West for not just how she dealt with the refugee crisis, but for being anti-terrorism as the West takes that very seriously. The West feels she has done very well in that area.

But within the country, when it comes to human rights abuses, we find that the prime minister has not been very sensitive to certain issues, such as the cases of enforced disappearances. People’s basic sense of security has not been ensure in Bangladesh.

As Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the Awami League, and as the daughter of Bangabandhu, she should have been more attentive. 

Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina arrives to address the 73rd session of the United Nations General Assembly at U.N. headquarters in New York, U.S., September 27, 2018. REUTERS/Eduardo Munoz/File Photo

Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina arrives to address the 73rd session of the United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, September 27, 2018. Credit: Reuters/Eduardo Munoz/File Photo

There are millions of young voters who will vote in this year’s election after two two different kinds of student protests. Do you think the crackdown by the government on the protests will have an impact on how they vote?

It may have an impact on the voting pattern. I am sure the young people are intelligent enough to see whether Hasina accepting those demands has had any effect on the actual situation of the quota system or the road accident issue. Nothing much has changed. 

Also read: Arrested and Killed: Inside the Bangladesh Prime Minister’s War on Drugs

During our research, we came to understand that much of what Sheikh Hasina does stems from what happened to her family, so much so that she believes she will be in danger if the opposition comes to power.

That is the political culture she has seen around her and she definitely is the worst victim of that culture, there is no doubt about that. She lost her father, he mother and her brothers. And there have been so many attempts on her life in Bangladesh. So I think she is the worst victim of the political culture we are living in.

But our concern is that AL itself does not want to change the culture. They too did not stand with firm footing and make the circumstances change. Instead, they followed the same rules of the game. The Awami League perpetuated the same culture of vengeance where it looks upon the opposition as enemies and trying to make friends with the most conservative fundamentalist forces who are anti-people, anti-women, anti-freedom in many ways.

So they are following the same pattern of politics. That’s why they fear they will also be, if I can use the word, ‘victimised’ when they are not in power. The fear is very real.

Why there is no political alternative in Bangladesh other than the Awami League and the Bangladesh National Party? 

I am not in mainstream politics, but I have the same question as you have – why don’t people stand on their own, outside these particular hemispheres of power? And we had actually hoped Dr. Kamal Hossain, a key leader of the opposition alliance, probably would be able to that, because he is personally respected as a human rights person. He has actually had done a lot for this country, and he could use his charisma and give people breathing space outsides these two hemispheres.

But then I don’t know why he decided not to. I am also as disappointed and surprised as you are. Not only about Mr. Kamal Hossain, but also about him being unable to help leadership emerge on a third front, or is not deciding to not give leadership to third force. When he started to actually form this particular alliance, we had hoped that he would do that.

Kamal Hossain (Centre, sitting) at the launch of the Jatiya Oikya Front. Credit: Twitter/Noor Moahammad

People in Bangladesh are educated and aware of their rights. Then why were no alternatives created?

Since we were under the rule of two generals for so many years, Bangladesh has been affected time and again by undemocratic processes. That’s why people actually didn’t have the time to really express themselves, to build, and to become strong enough to say that ‘we are rejecting all this and we want third alternative’, or something beyond these two oppressive spheres.

They were not even allow to grow strong enough. Because of the undemocratic ruling of this country, democratic forces have not been allowed to become strong enough to carve out a position for themselves.

Whose fault is it? Is it the fault of these two parties or the fault of smaller parties?

It is also the fault of the smaller parties, not only these two parties. Why couldn’t they unite and do something? They were more interested in criticising the two parties and not doing anything substantial for the people. I have a lot of criticism for them.

What we can expect from Oikya Front?

The contest will be between the two alliances only. It’s again the same. There’s no third front anymore and that is where I have problem.

Many Islamists groups are in alliance with AL, like BNP had been earlier. 

Why are we against the people who use religion to do politics? It is not because we are anti-religion, or we don’t believe people can’t use religion as their basic sort of value system in politics. Why are we against either Jamat-e-Islami or Hefazat-e-Islam? Because in their own words, they are anti-pluralism. They are anti-women, they are anti-anybody who is not of their own religion. So it is a very narrow path of politics they want to really walk on, and that is totally against the spirit of the Liberation War.

Hefazat and Jamat, are essentially one in their aim. So AL’s alliance with Hefazat-e-Islam is quite contradictory. Because they were the leaders of the Liberation War and they always committed towards building the country in line with the spirit of the Liberation War.

So if they ally with Hefazat-e-Islam, then they are actually moving away from that commitment.

Also read: In Recording, Chilling Proof That Hasina’s War on Drugs Involves Extra-Judicial Killing

If we look at both the human rights record of the AL and the BNP, the writing on the wall is always the same. 

Unfortunately, that’s the reality. We haven’t seen any difference between the attitude and the behaviour of the State towards the human rights issue, be it an AL or a BNP government. 

Elections for the people of Bangladesh is actually a much-desired event, in the sense that is the only day the people of Bangladesh feel the recognition of their citizenship. But on the other hand, we are a bit wary about the security of certain communities, certain groups, the opposition and other political forces, so that’s why probably it is very important that the world also keeps an eye on the election process – not because they are better than us, but because I am sure that we live in global situation where everybody is a guard of everybody’s right.

Aaquib Khan is a Mumbai-based media professional. He tweets @kaqibb.