Eyewitness to History: A Journalist’s Account of the Fall of Sheikh Hasina’s Government

The juxtaposition of calm and chaos, of prayer and destruction, painted a disturbing picture of a moment in history that seemed to be spiralling out of control.

Three weeks before the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government in Bangladesh, I found myself amid the swelling crowds of the Students Against Discrimination (SAD) movement, documenting their fervent push for change. The final day of this wave of protests offered a particularly striking experience — marching with a procession from Mirpur to Ganabhaban, the Bangladesh prime minister’s official residence.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

It was Monday, August 5, when my chief reporter dispatched me to Mirpur, a bustling suburb of Dhaka. I arrived at Mirpur 10 in the early hours, riding in a CNG auto-rickshaw provided by the office. My assignment was relentless — covering Mirpur today, Uttara tomorrow. Each day brought a new hotspot, and this morning was no exception.

As I approached Mirpur 10, the scene was tense. Army personnel had cordoned off the area, laying down barbed wire barriers across all four roads leading into the circle, effectively sealing it off. It appeared that today, like many days before, the streets would be empty, silenced by the show of military force. But that assumption, like those on previous days, soon proved to be a miscalculation.

The air was thick with anticipation, as if the city itself was holding its breath. Then, slowly but surely, people began to emerge. From behind the barbed wire, a wave of demonstrators started to gather, their voices rising in a chorus of defiance. The road leading towards Mirpur 2 was alive with movement, and I knew I had to get closer.

Ganabhaban

Navigating through the narrow Falpatti area, I took the road toward Kazipara. A source tipped me off that a crowd was forming on the road toward Mirpur 13. I quickly made my way to the Mirpur Ideal School and College, and there, I found them — about five hundred strong, their voices ringing out in fiery slogans.

The tension escalated quickly. Soldiers moved in, firing blanks to disperse the crowd. The skies opened up, and rain began to pour, momentarily scattering the demonstrators. But they were undeterred. As the rain subsided, they returned, their resolve seemingly strengthened by the brief pause. The protest continued, undiminished, a testament to the unyielding spirit of the movement.

From the direction of Mirpur Original 10, word spread quickly — more protestors were arriving by the minute. I hopped into a battery-powered rickshaw, flanked by Kamran from The Business Standard and Taufiq from Kaler Kantha. As we approached, the scene was intense — army personnel held the road’s center, surrounded on three sides by a throng of protesters, their voices echoing with chants.

Also read: A Challenging Task Stretches Ahead for Bangladesh’s Next Leaders

Over a loudspeaker, an army officer tried to calm the crowd, announcing that the army chief would be addressing them soon. “Please wait until then,” he urged. But the protesters, their patience worn thin, were in no mood to wait. The army chief’s speech was scheduled for 2 p.m., but by 1:35, the tension reached its peak.

In a sudden and unified movement, the crowd pushed forward, tearing down the barbed wire barriers that separated them from the main road. The soldiers stood by, offering no resistance. What followed was a remarkable display of unexpected camaraderie. Protesters began thanking the troops, saluting them, and in some cases, even embracing them. I watched as some demonstrators hugged the soldiers and snapped photos, capturing a moment of surreal unity amid the charged atmosphere.

The procession, initially barred from stopping at Mirpur No. 10, pressed on relentlessly, winding its way through Kazipara and Shewrapara, heading straight for Shahbagh. I moved with the crowd, but as we reached Agargaon, Taltala, I felt a strong pull, as if I were being swept backward in time. The procession flowed down one side of the road, while I crossed to the opposite side, catching a battery rickshaw to get ahead of the march. I disembarked at Bijay Sharani, at the very front of the procession.

The main wave of the protesters was streaming toward Shahbagh, but a faction broke away, determined to head toward Ganabhaban, the prime minister’s official residence, behind the parliament. Police and army personnel scrambled to block their path, but their efforts were in vain. The soldiers who had earlier fired blanks to disperse the crowd now stood motionless, as if the tide of the day had turned irrevocably.

As the crowd neared the rear of the Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban, a helicopter lifted off from there. The time was 2:25 p.m. The students erupted in chants of “vua (disgrace), vua (disgrace)” surging toward Ganabhaban with renewed vigour.

At that moment, I spotted a man on a motorcycle. Desperate to get ahead, I stood in his path, arms outstretched and I quickly introduced myself as a journalist, requesting a ride. He agreed, and I was soon back on the move, arriving in front of the prime minister’s house gate.

There, a remarkable scene unfolded. Students had scaled two armoured personnel carriers of the presidential guard regiment, waving the national flag triumphantly. Within moments, a group of 40 to 50 protesters clambered over the gate adjacent to the parliament building. The rest, emboldened by their success, pushed forward, urging the soldiers to open the gate. They did, and in that instant, I found myself among the first hundred to enter Ganabhaban.

Protestors taking books and other materials from Ganabhaban, the Bangladesh prime minister’s official residence. Photo: Yeasir Arafat

Inside Ganabhaban Palace, chaos reigned as the first wave of protesters unleashed their fury. Glass shattered, furniture was smashed, and I documented it all, snapping photos and capturing video. Amid the frenzy, I noticed three or four young men prostrating on the grass in front of the Palace, one of them shouting a prayer in the ground:

“God, grant martyrdom to those who died in this movement!”

As I ventured deeper inside, the surreal scene continued to unfold. In the hallway, tables were set with food — meat, vegetables, chicken — left untouched from what was likely a recent meal. Some of the protesters began to eat, while one young man took sweets from the fridge and distributed them among the group. He even offered me one.

In the room where the prime minister used to hold briefings, people were sitting cross-legged in her chair, snapping pictures. Others rifled through books, and some were looting items — saris, jewellery, electrical goods. One man triumphantly held up a chicken and declared:

“There will be a party tonight to celebrate the fall of dictator Hasina!”

I watched as a few young men entered the Prime Minister’s bedroom on the first floor, lying on her bed and taking selfies.

Despite the efforts of PGR army officers to prevent the destruction and looting, their warnings went unheeded. The scene was eerily reminiscent of the events in Sri Lanka, which I had seen on social media, but now it was unfolding in my own country before my eyes. In the midst of it all, I received a call from AFP journalist Mohammad Ali Mazed. Dhaka bureau chief Shafiqul Alam asked him if my quotes could be used in their report. Although we were among the first hundred to enter, the crowd had swelled to over 1,500, with more arriving every moment.

An hour later, as I made my way out, the number of people at Ganabhaban had grown into the hundreds of thousands. Later, I learned that AFP had been the first to break the news. Before leaving, I attempted to go up to the first floor, but an Army Officer named Zahid stopped me, forbidding access to the bedroom. He was visibly shocked when I introduced myself as a journalist. “You’re a journalist and you’re in here too?” he asked, incredulous. “Just look at the mayhem going on.” As if to underscore the absurdity of the situation, a young man casually walked up to the officer, holding a bottle of body spray, and said, “I took it, sir.”

Protestors creating mayhem inside Ganabhaban, the Bangladesh prime minister’s official residence. Photo: Yeasir Arafat

As I stepped out onto the front of Ganabhaban Palace, I was greeted by an unexpected sight. To my left, under a leafy tree, sat Abhi Khasru, a leader of the SAD movement from Shariatpur, outer region from Dhaka. The elderly man was calmly smoking a cigarette alongside his friend, Anik Khan, while a young man nearby casually held a chicken. It was a surreal contrast to the chaos unfolding around us.

Abhi, noticing me, brought over some lozenges and a Coke from inside the Palace. Moments earlier, I had seen him inside, occupying the very seat where the prime minister once held discussions. Anik, his friend, was also inside, snapping pictures in the same room. It was a bizarre scene — some were prostrating in prayer, others puffing on cigarettes, all amidst the widespread destruction.

A protestor holding a hen. Photo: Yeasir Arafat

Inside Ganabhaban, the vandalism was still in full swing. No one had entered the building with weapons or tools, but once inside, most of the young men were seizing chairs and smashing glass with them. At least 80 percent of the crowd appeared to be students, judging by their dress and behaviour. Among them were a few middle-aged individuals who, from their conversations, seemed to be affiliated with the opposition alliance.

Throughout the Palace, chants echoed repeatedly:

Palaiche re palaiche, Hasina palaiche (She’s fled, she’s fled, Hasina has fled)”.

A lone voice tried to rally the crowd with the slogan “Naraye Takbeer, Allahu Akbar” but it fell flat, flopped with silence. Despite the repetition, the same slogans were chanted over and over, occasionally punctuated by bouts of profanity.

The juxtaposition of calm and chaos, of prayer and destruction, painted a disturbing picture of a moment in history that seemed to be spiralling out of control.

During the movement, the Ganabhaban, the symbol of governmental authority, was strictly off-limits — its boundaries firmly guarded, with no one allowed entry. The roads around this area were perpetually clogged with traffic, yet access was tightly controlled, with even nearby routes closed to the public.

But once inside, the protesters unleashed a wave of destruction that suggested they viewed the Ganabhaban as something entirely separate from the country it represented. The disciplined solidarity they had shown in the anti-discrimination movement over the past few days seemed to dissolve as soon as they crossed the threshold of the building. The absence of any protective instinct toward this national landmark was glaringly evident, and the reason was clear to everyone present.

The anger fueling the destruction stemmed from a deep and personal pain — many of these young people had lost friends like Abu Saeed and Mir Mugdha, whose lives were cut short by orders from within these very walls. Those orders were given to preserve power at any cost, and now, standing in the epicentre of that power, the protesters were exacting a form of retribution, fueled by the memory of their fallen comrades.

Also read: Who Are the 17 People in Bangladesh’s Interim Cabinet?

When it came to my safety, the office fell short of providing bulletproof jackets and helmets. For the first two days, they arranged CNG-powered auto-rickshaws for transportation, but after that, I had to rely on rented motorbikes and battery-operated rickshaws. Despite these limitations, I had no regrets. I chose not to use the protective gear — if I truly wanted it, I could have purchased it myself.

One night, one of my senior friends, a writer and chartered accountant in profession, who had been keeping a close eye on my situation, voiced his concern. “The way you’re going out into the field is risky,” he said, offering to sponsor the jackets and helmets himself. “Buy them tomorrow,” he urged. I was touched by his care, but I didn’t follow through.

Protestors sitting on the lawn of Ganabhaban, the Bangladesh prime minister’s official residence. Photo: Yeasir Arafat

Senior crime reporters at the office had their own advice: they suggested staying close to the police or law enforcement officers. Their reasoning was simple — our job was to document, not to put ourselves in harm’s way, they would say, and it made sense because the shoot-out most of the time comes from the security forces. But working in the real situation requires a different approach. I always kept mini packs of toothpaste and a gaslighter in my pocket for teargas situations.

Most of the time, I stayed among the students. It was within their ranks that I felt I had the best chance of seeing the story unfold in its entirety. By remaining close to the action, I could better understand the situation as it evolved, scanning my surroundings until I felt I had grasped the full picture.

Slogans, bullets, tear gas, sound grenades and bricks — vandalism and violence marked the last three weeks. The 19 days between July 18 and the fall of the government on August 5, along with the two intense days that followed, undoubtedly represent the most significant period of my journalistic career. Of all these moments, witnessing the public’s occupation of Ganabhaban at the outset stands as the most crucial.

In recent days, the unrest has tapered off. While attacks and vandalism continue, they are being covered by other colleagues as the intensity decreases rapidly. The hope now is that a new Bangladesh will rise from this turmoil, guided by the ideals of the youth and steering clear of conflict.

I’d like to conclude with a personal reflection. As a journalist, I’ve interacted with thousands of people, but during these three weeks of covering the movement, around 30 individuals checked in on me regularly. There were moments of despair when it felt like I was alone in this tumultuous world, but those concerns were dispelled by the care and support I received. This realisation has renewed my motivation, not just in my work but in my personal life as well.

Yeasir Arafat is a staff reporter at Daily Samakal. 

Why Yunus Was Chosen to Course Correct in Bangladesh

He assumes charge as the prime minister of the interim government of Bangladesh at a time when there is general disgust in the country with political parties. Consequently, civil society groups have come to the fore.

The political orientation of Yunus and the respect he enjoys in civil society will be an asset to the interim government.

In Muhammad Yunus, Bangladesh has the opportunity to shake off 15 years of autocratic rule with a new leader who gave opportunities to women to participate more fully in society.

One cannot think of a more qualified person to lead Bangladesh at the moment.

Yunus, a former university professor of economics, is the founder of the Grameen Bank. Dubbed the “Banker to the Poor”, he is better known now as a social entrepreneur and civil society leader than an academic.

He assumes charge as the prime minister of the interim government of Bangladesh at a time when there is general disgust in the country with political parties. Consequently, civil society groups have come to the fore.

Yunus is undoubtedly the most prominent face of Bangladesh civil society groups. It is no wonder then that there was near unanimity in choosing him as the head of the interim government.

He clearly has the support of the students who shed much blood overthrowing the Sheikh Hasina regime through the mass uprising they led.

His name was proposed by the leaders of the student protest with others accepting it enthusiastically.

Also Read: Bangladesh Interim Government Led by Muhammad Yunus Sworn in

No government, neither its police nor its military, is happy when they kill their own citizens, for reasons that seem not so convincing. It is not surprising then that the Bangladesh army refused to fire on its own people, asking Hasina to quit in view of the popular uprising.

The globally acknowledged initiative of Yunus, the Grameen Bank, owes its existence to the inability of the banking system to lend to the poor.

Yunus rebelled against his training in economics, when he found that the poor in Bangladesh work hard but cannot escape poverty because of their debt burden. Paradoxically, it is the poor who need credit, but no bank will lend to them.

At first, he borrowed money in his name and lent it to the poor. He found that the poor were indeed credit worthy. Then he experimented with a state-owned agricultural bank with similar results.

Finally, when he found that the state was unwilling to scale up microcredit to the poor, he founded his own social business – the Grameen Bank.

Yunus was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006 for his microcredit revolution that brought women out of their homes to meaningfully participate in entrepreneurial activities.

Even though there are disputes regarding the effectiveness of microcredit for empowering the poorest, no one can deny that this is a secular and modern initiative that has empowered Bangladeshi women. It was opposed by conservative Islamists.

Yunus’s social entrepreneurship is considered pro-market. Given his international profile, the US and the European Union are likely to play a more significant role in the country than earlier.

In her quest to garner developmental funds, Sheikh Hasina was more comfortable deftly balancing China and India. The legacy of the estrangement of the US from Bangladesh may now be overturned.

The Chinese will try to find a place on the table. Now that India has courted Sheikh Hasina, it would do well to remember that it claims to be a strategic partner of the democratic West, which has reasons to worry about the rise of China. It cannot afford to appease the forces that the citizens of Bangladesh have overthrown.

The political orientation of  Yunus will be an asset to the interim government. He had first returned to Bangladesh from an academic position in an economics department in the US, in the heydays following the birth of Bangladesh.

He was inspired by the idea of building a new nation led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Despite this orientation, he maintained a distance from both the significant political parties – the Awami League  and the Bangladesh National Party. In fact, the Awami League regime under Sheikh Hasina did not allow him any political room for manoeuvre and attacked him with corruption and tax charges.

Also Read: A Challenging Task Stretches Ahead for Bangladesh’s Next Leaders

Given this experience, one can safely conclude that Yunus will not favour Sheikh Hasina, even though he may not be opposed to the Awami League as a political party.

Although avowedly secular in a Muslim-majority nation, Sheikh Hasina destroyed the democratic consolidation that catapulted her to power in the first place. The general elections in 2014, 2018 and 2024 did not allow the political Opposition any space to contest. These elections were systematically rigged.

The reasons for the collapse and ouster of the Hasina government are to be found largely within the regime.

Autocratisation meant that the representatives of the citizens became quite distant from them.

It also did not help that officials intimately involved with supporting the regime at a senior level were targeted for corruption. The prime minister and her associates proclaimed that they were fighting corruption, when corruption had become the very basis of the regime. Under such circumstances, even the officialdom may have lost interest in protecting the regime.

As the legitimacy of the regime crumbled from within, empty promises such as 30 percent reservation in government jobs for the children of freedom fighters of the Liberation War of 1971 sounded hollow.

With large scale unemployment staring them in the face, Sheikh Hasina, supporting job reservations, distanced herself from the students who demanded that all job quotas be abolished.

It was under these circumstances that the military stepped in after more than 500 men, women and children were killed in the anti-reservation protests. After weeks of turmoil, Sheikh Hasina was forced to flee the country. Her flight to India, unlike her father’s assassination and martyrdom, does not bode well for the Awami League.

It’s not clear whether a third major political party – other than the Awami League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party – can also emerge under the current circumstances. Yunus was interested in entering politics, a project that was viciously attacked by Sheikh Hasina. it is unlikely, however, that he might revive that project.

Previous interim governments have served like an independent election commission under military protection that have facilitated peaceful transfer of power in Bangladesh. This had contributed to democratic consolidation.

It is to be seen whether this Interim Government led by Dr Yunus will equal or even better the record of the previous ones.

This article first appeared on 360info.

A Challenging Task Stretches Ahead for Bangladesh’s Next Leaders

The interim government that has assumed control after Prime Minister Hasina’s departure needs to unite various political parties and state bodies, revitalise the economy, and most importantly – restore public trust.

A day after massive and unrelenting public protests forced Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to quit and flee to India, an interim government, that is expected to steer the country out of a Himalayan-size mess, is slowly taking shape in Dhaka.

While Nobel laureate and Bangladesh’s veteran economist Mohammad Yunus has agreed to head the interim regime, the names of the advisors who will support him are not yet known.

Faced with an ultimatum by the students, Bangladesh President Mohammad Shahabuddin hurriedly dissolved the controversial 12th Jatiya Sangsad or Parliament on August 6, paving the way for the assumption of authority by an interim government.

Bangladesh was in the throes of a student-led agitation that turned violent on July 14 after one of the protesters was shot in his chest by the police from close range.

This triggered a backlash among students, who turned on the government, especially the police and other security forces, as they clashed in deadly street fights and gunfire, resulting in the death of at least 440 demonstrators, nearly 50 policemen and several thousand were injured.

The situation took a turn for the worse when supporters of the Jamaat-e-Islami and its students wing, the Islami Chhatra Shibir, joined in and contributed to the mayhem.

However, it took a student-led “Long March to Dhaka” on August 5 and the threat of an imminent storming of Hasina’s official residence, Ganabhaban, to force her to resign and take a flight out to refuge in India. Several ministers, MPs, bureaucrats and former intelligence officers, also fled to different destinations.

After Hasina’s departure, the country was plunged into yet another round of blood-letting, looting and destruction of public property, with Awami League MPs and supporters targeted across most districts.

New opportunity

The overthrow of the Awami League regime marks a pivotal point in Bangladesh’s history, unseen since the violence and chaos that led to the country’s birth in 1971.While the future of the Awami League is now uncertain, the deadly – and dramatic – events of the last three weeks also open the potential for a new, more inclusive political landscape in the coming days.

Army chief General Waker-uz-Zaman has assured the nation an interim government would take into consideration public demands.

He called for an all-party and civil society dialogue to ensure that the army’s moves post-Hasina would be in the right direction.

The overthrow of the 15-year uninterrupted rule of the repressive Hasina regime reflected the Bangladeshi people’s remarkable resilience.

With the lines of conflict sharp, the spectre of prolonged social and political disturbances looming large and an imminent economic meltdown, the interim regime has a seemingly insurmountable task before it.

First, Yunus must deploy all his leadership skills – which will be tested in these extreme circumstances – to pull Bangladesh out of the abyss by trying to bridge the yawning gap between the remnant of the Awami League, Bangladesh Nationalist Party, the Jamaat-e-Islami, the police, paramilitary forces and the army.

While the interim regime could consider disbanding the police force and weeding out pro-Awami League officers, it could also begin work on restoring people’s faith in the law enforcement agencies.

Attempts must be made to repair and restore state and democratic institutions that were systematically destroyed by Hasina’s government.

The Awami League, the BNP and the Jamaat have vastly different perceptions of almost every aspect of the state and the nation. Bringing them to the peace table will be difficult but not impossible if other significant stakeholders such as civil society organisations are allowed to take part in the conflict transformation efforts.Importantly, Bangladesh’s new managers must revisit the client-patron relationship that existed in the country’s ties with India when Hasina was at the helm.

The three-week-long orgy of violence left hundreds dead and thousands maimed across Bangladesh. The interim regime needs to make herculean efforts to apply the balm of kindness among the worst affected sections of the population, including women.

Yunus can show boldness to usher in amendments to certain constitutional provisions (for instance, the 15th Constitutional amendment in 2011) which were systematically repudiated or violated to safeguard the interests of the Awami League and Sheikh Hasina.

The rule of law and equality before the law should be other focus areas of reform since the public loss of confidence in the judiciary was complete.

Over the last one year or so, among the worst victims of the Awami League’s ravages, depredations and predatory politics, was the economy.

Bangladesh’s forex reserves, officially pegged at US$15.82 billion, need to be nursed back to a healthy deposit even as the economists in the interim regime have to work tirelessly to improve its balance of payments.

At the same time, Yunus and his colleagues will need to restore confidence in Bangladesh’s expatriate community so remittances don’t dry up.

Even as the crackdown on corrupt businessmen – the comprador class – is expected to be harsh, the interim regime can take decisive action to bring back huge amounts of money moved illegally to banks abroad. Identifying the businessmen and proceeding with criminal cases against them is an option.

Sustaining national confidence and restoring public order should be the common denominator across all the policy issues and prescriptions that lie before the interim regime, which itself should be inclusive and efficient.

Bangladesh has had previous unfortunate experiences – in 2007, for instance – of interim governments. It cannot let slip another opportunity to heal itself.

This article first appeared on 360info.

Bangladesh: Hasina Lands at IAF Base Near Delhi; Talks On in Dhaka to Form Interim Government

Despite the strategic implications, India has yet to issue any statement on Bangladesh. However, Prime Minister Narendra Modi chaired a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Security on the dramatic developments in the neighbourhood.

New Delhi: As discussions in Dhaka continue regarding the formation of an interim government, former Bangladesh prime minister Sheikh Hasina, who resigned and fled the country earlier today, arrived at the Hindon Indian Air Force base near Delhi, where she met with India’s National Security Adviser, Ajit Doval.

On Monday afternoon, Bangladesh army chief Waker-Uz-Zaman announced that Prime Minister Hasina had resigned and left the country. He also stated that the army had taken the initiative to consult with political parties, except for the former ruling party Awami League, to form an interim government.

Sheikh Hasina boarded a military helicopter for a brief flight across the border into Indian territory. She then landed at the Hindon Indian Air Force base in Ghaziabad around 6 p.m. local time.

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval met her at the air base, but the details of their discussions remain undisclosed.

Strategic implications for India

Shortly after, Prime Minister Narendra Modi chaired a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Security to address the dramatic developments in Bangladesh.

The meeting was attended by Home Minister Amit Shah, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, Cabinet Secretary Rajiv Gauba, Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister P.K. Mishra, and the heads of intelligence agencies.

As per Congress sources, Jaishankar also met with the Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi in parliament house.

There has been no official statement from India till now, either on the developments in Bangladesh or the arrival of Hasina in New Delhi.

Hasina’s sudden departure after more than 15 years in power has strategic implications for India, which was seen as the staunchest backer of the erstwhile Awami League-led government.

Hasina’s daughter is currently based in Delhi, as she is the head of the World Health Organisation’s South East Asia region, headquartered in the Indian capital.

However, it is not yet clear if Sheikh Hasina will have an extended stay in India. She has reportedly reached out to the United Kingdom for asylum. Hasina’s sister, Sheikh Rehana, who left Dhaka with her, holds UK citizenship.

Earlier, there were unconfirmed reports which said that Hasina had landed in Tripura’s Agartala. However, Union home secretary P.K. Chakravarty told PTI, “We have no such information.”

Protestors storm into Hasina’s official residence  

Earlier on Monday, Bangladesh saw widespread violence which left over 100 people dead in student-led street protests demanding the resignation of the Awami League government.

An indefinite curfew was in place across the country, leaving the roads deserted.

However, as the hours passed, people began to slowly appear on the streets, defying the restrictions.

It was clear which way the wind was blowing when the Bangladesh army dismantled barricades on the roads around 2 pm, leading to scenes of jubilation across the country.

People were seen rushing through the gates of Ganabhaban, the complex of the Prime Minister’s office, walking on the green laws and barging into the offices. They also entered the Parliament House and the

Mirroring the events in Sri Lanka in 2022, TV channels showed mobs taking away chairs, luggage and all kinds of furniture from within the government building, while others partook from dishes left in the dining room.

Palaichepalaiche, Sheikh Hasina palaiche,” were the slogans of the people, as the gates of Ganabhaban saw a traffic jam of cycle rickshaws pilled with office chairs.

Sheikh Hasina’s son, Sajeeb Wazed Joy, told the BBC that his mother has no plans for a political comeback, stating she was “so disappointed that after all her hard work, for a minority to rise up against her.”

Joy stated that his mother had been considering resignation since Sunday and left the country for her own safety at the insistence of her family.

Interim government to take over 

After several delays, Bangladesh army chief Waker-Uz-Zaman held a nationally broadcast press conference in the afternoon, where he tried to project a sense of calm.

“You must know that we in the midst of a ‘Kranti kaal’. I had called all the political parties’ leaders. We had a constructive discussion. We decided that we will form an interim government,” he said.

The army general also stated that Sheikh Hasina had resigned from the post of Bangladesh prime minister.

Wake noted they were going to meet Bangladesh President Mohammed Shahabuddin to discuss the further course of action.

Interestingly, he added that leaders from Opposition political parties like Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Jamaat and Jatiya party had agreed to his proposal, but also made clear that no Awami League leaders were part of the discussions.

While he stated that talks for an interim government were in an “early stage,” he underlined that they would find a solution by tonight or in a couple of days at the maximum.

In answer to queries, the Army chief said that there would be no need for curfew, if the situation remained peaceful.

Asking for patience and cooperation, he said that violence will “not achieve anything” and asked people to “stop this kind of agitation”. He has also appealed to all the students and protestors to go back home, adding that all their grievances will be addressed.

Meanwhile, smoke rose across the Bangladeshi capital, as demonstrators set ablaze the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum, the Awami League president’s office, and the party’s district office.

Television footage and social media images revealed scenes of protesters damaging a massive statue of Bangladesh’s founding father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who is also the father of Sheikh Hasina.

As the violence spiralled, the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) Directorate issued a statement from the Army chief calling on the public to refrain from causing damage to any property or harm to lives.

Additionally, student organisers of the Quota reform movement and civil society members came on television appealing to the end of violence and vandalisation of public property.

India silent and the world reacts 

While India has maintained silence, the spokesperson of UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer reported that Lone was “deeply concerned by the violence we’ve seen in Bangladesh in recent weeks and that has obviously escalated in recent days”. “The very significant loss of life, including of students, children and law enforcement officers, is completely unacceptable,” he said.

UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy called for “a full and independent UN-led investigation into the events of the past few weeks”.

He also stated that all sides “now need to work together to end the violence, restore calm, deescalate the situation and prevent any further loss of life”.

“The UK wants to see action taken to ensure Bangladesh a peaceful and democratic future,” he said.

There has been no comment on the reports of the request for asylum by the former Bangladesh prime minister.

The European Union foreign policy chief Josep Borrell said that it was “vital that an orderly and peaceful transition towards a democratically elected government is ensured, in full respect of human rights and democratic principles”.

US Senate Majority leader Chuck Schumer stated that Hasina’s continued rule was made “untenable” due to the violent crackdown on protestors.

“I applaud the brave protestors & demand justice for those killed. It’s critical to establish a balanced interim government that respects the rights of all & sets up democratic elections swiftly,” he posted.

There has been no reaction from China, till now.

Student-led protests 

Over 100 people were killed and more than a thousand were injured as a fresh wave of violence erupted in Bangladesh on Sunday, which was the first day of the student-led non-cooperation movement, aimed to mount pressure on Sheikh Hasina to step down.

Ruling party activists and the police clashed with anti-government protesters, in around 20 districts of the country, reported The Daily Star.

Bangaldesh student protests. Photo: X (Twitter)/@trahmanbnp

In the country’s northern district of Sirajganj, an angry mob attacked a police station and 13 police personnel were beaten to death. In another incident, at least five people died in clashes in Raiganj upazila of Sirajganj. With 18 deaths, Sirajganj has the highest death toll among all other districts from the violence on August 4.

As the violence escalated, mobs also torched and vandalised the homes of lawmakers from the ruling party, Awami League offices, police stations, vehicles of police personnel, prison vans and hospital buses.

Following the unabated violence, the Sheikh Hasina government tightened a nationwide curfew and blocked 4G mobile internet.

Meanwhile, the Ministry of External Affairs advised Indian citizens in Bangladesh to exercise extreme caution, restrict their movements and remain in contact with the High Commission of India in Dhaka with their emergency phone numbers.

India had initially suspended the Maitri Express, Bandhan Express, and Mitali Express from July 19 to August 6 due to the violent protests.

On Monday, the Indian Railway Ministry extended the suspension indefinitely.

In addition, Air India and IndiGo airlines announced the cancellation of flights to Dhaka on Monday.

The ongoing protests started in response to the high court’s verdict declaring a circular issued in 2018 cancelling the 30% quota for freedom fighters’ descendants in government jobs illegal. The quota system reserved 30% of government posts for children and grandchildren of freedom fighters,  10% for women and 10% for residents of specific districts. There are also quotas for ethnic minorities and disabled people but the students are not opposing those.

On July 21, the Bangladesh Supreme Court ordered 93% of the government jobs in the country to be allocated on a merit-based system. Under the revised system, 5% of civil service positions will still be reserved for children of war veterans who fought for Bangladesh’s independence in 1971. An additional 2% will be allocated to other designated categories.

 

Indian Citizens Condemn Hasina for Bangladesh Violence, Support Struggle for Fundamental Change

“We join our voices with the democratic forces in Bangladesh in demanding a restoration of democracy,” the statement read. “Today, the citizens of Bangladesh want to hold its government accountable for destroying the dream of the liberation struggle.”

New Delhi: As Sheikh Hasina resigned and left Bangladesh on Monday (August 5), a group of Indian citizens, including writers, artists, intellectuals, and activists, strongly condemned the brutal state violence unleashed by her government against its own citizens during the ongoing protests across the country.

The statement expressed deep concern over the recent developments in Bangladesh, where the former Sheikh Hasina government has been accused of hijacking elections and cracking down on peaceful protests.

“We, as fellow South Asians, share a common destiny and the destruction of democracy in any part of it is obviously a matter of concern for all of us,” the statement read.

The group criticised the former Bangladesh government’s actions, saying that the crackdown on protesters was marked by the use of lethal and non-lethal weapons, including shooting from helicopters and snipers. They also condemned the arbitrary arrests and framing of cases against protesters, with over 2,000 people arrested and 61,000 named as accused.

The statement read: As the police intensified their attack, the number of deaths continued to increase. While official reports as of 1 August had put the number of people killed at 209, reports by International Agencies suggest a figure of over 1000, with thousands more injured in a span of 10 days. Among the injured, in Dhaka alone, 500 are reported to have been wounded with pellets in their eyes. What has been most shocking is that shooting from helicopters and snipers from high-rise buildings have been reported, where children playing on the terrace or inside their homes were killed.”

Also read: Sheikh Hasina Lands at Indian Air Force Base Near Delhi, Seeks Asylum in the UK

“Along with a violent crackdown on protesters using lethal and non-lethal weapons that unfolded into one of the worst humanitarian tragedies, the Bangladesh government has also unleashed a reign of terror through arbitrary arrests and framing of cases against protesters. Media reports tell us more than 2,000 people have been arrested and more than 61,000 people have been named as accused in cases,” the statement added.

The group expressed solidarity with the democratic forces in Bangladesh, demanding justice for the victims of the violence, action against responsible police officers, release of all protesters, and quashing of criminal cases against them.

“We join our voices with the democratic forces in Bangladesh in demanding a restoration of democracy,” the statement read. “We extend our support to their struggle for a fundamental change in the mode of governance in Bangladesh.”

The signatories included former JNU professor Zoya Hasan, historian Tanika Sarkar, journalist Pamela Philipose and feminist scholar J. Devika.

Over 100 people were killed and more than a thousand were injured as a fresh wave of violence erupted in Bangladesh on Sunday (August 4), which was the first day of the student-led non-cooperation movement, aimed to mount pressure on Sheikh Hasina to step dow.

On Monday, television footage and social media images revealed scenes of protesters toppling a massive statue of Bangladesh’s founding father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who is also the father of Sheikh Hasina. Demonstrators were also seen setting ablaze the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum, the Awami League president’s office, and the party’s district office.

The demonstrations broke out in June against a controversial quota system for public sector recruitment, which the country’s Supreme Court has now all but scrapped. The quota system reserved 30% of government posts for children and grandchildren of freedom fighters, 10% for women and 10% for residents of specific districts. There are also quotas for ethnic minorities and disabled people but the students are not opposing those.

On July 21, the Bangladesh Supreme Court ordered 93% of the government jobs in the country to be allocated on a merit-based system. Under the revised system, 5% of civil service positions will still be reserved for children of war veterans who fought for Bangladesh’s independence in 1971. An additional 2% will be allocated to other designated categories.

§

STATEMENT BY INDIAN CITIZENS AGAINST BRUTAL STATE VIOLENCE AND IN SOLIDARITY WITH THE STRUGGLE IN BANGLADESH

We, the undersigned citizens of India, writers, artists, intellectuals and activists, express our deep concern over the recent developments in Bangladesh. As fellow South Asians, we share a common destiny and the destruction of democracy in any part of it is obviously a matter of concern for all of us. The current government that has unleashed massive violence on its own citizens has brazenly hijacked the elections three consecutive times in the last ten years.

The world has been watching in horror the violent crackdown on protesting students and youth in Bangladesh since mid-July. On 15th July, a peaceful protest by students of Dhaka University demanding reform in the quota system was violently attacked by a group of goons said to be from the student wing of the ruling party. The crackdown followed statements by the Awami League general secretary and an important minister that the Chhatra League would teach a lesson to the students, whom the prime minister, Sheikh Hasina had earlier labelled ‘razakars’ – a term used for the collaborators with the Pakistan army during the 1971 Liberation Struggle. Expectedly, the Bangladesh Police, rather than acting against the attackers, started a full-scale crackdown on protesters all across the country from the next day. On 16th July, the police killed Abu Saeed, a student of Begum Rokeya University, as he stood with open arms, without any weapon, in front of the approaching police forces who aimed their guns at the protesters. The murder of Abu Saeed, who posed no threat to the approaching police forces, manifests how the intention behind the crackdown on protesters was not to maintain law and order but to forcefully silence voices of dissent arising from all across Bangladesh.

Since then, what followed in Bangladesh will be documented in history as one of the worst state attacks on its citizens. As the police intensified their attack, the number of deaths continued to increase. While official reports as of 1 August had put the number of people killed at 209, reports by International Agencies suggest a figure of over 1000, with thousands more injured in a span of 10 days. Among the injured, in Dhaka alone, 500 are reported to have been wounded with pellets in their eyes. What has been most shocking is that shooting from helicopters and snipers from high-rise buildings have been reported, where children playing on the terrace or inside their homes were killed.

On 2 August, as the movement returned with even greater strength and people from all walks of life students joined in, firings and further killings have been reported from different parts of the country. The Internet was completely shut down for a week, cutting off news from Bangladesh to the rest of the world. However, this standard tactic of dictatorial regimes has not worked in containing the movement which is now demanding the resignation of the illegitimate government and fresh elections under the supervision of a caretaker government.

Along with a violent crackdown on protesters using lethal and non-lethal weapons that unfolded into one of the worst humanitarian tragedies, the Bangladesh government has also unleashed a reign of terror through arbitrary arrests and framing of cases against protesters. Media reports tell us more than 2,000 people have been arrested and more than 61,000 people have been named as accused in cases.

Bangladesh achieved its liberation in 1971 after millions sacrificed their lives for freedom of the country. We, as citizens of a neighbouring country, have been deeply sympathetic to Bangladesh’s liberation struggle. The citizens of a country that achieved its liberation through such massive sacrifices of lives, have not forgotten the spirit of that struggle. Today, the citizens of Bangladesh want to hold its government accountable for destroying the dream of the liberation struggle. The aspiration of a democratic government, free and fair election, freedom of speech and protest and a promise of a dignified future for the country’s youth is an aspiration for a modern democratic state.

We, members of civil society of India, extend our voice of support to that aspiration of the citizens of Bangladesh. In the interim, the citizens are demanding justice for the victims of the ‘July’ massacre (and later killings), action against responsible police officers, release of all protesters and quashing of criminal cases against protesters. We join our voices with the democratic forces in Bangladesh in demanding a restoration of democracy. We extend our support to their struggle for a fundamental change in the mode of governance in Bangladesh.

Signatories

Aditya Nigam, Independent Academic

Tanika Sarkar, Historian

Atul Sood, Professor, JNU

Rohan D’Souza, Faculty, Kyoto University

Pamela Philipose, Journalist

Nivedita Menon, Professor, JNU

Bishnupriya Dutt, Professor, JNU

Nandini Sundar, Sociologist

Dhananjay, President, JNUSU

Naveen Gaur, Faculty, DU

Zoya Hasan, Former Professor, JNU

Sucheta De, CPIML

G Arunima, Faculty, JNU

Prof Surajit C Mukhopadhyay, Dean, Sister Nivedita University

Arundhati Ghosh, Independent Cultural Practitioner

Shuddhabrata Sengupta, Artist and Writer

Anuradha Chenoy, Former Professor, JNU

J Devika, Feminist Scholar

Ayesha Kidwai, Professor, JNU

Kuntal Ghosh, Associate Professor, ISI

Mary E John, Feminist Scholar

Navsharan SIngh, Activist

Suvankar Chakraborty, Senior Journalist

Anupam Roy, Artist

Laxmi Murthy, Journalist

Satakshi Nandy, Actor

Mohan Rao, Former Professor, JNU

Ravi Sundaram, CSDS, Delhi

Aamir Aziz, Poet

Kavita Srivastava, PUCL

Sandip K. Luis, Art Historian

Sanjeeb Mukherjee, Former Faculty, Calcutta University

Surojit Sen, Writer

Rupleena Bose, Writer

Bishwendu Nanda, Baniya Paramaribo Karu o Bastra Shilpa Sangha

Gaurab Chatterjee, Musician

P. Rohini Rajasekaran, Writer/Artist

Vasudha Thozhur, Artist

Chayanika Shah, Hasrat-e-Zindagi Mamuli, Mumbai

Pradip Datta, Retired Professor

Veda Thozhur Kolleri, Artist

Rupsha Guha, Artist

Suvonkar Banerjee, Senior Editor, DIsney+Hotstar

Anirban Ghoshal, Screen Writer/Film Maker

Sruthi Viswan, Artist

Debmalya Banerjee, Visual Artist

Debapriya Bhatta, Voxxy Media

Inder Salim, Artist

Shapath Das, Art House Film Foundation

Kirity Roy, Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha

Satarupa Das, Director, Zindabad Studio

Monalisa Mukherji, Film Maker

Dr. Frazer Mascarenhas, Former Faculty, St. Xavier’s College

Raktim Ghosh, Adhikar Bangla

Shweta Bajaj, Journalist and Documentary Film Maker

Arindam, Arindam Nandy Production

Shal J, Artist

Chhatrapal Ninawe, CImagination

Sidharth Srinivasan, Independent Film Maker

Angana, Actor

Vidya Dinker, President/ INSAF

Nandini Bhattacharyya Panda, Indian Council of Historical Research

Barali, CPB

Nayanika Mookherjee, Durham University, UK

Shubham KC

Patha Bhavan School Alumni

Sreemanti Sengupta

Freelancer

Bodhisattwa Ghosh

Artiste

Sambaran Das

Artist

Sreyashi Choudhury

Student at Renmin University of China

Haritha

Self employed

Samina

FORWARD TRUST / Secretary

Harsh Agarwal

Uncombed Buddha Films

Ashok Sharma

Retired Civil Servant

Abhay Mishr

Artist

Anshuman Das

Ecobazaar/Organiser

Shreya

Self employed

Chitra Joshi

Independent historian

Agnishwar Sinha

Assistant team lead

Subhamay Ghoshal

Individual

Shivangi Singh

Student/Artist

Roopesh shaji

Freelance Cinematographer

B Ajay

Self

Sarthak Bhatia

JNU

snigdha adil

student

Shiraz

PUCL

Rajshree Chandra

Delhi University

Sourish Ghosh

Researcher

Romit

Oddjoint/Film Technocian

Tathagata Biswas

Citizen

Ammu Abraham

Forum against oppression of women, PUCL Maharashtra

Anita Dube

Artist

Ravi Balla

CRPP

Nanjappan Radhakrishnan

Advocate

Indira Rani

Freelance Development Consultant

Dipan Mahapatra

Graphic Designer

Fahd Kabir

FK studios

Arka

Indian citizen

Cynthia Stephen

Independent journalist and policy researcher

S Datta

Teacher

Dipyaman

Right to Food and Network, West Bengal

Atri Bhattacherjee

Student [Jadavpur university]

Avhijit Sarkar

Activist

Rupsha Das

Freelance Artist

Dr. Arnab Saha

Professor, Writer.

Anushka Dutta

student

Pinak Banik

Artist

Rumela Dey

Individual

Bonhihotri Hazra

Aprachalito Magazine

Sourav Roy

Independent Scholar

Aurinjoy Biswas

TEACHER

Sujit Kumar Karar

student

Partha Bose

Friends of Democracy

Krttika B Dutta

Student

Moubani Pal

Student, Jadavpur University

বিশ্বেন্দু নন্দ

জ্ঞানগঞ্জ, বঙ্গীয় পারম্পরিক কারু ও বস্ত্র শিল্পী সংঘ

Sarmili

Jonandolon,APDR

Subhankar Sengupta

Individual

Sourav Das

Student

Subhendu Biswas

Jadavpur University Student

Saswata Shikdar

Quark publisher

Monosij kar

Individual

Souren Mondal

APDR &JANA ANDOLON

Dripta Sarangi

Researcher

SWAGATAM KAR

Salaried Person.

Saumyarit chowdhury

Self.

Karnabati Das Mahapatra

DSF (Arts)

Paromita Dutta

USAF

Mrinmoy Das

HUMAN Network INDIA

Supriya Banerjee

Essayist, activist

Shiyas K.R

Advocate

Srijan Biswas

Filmmaker

Prasanta Basak

Right To Food work and campaign network

Anamika Mondal

Student

Indranil Biswas

Anthropolocal Survey of India

Sadhana Biswas

UKIBC

তীর্থরাজ ত্রিবেদী

জ্ঞানগঞ্জ

Somenath Guha

Saros

Pratyush Chatterjee

Student

Nandita Narain

Associate Professor (Retd), St.Stephen’s College, Delhi University

Rajdeep Mazumder

Hr

Souhardya Pramanik

Student

Mahasweta Samajdar

Editor of Magazines

Pratyay Banerjee

PRASONGIK

Amit Bhattacharyya

Retired Professor, Department of History, Jadavpur University, Kolkata

Sujato Bhadra

Human Rights activist

Prajnaparamita Dutta Raychaudhuri

Manushir Boi Ghar, secretary

Souvik Bose

Student

Sumeet

Artist

Mallar Moitra

Pashchimbanga Ganasanskriti Parishad

Avijit Pal

Self

Sudipta Mullick

senior citizen of India

Sharad Lele

Researcher

Purna

Social worker

Arijit Gayen

Software Engineer

দেবজ্যোতি মিত্র

অধ্যাপক

Sourav Maji

Software engineer

Sudipto Dey

Student

Prof.

Former professor , JNU.

Soumitra Bose

Cpiml liberstion

Kausik

NA

Dr. Rounak Biswas

Dr.

Shubha Sundar Ghosh

Student

Debabrata Nath

Writer and Publisher

barnali Mukherjee

CPB

Meenakshi Shedde

Independent writer

Sukant Deepak

Deputy Editor and translator

kavya gupta

graduate from DU.

Kamal Tewary

Workers’ Initiative

Alokananda Dasgupta

Self

Arundhuti Saha

Student

Sandip Nandi

CPB

Koel shikdar

Private channel

Stefan Kaye

Musician / composer

Sitansu Ranjan De

Journalist

Ditsa Bose

Student

Swagata Ghosh

Student to Jadavpur university

Rahul Varman

Academic

Sutapa Deb

Social activist

Rina Mitra Ghosh

Self-employed

Navsharan Singh

Academic and political activist

Debaleena Saha

Student

Debaleena Saha

Student

Piyali Chatterjee

Individual

Abhishek Roy

Independent

Rajesh Ramakrishnan

Independent researcher

Santanu Bhattacharya

Cultural Activist

Hardip

Self

DR SANTANU GHOSH

Individual

Sunila Singh

Women’s rights practitioner

Jayati Mukherjee

Research Assistant

I’m all for democracy. Doesn’t matter at what cost.

Creative Director

Manali Chakrabarti

Independent Researcher

Amrita Samants

WBMES

SUMAN BASU

College Teacher

Devi

Artist

Dr. Kamaxi Bhate

Self

Vanita Mukherjee

I represent myself

Sumit D

Line Producer

Adarsh Jha

Self Employed

SAPTAK SARKAR

SOUND DESIGNER

Ahona Banerjee

Digital marketer

Akku Dev

Oddjoint

Anwiksha

Freelancer

Sanjay

Entrepreneur

Sreemoyee Bhattacharya

Transmic Space / founder

Arati

Self employed

Adv Dr Shalu Nigam

Lawyer

Sugandha

Manager

Shamik Be

Independent journalist and writer

Shubham KC

Patha Bhavan School Alumni

Sreemanti Sengupta

Freelancer

Bodhisattwa Ghosh

Artiste

Sambaran Das

Artist

Sreyashi Choudhury

Student at Renmin University of China

Haritha

Self employed

Samina

FORWARD TRUST / Secretary

Harsh Agarwal

Uncombed Buddha Films

Ashok Sharma

Retired Civil Servant

Abhay Mishr

Artist

Anshuman Das

Ecobazaar/Organiser

Shreya

Self employed

Chitra Joshi

Independent historian

Agnishwar Sinha

Assistant team lead

Subhamay Ghoshal

Individual

Shivangi Singh

Student/Artist

Roopesh shaji

Freelance Cinematographer

B Ajay

Self

Sarthak Bhatia

JNU

snigdha adil

Student

Shiraz

PUCL

Rajshree Chandra

Delhi University

Sourish Ghosh

Researcher

Romit

Oddjoint/Film Technocian

Tathagata Biswas

Citizen

Ammu Abraham

Forum against oppression of women, PUCL Maharashtra

Anita Dube

Artist

Ravi Balla

CRPP

Nanjappan Radhakrishnan

Advocate

Indira Rani

Freelance Development Consultant

Dipan Mahapatra

Graphic Designer

Fahd Kabir

FK studios

Arka

Indian citizen

Cynthia Stephen

Independent journalist and policy researcher

S Datta

Teacher

Dipyaman

Right to Food and Network, West Bengal

Atri Bhattacherjee

Student [Jadavpur university]

Avhijit Sarkar

Activist

Rupsha Das

Freelance Artist

Dr. Arnab Saha

Professor, Writer.

Anushka Dutta

student

Pinak Banik

Artist

Rumela Dey

Individual

Bonhihotri Hazra

Aprachalito Magazine

Sourav Roy

Independent Scholar

Aurinjoy Biswas

TEACHER

Sujit Kumar Karar

student

Partha Bose

Friends of Democracy

Krttika B Dutta

Student

Moubani Pal

Student, Jadavpur University

বিশ্বেন্দু নন্দ

জ্ঞানগঞ্জ, বঙ্গীয় পারম্পরিক কারু ও বস্ত্র শিল্পী সংঘ

Sarmili

Jonandolon,APDR

Subhankar Sengupta

Individual

Sourav Das

Student

Subhendu Biswas

Jadavpur University Student

Saswata Shikdar

Quark publisher

Monosij kar

Individual

Souren Mondal

APDR &JANA ANDOLON

Dripta Sarangi

Researcher

SWAGATAM KAR

Salaried Person.

Saumyarit chowdhury

Self.

Karnabati Das Mahapatra

DSF (Arts)

Paromita Dutta

USAF

Mrinmoy Das

HUMAN Network INDIA

Supriya Banerjee

Essayist, activist

Shiyas K.R

Advocate

Srijan Biswas

Filmmaker

Prasanta Basak

Right To Food work and campaign network

Anamika Mondal

Student

Indranil Biswas

Anthropolocal Survey of India

Sadhana Biswas

UKIBC

তীর্থরাজ ত্রিবেদী

জ্ঞানগঞ্জ

Somenath Guha

Saros

Pratyush Chatterjee

Student

Nandita Narain

Associate Professor (Retd), St.Stephen’s College, Delhi University

Rajdeep Mazumder

Hr

Souhardya Pramanik

Student

Artist

Associate Professor (Retired) Calcutta University

Mahasweta Samajdar

Editor of Magazines

Pratyay Banerjee

PRASONGIK

Amit Bhattacharyya

Retired Professor, Department of History, Jadavpur University, Kolkata

Sujato Bhadra

Human Rights activist

Prajnaparamita Dutta Raychaudhuri

Manushir Boi Ghar, secretary

Souvik Bose

Student

Sumeet

Artist

Mallar Moitra

Pashchimbanga Ganasanskriti Parishad

Avijit Pal

Self

Sudipta Mullick

senior citizen of India

Sharad Lele

Researcher

Purna

Social worker

Arijit Gayen

Software Engineer

দেবজ্যোতি মিত্র

অধ্যাপক

Sourav Maji

Software engineer

Sudipto Dey

Student

Prof.

Former professor , JNU.

Soumitra Bose

Cpiml liberstion

Kausik

NA

Dr. Rounak Biswas

Dr.

Shubha Sundar Ghosh

Student

Debabrata Nath

Writer and Publisher

barnali mukherjee

CPB

Meenakshi Shedde

Independent writer

Sukant Deepak

Deputy Editor and translator

kavya gupta

graduate from DU.

Kamal Tewary

Workers’ Initiative

Alokananda Dasgupta

Self

Arundhuti Saha

Student

Sandip Nandi

CPB

Koel shikdar

Private channel

Stefan Kaye

Musician / composer

Sitansu Ranjan De

Journalist

Ditsa Bose

Student

Swagata Ghosh

Student to Jadavpur university

Rahul Varman

Academic

Sutapa Deb

Social activist

Rina Mitra Ghosh

Self-employed

Navsharan Singh

Academic and political activist

Debaleena Saha

Student

Debaleena Saha

Student

Piyali Chatterjee

Individual

Abhishek Roy

Independent

Rajesh Ramakrishnan

Independent researcher

Santanu Bhattacharya

Cultural Activist

Hardip

Self

DR SANTANU GHOSH

Individual

Sunila Singh

Women’s rights practitioner

Jayati Mukherjee

Research Assistant

I’m all for democracy. Doesn’t matter at what cost.

Creative Director

Manali Chakrabarti

Independent Researcher

Amrita Samants

WBMES

SUMAN BASU

College Teacher

Devi

Artist

 

Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina Leaves Country 

Bangladeshi tv news channel announced that Sheikh Hasina and her sister, Sheikh Rehana have departed from Bangladesh. She apparently wanted to record an address, but she was not allowed to do so, as per media reports.

New Delhi: In a dramatic turn of events, Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her family members have left the country, with army removing barricades and crowds barging into the prime minister’s official residence complex in Dhaka, Bangladesh media have reported.

Bangladeshi tv news channel announced that Sheikh Hasina and her sister, Sheikh Rehana have departed from Bangladesh. She apparently wanted to record an address, but she was not allowed to do so, as per media reports.

The Bangladesh army chief Waker-uz-Zaman was supposed to have addressed the nation at around 2 p.m. local time. But, the speech has been repeatedly delayed, amidst report that he is holding talks with all political parties to form a new government.

Earlier on Monday, Bangladesh saw widespread violence which left over 100 people dead in student-led streets protests demanding the resignation of the Awami League government. 

An indefinite curfew was in place across the country, leaving the roads deserted. However, as the hours passed, people began to slowly appear on the streets, defying the restrictions.

It was clear that the Bangladesh army had stepped in, with the army barricades being removed from the streets.

The mood on the streets slowly became euphoric and the crowds became larger, going towards Shahid Minar.

TV channels showed visuals of students taking over Army’s armoured personnel carrier. But, they were politely asked to get down and they obliged.

Later, as rumours swirled that Hasina has resigned, the TV channels showed people clapping and singing on the streets.

Anchors became emotional as videos showed people rushing through the gates of Ganabhaban, the complex of the Prime Minister’s office, walking on the green laws and going into the offices.

Mirroring the events in Sri lanka, tv channels showed people taking away chairs, tables, fan and all kinds of furniture.

Palaiche, palaiche, Sheikh Hasina palaiche,” were the slogans of the people, as the gates of Ganabhaban saw a traffic jam of cycle rickshaws pilled with office chairs.

Bangladesh Govt Refuses to Allow Jailed Opposition Leader Khaleda Zia to Travel for Medical Treatment

The medical board formed by the Sheikh Hasina government has been saying that they have exhausted all treatment options available locally.

New Delhi: The Bangladesh government has refused to grant permission to the Khaleda Zia, the ailing opposition leader put under house arrest, to travel abroad for specialised medical treatment unavailable in the country.

According to a Dhaka Tribune report, the medical board formed by the Sheikh Hasina government some months ago at the Evercare Hospital located in the capital city addressed a press meet in Dhaka on October 9 to state that Zia has been suffering from liver cirrhosis and urgently needs a transplant. Since a liver transplant can’t be carried out in any hospital in Bangladesh, she needs to travel abroad immediately.

“Khaleda Zia’s risk of death is high and she needs urgent overseas treatment for a liver transplant,” F.M. Siddiqui, one of the doctors on the medical board, told reporters at the meet. He said, “Khaleda Zia’s liver infection has caused fluid to accumulate in her stomach repeatedly. High dosages of antibiotics have proven ineffective. Fluid buildup has impacted her heart, resulting in her being shifted to the CCU twice.” The news report quoting the medical board said, “They have exhausted all available treatment options available domestically.”

The medical board has been insisting on her need to travel aboard. On October 1, Zia’s family urged the government to allow her to travel aboard for better treatment. The same day, the law ministry denied permission citing legal provisions. The Daily Star quoted home minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal as saying, “According to the existing law, there is no scope for granting the application to let BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia go abroad.”

The 78-year-old BNP chairperson has been suffering from multiple diseases including diabetes and arthritis. Since her conditional release from prison in 2020 due to the threat of COVID-19, she has been living in her residence in Gulshan area of Dhaka and receiving treatment at the Evercare Hospital. In August she was hospitalised after her condition became worse.

Since 2018, Zia has been serving a 17-year jail term after she was convicted in two corruption cases.

Bangladeshi Citizens Are Being Strangulated by the Digital Security Act

A person can be put away in prison on a completely baseless case. The accused will be jailed for several months, taking them out of circulation. This is how the DSA has been weaponised.

The smart young woman on the other side of the peephole called me ‘Shahidul Uncle’. Ours is somewhat of an open house, with my partner Rahnuma’s students, my students, and our activist friends, arriving and leaving at all hours. As burly men rushed in when I opened the door, I realised what was going on. My immediate strategy was to delay my abduction and to raise as much noise as I possibly could. That strategy is probably what saved my life.

I had been whisked away, blindfolded, and handcuffed. Had my family and friends, alerted by my screams, not immediately swung into action, informing local and international media, and setting up a vigil outside the place where I was being tortured, I might well have ended up like the many others who are ‘disappeared’ and ‘crossfired’ in Bangladesh on a regular basis.

Civil society had been campaigning for reforms to the Information and Communication Technology Act, 2006 (ICT Act), under which I had been arrested. But while I was in jail, rather than reforming the ICT Act, they had replaced it with the even more draconian Digital Security Act, 2018 (DSA).

Surprisingly, those implying that the Bangladeshi prime minister is “a woman who, according to the customs and manners of the country, ought not to be compelled to appear in public, or where such person is under the age of 18 years or is an idiot or lunatic, or is from sickness or infirmity” are mostly ruling party politicians seeking to curry favour with their leader. Section 29 of the DSA, governed by Bangladesh’s Code of Criminal Procedure, says that “no court shall take cognisance of an offence unless the complaint is filed by the defamed person”, except in such cases.

Overzealous party faithful have filed numerous defamation cases on behalf of the prime minister and benefitted from such acts of fealty. The courts have played ball, and the accused have been promptly jailed, sometimes tortured. Many have spent months in jail, without charges ever having been framed. Some have lost their lives.

The party faithful have also been quick to file defamation cases for each other, with the DSA as the weapon of choice. Those arrested include Mohammad Emon, a 14-year-old high school student, accused of having shared a Facebook post; Abu Zaman, a farmer who can neither read nor write, let alone use the Internet, accused of having defamed on Facebook; and writer Mushtaq Ahmed, who died in prison after being held for more than 10 months without trial. Cartoonist Kabir Kishore Ahmed, who like Mushtaq had been denied bail six times, was released on bail a week after Mushtaq died. He is currently being treated for what he says are torture-related injuries. Kishore maintains Mushtaq had electric shocks applied to his genitals. Mushtaq’s father passed away months after burying his son.

Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina arrives to address the 73rd session of the United Nations General Assembly at U.N. headquarters in New York, U.S., September 27, 2018. REUTERS/Eduardo Munoz/File Photo

Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Photo: Reuters/Eduardo Munoz

Denial is the government’s default response. Then comes a series of unrelated new cases that keeps the accused and its defence team busy, while the government comes up with other diversionary tactics. Photojournalist Shafiqul Islam Kajol reportedly had knowledge of a sex scandal where ruling party members were implicated. He ‘disappeared’. The government publicly denied all knowledge of his whereabouts. He was ‘discovered’ 53 days later, 100 yards from the Indian border, where many disappeared people regularly ‘reappear’. He was held in pre-trial detention for seven months. His bail was denied at least 13 times before being granted.

Also read: Arrest of a 15-Year-Old under UAPA in J&K Shows the Govt’s Insecurity

It was touted as a law enacted to protect the people. But rather than protecting people in imminent danger with the arrest resulting in the population being protected, almost all the cases were about protecting ruling party politicians or people close to them. Journalists were arrested for having reported on government corruption. Cartoonists arrested for pointing out the nexus between corrupt businesspeople and lawmakers. Businesspeople arrested for commenting on unpopular visiting state guests. A student arrested for sharing a popular post, which questioned the prime minister’s motives. A Sufi singer arrested for veering from religious dogma. A labour leader arrested for campaigning for workers’ rights.

Laws need to be precise and specific. The DSA is quite the opposite. A vague rambling catch-all law, open to all sorts of interpretation, gives the police virtually unlimited powers to arrest people without a warrant on suspicion they might be intending to commit a crime. No evidence needed.

There is a motive behind assuming police have telepathic powers. A person can be put away in prison on a completely baseless case. The accused will be jailed for several months, taking them out of circulation. This is the perfect strategy prior to an election, or a business contract being signed, or some crucial deal being made. This is how the DSA has been weaponised.

Also read: It’s Time for the Government to Redeem Itself and Repeal the UAPA

The criminalisation of what would normally be a civil offence allows the law to be used to entrap people into accepting an offer ‘they cannot refuse’. The criminalisation of legitimate forms of expression goes against the core principles of the constitution of Bangladesh and the recommendations of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Bangladesh is a party. It goes against the core aspirations of the war of liberation and the directives of the father of the nation that the DSA purports to protect.

Freedom is the oxygen that democracy breathes. A police force turned into a private army, a rubber-stamp judiciary, a rent-seeking bureaucracy and a pet election commission foretell a death by strangulation. A blatantly rigged election is the final nail in the coffin. A nation born out of genocide and rape camps, of poets and thinkers and farmers turned freedom fighters. Of brave women and men who fought and died for the love of a free nation, surely deserve better.

I hope the DSA is not applied to the party members for their aspersions on the prime minister.

Shahidul Alam is a Bangladeshi photojournalist, teacher and social activist. 

Bangladesh Ex-PM Zia Files Petitions to Challenge Disqualification from Elections

Nominations of Zia and several other high-profile opposition politicians, were rejected as they were convicted by courts on graft and other charges .

Dhaka: Bangladesh’s imprisoned former prime minister and opposition leader Khaleda Zia on Sunday challenged an election commission order disqualifying her from contesting the upcoming general election, as she filed three writ petitions in the high court here.

The development came a day after the EC rejected 73-year-old Zia’s appeals challenging the cancellation of her nomination papers by returning officers as she intended to contest the December 30 polls from three constituencies.

“We have sought a high court directive to overturn the ‘illegal’ Election Commission decision that disqualified her from contesting the polls,” Zia’s counsel Nowshad Jamir said after filing three separate writ petitions in the court.

Also Read: Bangladesh EC Rejects Jailed Ex-PM Khaleda Zia’s Plea on Contesting Polls

The EC rejected her plea a week after returning officers scrapped the nominations of Zia and several other high-profile politicians, mostly opposition candidates, as they were convicted by courts on graft and other charges such as defaulting on bank loans or due to technical flaws in their nomination papers.

Many of them, however, were allowed to contest the polls as the EC reviewed their appeals challenging the returning officers’ decisions.

Most of the disqualified candidates were nominees of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and its partners in the newly-formed opposition alliance National Unity Front (NUF), led by eminent jurist Kamal Hossain.

General election on December 30 

Bangladesh is set for a general election on December 30. The elections are crucial for the BNP, as it had boycotted the 2014 polls demanding a neutral non-party government and instead waged a violent street campaign in subsequent years.

The Bangladesh high court earlier issued an order disqualifying Zia, who is now serving a ten-year prison term in two graft cases, from contesting the upcoming election saying those jailed for more than two years, with their appeals pending in courts, cannot contest polls.

Zia has been in prison since February this year when a lower court sentenced her to a five-year term in the first of two corruption cases. A special court in Dhaka ordered her appearance in a third graft case.

The Awami League government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, meanwhile, sought the court’s permission to allow a US FBI agent and two Canadian police officers to testify in a case involving the contracting of a gas field to Canada’s Niko Resources, allegedly in exchange for kickbacks during Zia’s 2001-2006 premiership.

The BNP abstained from the 2014 polls over its dispute with the ruling Awami League on the election-time government and emerged as the main opposition party outside parliament.

Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina addresses the 73rd session of the United Nations General Assembly at U.N. headquarters in New York, September 27, 2018. Credit: Reuters/Eduardo Munoz

Political and legal obligations

Analysts say political and legal obligations have forced the BNP to take part in the upcoming polls as it could lose its registration with the EC as a political party if it abstained from elections for the second consecutive time, also facing structural erosion from within.

The party alleged on Sunday that several hundreds of its activists were arrested on false charges to upset its poll campaign in recent days even as the BNP remains in a state of disarray since Zia’s imprisonment.

BNP spokesman Rizvi Ahmed said the “renewed clampdown” came as the election schedule was announced last month while the party activists and leaders were arrested in “ghost or fictitious cases”.

Acting BNP chief and Zia’s “fugitive” elder son Tarique Rahman is also living in London ostensibly to evade the law. A Dhaka court recently sentenced him to life imprisonment for masterminding a deadly attack on a political rally in 2004 that killed 24 leaders and activists of the Awami League. Hasina narrowly escaped the attack.

Rohingya Repatriation – Bangladesh Govt Pins Hopes on Development in Rakhine

Newly-built accommodations are an essential element – along with general safety and security – to convince Rohingya refugees to voluntarily return to their villages that they left a year ago after their homes were destroyed during security ‘clearance operations’ by Myanmar security forces.

Dhaka: With Bangladesh and Myanmar still to repatriate even one refugee, infrastructure development in devastated Rakhine villages is seen as crucial to convince the Rohingya to return – with the construction of 250 pre-fab houses being a key piece in the puzzle, top Bangladeshi officials indicated.

While India has been pushing both Myanmar and Bangladesh to begin the repatriation process at the earliest, Dhaka still believes that New Delhi could do more to put pressure on Nay Pyi Taw to ensure a conducive environment for the start of the repatriation process.

But senior Bangladeshi officials believe that China still holds the card to “settle” the Rohingya crisis between Bangladesh and Myanmar.

Around 1.2 million Rohingya refugees – classified in Bangladesh as ‘forcibly displaced Myanmar nationals’ – have fled their homes and crossed the border since August 2017, following a major security crackdown after a terror attack on border forces.

Also read: India’s Decision to Deport the Rohingya Is a Violation of International and Domestic Obligations

During his visit to India last week, United Nations secretary general Antonio Guterres had said that India should support Bangladesh in mitigating the “huge humanitarian crisis” by putting pressure on Myanmar government and military to take back the refugees to a safe and secure environment.

Bangladesh also took note of the secretary general’s remarks and reiterated that “more solid support” would be much appreciated.

Speaking to a group of foreign journalists recently, Bangladesh prime minister’s political advisor H.T. Imam said that India had been providing “significant assistance” for the Rohingya refugees.

“But, on the question of return of the Rohingya, we would like much more solid support from India and moral pressure on Myanmar,” he said.

Rohingya refugee workers carrying bags of salt this month in a processing yard in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Credit: Reuters/Mohammad Ponir Hossain

Imam pointed out that Bangladesh government had also requested Beijing “not to use its security council veto against the resolutions” condemning the role of Myanmar in the refugee crisis.

“China has important leverage on Myanmar. If they come forward, I think the issue can be settled,” he said.

However, China has not been responsive on Dhaka’s request with regard to ramping up pressure on Myanmar. “They are non-committal,” admitted Imam.

Meanwhile, efforts to begin repatriation remain stalled nine months after a bilateral memorandum of understanding between Myanmar and Bangladesh.

Bangladeshi foreign minister A.H. Mahmood Ali said that around 6,000 people have been given “clearance” to return to Myanmar.

“We have now asked Myanmar to match the names of the people with their villages,” said Mahmood Ali, adding that the bilateral joint working group would be meeting on October 28.

He noted that one of the components inspected during his August visit to villages in Rakhine province was the status of the new dwellings for returnees. “We were taken in helicopter from one village to another… I had also wanted to see the actual building of the houses being constructed by the Indian government,” he said.

India had entered an agreement with Rakhine State development Programme for grant assistance of $25 million over five years. A part of this grant is to build 250 pre-fabricated homes as a pilot project in northern Rakhine for “displaced members of the Rakhine Buddhist, Hindu and Muslim communities”.

Mahmood Ali said that when he visited Rakhine, the foundations for the pre-fab houses were “still being constructed”. “They had completed one house, which was shown to us,” he added.

Watch | Is the Deportation of Seven Rohingya Part of Modi’s ‘Anti-Muslim’ Politics?

Since his visit, the foreign minister said that the houses were ready. “India has told us that 250 houses have been constructed,” he said

Newly-built accommodations are an essential element – along with general safety and security – to convince Rohingya refugees to voluntarily return to their villages that they left a year ago after their homes were destroyed during security ‘clearance operations’ by Myanmar security forces.

“The refugees are living in shacks here in the camps…human beings should not live like this,” he added.

After India began the construction of the houses, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi also offered to build 1,000 houses. “They should build the houses only where the refugees come from,” he said.

According to diplomatic observers, the key reason for not even one refugee being repatriated is the “deep mistrust” between Bangladesh and Myanmar. The latest spat over depiction of St Martin’s island as part of Myanmar is a manifestation of this inherent suspicion.

myanmar, rohingya

Myanmar’s State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. Credit: Reuters/Kham/Files

In a speech in August, Myanmar State counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi claimed that Dhaka controlled the reins. “Myanmar has been ready to receive Rohingya returnees since 23 January as agreed in the memorandum of understanding… Bangladesh would also have to decide how quickly they want the process to be completed,” she added.

Dhaka, however, believes that Myanmar has to first create the right atmosphere. “There must be an environment congenial for the Rohingya to go back to Myanmar…There must be physical facilities for them to go back. Their properties must be returned to them. Their houses, ponds, fields.. all of them have been taken over,” said Imam.

While Bangladeshi diplomats are more muted in their criticism, Sheikh Hasina’ political advisor was forthright.

“On paper, Myanmar repeatedly says that they have met all these conditions  and they are trying their best. But in action, when it comes to taking them back, they want a list of refugees to go back. We gave them a list. After they got the list, said that they will take them back, but never took them back. That is a very tricky situation”.

Accusing Myanmar of not adhering to its commitment, Imam asserted, “Why have they expelled their own citizens and why can’t they take them back in spite of repeated open international promises? Why did they enter into agreement to take them back and now breaking those promises?”.

An initial assessment of 23 villages in Rakhine by two United Nations agencies show that are continuing “serious effects”, with limited interaction between communities and restrictions on movements of Muslim community.

Also read: Why the Rohingya Can’t Return to Myanmar Just Yet

International pressure, Bangladesh asserted, continues to be vital to force Myanmar to create the conditions necessary for the return.

In September, the International Criminal Court started an preliminary inquiry into the Rohingya crisis, in order to determine if there was enough evidence to start a full probe. While Myanmar is not a member of the court, Bangladesh’s membership has been the argument used by ICC to justify its jurisdiction to investigate the Rohingya refugee exodus.

Asked if Bangladesh supported the ICC’s actions, Mahmood Ali replied, “…Prime Minister in her UNGA speech spoke about accountability… So yes, we do support it”.

Meanwhile, India has been quietly advising both countries to begin the process of repatriation at the earliest. “Only if they start, even with a small number, can both sides actually test the ground conditions,” said a Indian government official.

New Delhi’s traditional position on the long-standing Rohingya issue had been to maintain that it was an internal issue for Myanmar and refusing to join international chorus of condemnation. In deference to Myanmar’s sensitivity, India does not use the term ‘Rohingya’ in any official statements.

However, India was forced to temper its position under pressure from Sheikh Hasina government and rising public discontent in Bangladesh over New Delhi’s overt alignment with Myanmar on the Rohingya issue.

Over 10 million Rohingya are currently living in 30 camps across 6,000 acres in two sub-districts of Cox’s Bazar. Ukhia sub-district alone hosts over 80% of Rohingya refugees in camps built between and on top of hills that were dense forests just a year ago.

Rohingya children playing at the Palongkhali refugee camp near Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Credit: Reuters

Senior Awami League leaders assert that if the Rohingya issue finds traction in the upcoming campaign for parliamentary polls, it will be to the advantage for the ruling party due to Sheikh Hasina’s image of providing shelter to fleeing Myanmar citizens.

However, the Bangladesh government is under political pressure from local residents, who had welcomed the Rohingya with initial generosity, to expedite their return.

A temporary measure to slightly reduce the population density has been the controversial proposal to relocate around 100,000 refugees to a remote island, Bhashan Char. But, a day before Prime Minister Hasina was scheduled to open the new settlement in Oct 3, it was “postponed”. Observers point out that Bangladesh government is unlikely to risk taking a step that will dilute domestic and international perception about providing haven to the destitute Rohingya before the upcoming parliamentary elections.