Delhi Violence: School Owner’s Son Says He Is Being Threatened to Retract Case

On July 4, the man received a call from an unknown number. The person on the other end threatened him to take his case back.

New Delhi: The son of the owner of DRP Convent School, which was burnt down during the riots in northeast Delhi, has filed a complaint with the police claiming he is being pressured to take back his case, police said on Wednesday.

In his complaint filed on July 4 at Dayalpur police station, he had said his school was ransacked and set on fire by the rioters on February 24 and 25, following which a case was registered by his father, they said.

On July 4 at around 10.48 am, he received a call from an unknown number wherein a person threatened him to take his case back and if he fails to do it, then some ‘Faisal bhai’ would see him, police said.

Also Read: Delhi Riots Were Engineered by BJP, Says AAP Leader Sanjay Singh

A senior police officer said based on the complaint, a case was registered and an investigation is underway.

On June 3, the Delhi Police had filed a charge sheet before a court here in relation to riots in which the building of DRP Convent School was burnt down in northeast Delhi.

Faisal Farooque, owner of Rajdhani School in Shiv Vihar locality, was among the 18 people arrested for their alleged involvement in burning down and damaging the property of adjacent DRP Convent School.

Delhi Riots Were Engineered by BJP, Says AAP Leader Sanjay Singh

The AAP government has been reticent in mentioning the violence or even in responding to it. One of the exceptions has been Sanjay Singh.

New Delhi: Against a backdrop of growing criticism against the party’s visible silence on the Delhi riots in February this year, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leader Sanjay Singh on Sunday said that the communal violence in the national capital was “engineered” by the Bharatiya Janata Party. 

“The riots in Delhi were an outcome of a deep conspiracy by the BJP. The riots were engineered by the BJP. I am maintaining this from day one and reiterating today. I said this in parliament as well that the BJP organised the riots. And the police, which comes under the MHA, did not take any action,” Singh told reporters at a press conference. 

Singh’s statements came amidst the ongoing tussle between the AAP-led Delhi government and the Centre’s representative in Delhi, Lieutenant Governor Anil Baijal, over the appointment of public prosecutors in cases related to the communal riots. Baijal has been insisting that six public prosecutors recommended by the Delhi police will argue the riot-related cases.

Baijal’s pressure on the Delhi government assumes political significance as the Delhi police, which functions under the Union home ministry, has been facing allegations of conducting heavily biased probes against the minority community.

Also read: Delhi Riots 2020: The Curious Case of Tahir Hussain and Ankit Sharma

The AAP government has mostly maintained conspicuous silence on the issue of communalisation of Delhi and has been refraining from holding any party responsible for the violence. Even as the riots unfolded in the National Capital over three days, AAP leaders, including the chief minister Arvind Kejriwal, had remained guarded. They only appealed for peace but did not mobilise party cadre or elected representatives to actively mediate between communities. The riots eventually claimed 53 lives and resulted in damage of property worth hundreds of crores. 

Interestingly, Singh’s press conference came on the heels of the party’s recent briefing to attack the Congress. Rajinder Nagar MLA Raghav Chadha lashed out at the grand old party over the Rajasthan political crisis, and alleged that it was selling its legislators. He did not mention the BJP, which has been accused of ‘buying’ MLAs. Alleging that the Congress was “on ventilator,” Chadha claimed that it had lost all relevance and credibility.

Among scores of AAP leaders, only Singh has consistently been critical of the BJP in Delhi and other states where the saffron party leads the government. He was also the sole AAP leader who visited the riot-torn neighbourhoods in northeast Delhi, immediately after the violence. Singh also organised outreach programmes among riot victims. 

Not surprisingly, therefore, the AAP appointed him to do the damage-control amidst mounting criticism against the party for its silence on the issue of communalism. Singh, while departing from his party’s unclear position, attacked the BJP, and also questioned the fairness of Delhi police’s probe in the riot-related cases.

Also read: Not Knowing Where Else to Go, AAP Is Moving Further to the Political Right

“The police are not filing chargesheets in some cases, filing weak chargesheets in some, strong in some, writing extra things in some cases, hiding the truth in some,” Singh, also a Rajya Sabha MP, said. 

He alleged that L-G’s insistence on appointing only those lawyers who have been recommended by the Delhi police indicates that the BJP wants only those professionals who can “suppress the dark deeds and shield the dark faces” behind the Delhi violence.

“Why is the BJP so desperate to engage them in the riots cases? What is it trying to achieve? Its only objective is to shield the dark faces, the dark deeds, the crimes committed by the BJP. This is why the BJP government and the L-G are so desperate to get those lawyers appointed. We have lodged our protest. We want unbiased investigation and a fair trial. You must have seen even the court has pulled up (the police) in the recent past,” Singh said.

Also read: Delhi Riots: Police, SDM Office Dithered on Compensation Claims for Months Before HC Order

On his part, immediately after the deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia objected to the appointment of lawyers, Baijal dismissed Delhi government’s apprehensions. “It is beyond doubt that the PP (public prosecutor) represents the state by virtue of his office. At the same time, he is also an officer of the court and is required to render assistance to the court to arrive at a just and equitable decision… there is no reason to imagine that the PPs appointed wouldn’t perform their duty fearlessly and impartially as officers of the court,” the L-G said in a statement.

His office has also asserted that Baijal was the only competent authority to appoint Special Public Prosecutors, a norm upheld by the Delhi high court in 2016 and the Supreme Court in 2019. 

“… in case of difference of opinion between the Lt. Governor and his Ministers, he is not bound by the said aid and advice and can invoke the proviso to Article 239AA (4) of the Constitution,” officials in the L-G House told The Indian Express. 

However, AAP MLA Somnath Bharti, who was also present at the press conference led by Singh, refuted the claim. “Why do they want lawyers who would work as spokespersons of the BJP in court? The appointment of PPs in every criminal case is an exclusive right of the Delhi government,” he said.

Delhi Riots: Police, SDM Office Dithered on Compensation Claims for Months Before HC Order

A petitioner was turned away four times from a police station when she tried to access an FIR number without which she could not file for claims.

New Delhi: The Delhi high court, on Monday, came to the aide of Delhi riot survivors and ordered that the compensation forms of the petitioners be accepted and processed and their compensation paid to them immediately.

Riot survivors Neha Fareen and Mohsin had approached the court with a writ petition alleging that the sub-divisional magistrate’s office, the authority responsible for assessment of compensation amounts, was refusing to accept compensation forms and had told the petitioners that the last date of submitting the forms was March 20.

The petition claimed that the SDM’s office had not resumed work till June 8 despite the rules pertaining to the national lockdown having been lifted almost a month ago. The petition claims that on June 12, when Mohsin visited the SDM’s office, he was orally informed that the last day of submitting the compensation forms was March 20 and was asked to come after July 1 for any further queries.

The petitioners had to eventually submit their compensation forms to the SDM office by courier. No action was taken on the couriered forms, either by the police or by the office of the SDM till the writ petition was filed. The matter was argued by advocates Raj Shekhar Rao and Aanchal Tikmani before the bench of Justice Naveen Chawla.

Also read: Delhi Riots: Government Sets up Camps, Starts Processing Compensation Claims

The Delhi government had launched a compensation scheme, the Delhi Government Assistance Scheme for victims of Delhi riots on February 27, under which it promised to compensate riot survivors. The office of the Karawal Nagar SDM was given the responsibility of assessing compensation amounts under the scheme.

The Delhi government had also launched an online portal for filing of relief applications in the second week of March but the portal soon stopped working and forms could only be filed physically at the SDM’s office. During the hearing, Advocate Rao submitted that acceptance of forms had been abruptly suspended on March 20.

The counsel for the SDM told the court that there was no stipulation on the last date of acceptance of forms. Further, with regard to the online portal, the counsel said the ‘grievance is being looked into and will be immediately rectified’. 

It has been more than three months since communal riots rocked the National Capital between February 23 and 27. As many as 53 people were killed, hundreds were injured and thousands of homes and shops were looted and set ablaze. Petitioners claim they were unable to file their compensation forms because they fled from their homes and soon after they came back, the lockdown was announced.  

Also read: Rights Groups Lament Slow Pace of Disbursal of Compensation for Delhi Violence

One of the petitioners, Neha Fareen told the court that she and her family were not in Delhi at the time of the riots but her house was looted in their absence. Fearing for their lives, the family did not return to Delhi till March 24 and when they did, they found that valuables like an LCD TV, a gas cylinder, cash amounting to Rs 1,75,000 and 3.5 tolas of gold had been looted.

A shop owned and run by the second petitioner, Mohsin’s father, was looted on February 25 during the riots. Too scared to stay on, their family fled Delhi on February 28 and returned only on March 16. The Delhi government imposed a lockdown on March 22, restricting movement of individuals and a nationwide, 21-day lockdown was imposed on March 25. 

The high court also ordered the SDM to accept compensation forms where the accompanying police complaint has not been converted into a standalone FIR. In cases of looting, individual FIRs have not been registered and various complaints have been clubbed in one FIR alone. On various occasions earlier, the SDM had refused to accept a copy of such clubbed FIRs.

The court ordered that the Delhi government cannot refuse compensation on the ground that an individual FIR has not been registered in case of the riot survivors. 

The petition claims that Mohsin had called the police on emergency number ‘100’ multiple times on February 25, when his father’s bakery was being looted, but there was no response.

He later filed a complaint with the Karawal Nagar Police Station at the Eidgah relief camp. When Mohsin visited the police station on June 5, he was told that his complaint had been clubbed with an FIR but the policemen had refused to provide him with a copy of the FIR and had asked him to come later. 

Also read: North East Delhi: As Relief Volunteers, Locals Set Example, Govt Remains Conspicuous by its Absence

Neha claims that she was only able to approach the Karawal Nagar Police Station on June 4, to file a complaint regarding the looting of her house but the police officers refused to ‘receive’ her complaint and asked her to come the next day. The next day when she reached the police station, she was asked to drop her complaint in a cardboard box to maintain social distancing rules of COVID-19.

Neha visited the police station again on June 8 to enquire about her complaint but she was told that her complaint cannot be looked at because of social distancing norms being followed at the police station. She was again asked to come a few days later.

When Neha visited the police station for the fourth time on June 10, she was told that her complaint had been received and a diary number was given to her, but the FIR number was not shared with her. 

The sequence of events shared by both petitioners display how the police’s attitude did not make life any easier for riot survivors who were desperately looking for help. For the same reason, the petitioners were forced to send their compensation forms by courier on the June 11, without attaching any FIR. 

Advocate Mishika Singh, who had set up a legal cell after the riots and was helping survivors file for compensation said that no standard procedure had been followed by the SDM office from the very beginning. “Every time one of the victims approached the SDM office, a new requirement was informed to them, thus making submission of forms more onerous with each passing day, before abruptly suspending the acceptance of forms on March 20, while the camp was still functioning in the area. The police also refused to accept complaints and register FIRs filed by the survivors on one pretext or the other”.

Also read: Court Says Delhi Police Probe into Northeast Delhi Riots ‘Targeted Towards One End’

Both the petitioners had lost their source of livelihoods in the meantime and had depended on charity for meals.

Singh claims as soon as this writ petition was filed, the office of the SDM started moving. “They have accepted the forms of the petitioners and made visits to inspect the damaged property. The police have now filed a status report informing the FIR number, with which the complaints of both the petitioners have been tagged. The police and the SDM office are doing what they are supposed to do only once the matter is dragged to court, after months of harassment is faced by victims.”

When contacted, the SDM of Karawal Nagar, Puneet Patel, said that his office will abide by the directions of the high court. He also dismissed the charge that his office had turned away riot survivors. 

Efforts were made to get a response from chief minister Arvind Kejriwal’s office but no reply was given to The Wire. A senior government official, requesting anonymity, revealed that in a meeting with senior officials, the deputy chief minister had advised that March 20 should be set as the last date for filing of compensations as fraudulent claims had started surfacing but no official notice had been put up. 

Fired on in Delhi’s Communal Violence, Four Young Men Are Now the ‘Boys With the Bullets’

The youngest is 14. The oldest, 19. Between them, the four had dreams of running, playing cricket and earning enough for their families.

New Delhi: “You must be the trying to find the house of the boy with the bullet?”

We are standing behind the Aqsa Masjid in Mustafabad, one of north-east Delhi’s riot torn neighbourhoods, where the signs of the February violence are still visible in the rubble and the half-burnt exteriors of shops.

An elderly man asks us this question.

It is Eid and I had promised Sameer I would visit. After more than three months in hospital beds, he was returning home.  

On February 22, two days before the violence broke out, Sameer, barely 15, had given his math exam.

“I had dreams,” he recalls, “I would become an important man, an engineer, I would work abroad to earn.” On February 24, he was returning home for lunch from an ‘ijtema’ (religious gathering) at the Badi Masjid in Sadar Bazaar when he was hit by a bullet. 

Sameer was very close to his house when he saw “huge crowds” descend from the other side. “Before I knew what had happened, my knees buckled, I couldn’t breathe, my body just crumpled and fell.” He does not have to spell out that the ‘other side’ was where the Hindus were in a majority. 

He was carried by some bystanders to a small clinic nearby, “There was a lady doctor who tried to stop the blood but each bandage she applied would be soaked.” An odd detail still sticks to his memory, “I think I spoilt the clothes she was wearing.”

Also read: A Hindu-Owned Parking Garage, a Muslim-Owned Footwear Shop and a 2 km Stretch of Riot Hell

Now he is home. “No one thought I would survive, but here I am sitting up,” he says, greeting me with a radiant smile.

Sameer lies on a bed pushed against one side of the wall, in a white kurta, surrounded by his family – parents, two younger brothers and four sisters, all dressed for the festival. Zeba, at five the youngest, will not let go of his hands and wants to be photographed with her brother. His mother is ecstatic, “Eid is always festive but the joy I feel today, only Allah knows its extent.”

Sameer’s homecoming, three months after he was shot. With his mother and sisters on Eid. Photo: Radhika Bordia

And then a thought for a benefactor, “We are so grateful to Dr Mathew for allowing us to go home today.”

Dr Mathew Verghese is the Head of Department of Orthopaedics at St Stephen’s hospital in Old Delhi, where Sameer spent a month. 

For the first several days after being shot, Sameer was at the Guru Teg Bahadur hospital, the one closest to his home. He reached there with great difficulty after his father, Mohammad Zakir, was able to arrange an ambulance for him hours after he was shot.

He was rushed into surgery, which took a few hours. The bullet was removed but it had pierced his spine and paralysed him waist down. For thirty-six days he was on a ventilator. “There were tubes in my mouth, nose, throat and neck,” he recalls, “And specially in the early days I felt I could see my Abu’s face and my Ammi with tears in her eyes, but it all felt so hazy.”

Sameer was finally shifted to the general ward, “There was no life in my spine, my legs were numb but everything else hurt. It was only after an injection began being administered daily that the pain eased. Each injection cost Rs 3,000.”

The family had come to Delhi five years ago, from Bijnore in western Uttar Pradesh, in search of work and better education for the children. Living on meagre daily wages, each rupee was carefully tabulated and remembered, but they were determined to do all they could for Sameer. 

Also read: Delhi Violence: An Eyewitness Account From Jaffrabad

The parents took turns, spending a week each in hospital to ensure Sameer was not left unattended for a moment. “We don’t have much, just each other,” Sameer’s eldest sister says, as she feeds sewain to her brother. 

Lying in bed Sameer says he would often be despondent, “We had never harmed anyone, never complained of the little we had, so why did fate not let me reach home safely that day?” The smile on his face flickers off for a moment but returns as he adds, “I suppose I’m complaining now.”

Sameer with his mother and sisters. Photo: Radhika Bordia

In those long days of being totally bedridden, Sameer says he felt “angry even at my feet, I would look at them and try to will them to walk. I read the Quran, it gave me strength.”

Health volunteers and a disability rights activist who got to know him at the hospital felt Sameer needed more focused attention, and had him shifted to St Stephen’s hospital in Old Delhi. The physiotherapy there helped him. “Earlier all I could do was lie straight and stare at the ceiling for days on end,” he says, sitting up to show me how that’s changed.

According to Dr Mathew Verghese, an institution unto himself, the road ahead is still a tough one for Sameer. “I’m happy we’ve been able to get him standing, he can even take a few steps but as some groups of muscles still have paralysis, it’s too early to predict how normally he’ll walk,” he says.

What is of greater immediate concern for Dr Mathew is the loss of bladder functions, “Ideally I would not have liked to discharge Sameer with a catheter but ultimately weighing the cost benefits of the treatments this was the best option.”

So far, Dr Mathew had covered the cost of treatment but the expenses for what lies ahead on the road to recovery are still huge. A meagre Rs 20,000 is all the Delhi government has given as compensation. His father Mohammed Zakir, expressing gratitude for all those such as Dr Matthew who had already helped so much, says “First the violence, then the weeks at the hospital, now the lockdown, I haven’t been able to earn.”

Sameer with his five-year-old sister, Zeba. Photo: Radhika Bordia

In the midst of such concerns, the family has little room to worry about justice. The certificate from doctors at GTB would allow him to pursue a legal case but Irshad says, “I’m a daily wage labourer, my elder daughter and wife earn a little from tailoring, we work hard, the thana, kacheri (police station, court) is not for us.”

 When I do bring the conversation around to the violence they have experienced, there’s a long pause before Sameer’s mother answers, “We do not want to get into this Hindu-Muslim issue.”

Also read: Delhi Riots: Now, Only One Community Feels Safe Around Security Forces

His eldest sister interrupts her mother to say that the family avoids discussing the violence, “We will never forget it, how can we? I remember it each time I have to help my brother move even a little, the same person who would run up the steps, climbing them two at a time.”

Sameer turns to her and responds, “Don’t worry, give me a few days and I’ll outpace you again.”

The pensive mood is broken and the family returns to their festive cheer as I’m made to eat another bowl of sewain before I am allowed to leave.

Just five kilometres away in Maujpur, the Eid festivities are more subdued at Adnan’s home.

Adnan is 19, and he was the main earning member in the family, working at a small welding unit where Christmas decorations were manufactured. His story echoes what Sameer had related.

On the same day, a few hours after Sameer was hit, Adnan stepped out to fetch some medicines for his sister. He only realised he’d been hit by a bullet after his legs gave way and he fell in a pool of his own blood. 

“Most shops near us were closed so I walked to a market further away. There I saw large groups of men with tilaks and saffron gamchas, which is when I realised there was something amiss. I was about to enter a lane adjacent to a mosque when I heard people shouting, bricks flying around and gunshots.”

While every detail is vivid till this point, Adnan still struggles to remember what happened after he was shot. “I thought I’d stumbled and fallen. It was when I tried to get up, I realised I had lost control over my legs, then I saw the blood. A few men from my community picked me up.”

The bullet had pierced his thigh, shattering his femur, leaving a gaping flesh wound where it exited.

His younger brother, Vicky, was at home when a neighbour called to tell him his brother had been shot. “It seemed so far-fetched. I would have dismissed it as a joke but by then the news of the violence had spread.”

Adnan with his mother. Photo: Radhika Bordia

He recounts how he took his brother on his scooty, weaving his way through the bloody chaos of that night, pleading with the unrelenting police to let him take his dying brother to the hospital.

“GTB hospital is closest to us so we went there but they turned us away, told us to go to Safdarjung.” It took four hours at Safdarjung before Adnan was taken into surgery. He had lost a lot of blood and was coming in and out of consciousness. 

Vicky was alone with his brother through most of that night. Their father, after years of hard labour, was incapacitated by a hernia, their mother and their 18-year-old elder sister, were unable to step out of their homes. It was some hours before some friends and neighbours could arrive to help

“They told us we had to donate blood before any surgery or treatment could be done. We told them our friends and family were stuck in the violence, that we would donate blood later, but they wouldn’t listen,” says Vicky.

After a long surgery Adnan was discharged from Safdarjung but asked to return every three days to get his bandages changed. It was tough and expensive to follow this routine. Adnan, as he points to a large wound on one leg with skin grafted on it, says, “Initially a doctor handled it and he was meticulous but I feel the nurses would just rush through it, maybe that’s what gave me the infection.”

The past two months have been a battle against life-threatening infections, and the strong doses of antibiotics that have their own side-effects. Acute nausea and a total loss of appetite have left Adnan so weak that it’s an effort for him to sit up. He still has an external device holding his leg in place and it’s a constant struggle to fight off bed sores.

Also read: The Ideological Strategy Behind the Delhi Riots

At Safdarjung, doctors had told the family Adnan would be well and walking in six months but it seemed he was getting worse. Help came from a medical volunteer who took the family to Al-Shifa, a hospital in South Delhi that’s been treating many victims of the violence. The family had to relocate to an aunt’s house to be closer to the hospital.

In the 25 days, Adnan spent at Al-Shifa he had begun to recover from the infection and was doing well when the hospital discharged him due to the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Adnan needs to recover from the infection before he can have more surgeries but the lockdown has come in the way of his treatment. The thought that he may have trouble walking terrifies Adnan, “If I never walk again people will not know that it’s just sheer hatred and violence that’s done this to me.”

This is a fear all the boys I met share. The thought of a permanent disability is doubly debilitating in a country with little support for the disabled. Prime Minister Modi’s insistence on using the term ‘divyaang’ (divine body) for the disabled translates into little of practical value. 

For Adnan, the nights still bring terrifying nightmares, “I keep thinking if I had not taken those extra steps towards the crowds, I would have escaped the bullet, my family would not be suffering on my account.” He is tormented by what has happened, “We’re old enough to understand that relations between Hindus and Muslim have been damaged. Muslims are taunted in this country but we never thought it would come to this. If I thought Hindus would be violent, I would have never gone towards the Hindu mohallas to get the medicines.”

Neither of the brothers has been able to earn in the past three months. The family is yet to receive any compensation, surviving on donations from people. Gufran, a member of the Aman Biradari Trust which has been working in the riot areas, has been helping the family with rations and some monetary relief. 

Under  the circumstances, like Sameer’s family, they do not want to pursue the legal case, “Mahaul insaaf ka nahee hai (the climate is not right for justice).” All they want is for Adnan to be back on his legs.

Justice is too distant an idea for these families. Hoor Bano, the mother of 16-year-old Saif tells me over the phone, “Ever since Saif was hit by a bullet three months ago I have not been able to breathe properly, now when I see him alive, standing, walking I tell myself nothing else matters.”

In his neighbourhood, Saif is not just known as the boy hit by a bullet but the boy who carried a bullet in his body for two months. “Sometimes my friends seem so fascinated by the bullet,” he tells me, “They ask me questions as if I was some target board. Where did it hit you, what did it break? They forget that the bullet could have killed me.”

Also read: ‘Scared for Our Brothers’: Aali Village’s Hindus and Muslims Stand Shoulder to Shoulder

On February 25, Saif had accompanied his father Mohammad Irshad to their small tailoring shop in Kabir Nagar, less than a kilometre away from the spot where Adnan was shot. It wasn’t part of his usual routine but as there was no school that day – students were on exam leave – he went along.

When they reached Kabir Nagar, they realised the violence that they’d been hearing about had reached there. Saif, rushing ahead of his father, got swept up by the crowds, “I called out his name, a few minutes later I saw four men carrying a boy whose body was dripping blood at each step.”

Saif had been shot in the stomach by a bullet, which eye-witnesses say came from where a Hindu mob had assembled. In the midst of the violence, Saif’s father and uncle found their way to GTB hospital.

Saif, before the shooting. Photo: By special arrangement

“I could feel intense pain in my stomach and head, but I could not feel my legs. They were numb,” recalls Saif who had to wait from midday till six in the evening before being taken to the operation theatre. The surgery took five hours, the doctors said they’d managed to repair some of the nerve damage, Saif was out of immediate danger, but the bullet had not been taken out.

After 10 days Saif, quite inexplicably, was discharged with the bullet still lodged in his abdomen. The same doctors who said any sudden movement could endanger his life, also asked him to attend the orthopaedic OPD, which required a daily journey in an auto-rickshaw. 

Bringing Saif, still in pain, regularly to the hospital was difficult. Gufran, from Aman Biradri Trust who had also helped Adnan’s family, directed them to Al-Shifa hospital.

Saif was admitted there on March 16. A CT scan revealed the bullet had damaged the nerves and it had to be removed. Four days later he underwent a seven-hour surgery. “When Dr Nadeem emerged from the OT he told us the bullet was out. Saif would need to rest but after a while he would walk again. It was as if my own life forces had been restored,” says Hoor Bano. 

For Saif, it felt like a new lease of life, “I could not imagine life without walking, without playing cricket and had plunged into deep depression – at least that’s what people called it. It was a feeling I had not known.”

Also read: ‘We Burnt the Mazar Down’: Hindutva Men Talk About the Violence They Unleashed

Each of the boys had battled this fear, this depression and in each case the support of the family and the larger community had proved crucial, “I was angry, upset,” says Saif, “I had just given my Math’s board exams three days earlier and it had gone well. Questions rushed to my mind, why did the bullet find me, who was shooting, what was their aim, but my family would ask me not to think on those lines.”

The road to recovery was interrupted once again by the lockdown. On March 27, Saif was discharged from Al-Shifa, the family was told that, except for emergencies, hospitals were sending all other patients home. The regular physiotherapy so critical in his rehabilitation process came to an end.

The family tries to ensure Saif does some daily exercises. “Ammi does oil massage, Abbu makes him use the walker and I make him do some catching so that his cricket skills remain,” says Ashraf, Saif’s older brother. Saif still has a weakness in his leg and is unable to walk properly. But he dreams again, of wanting to become an engineer, of wanting to meet Virat Kohli, his cricketing hero. 

Saif, after he was shot. Photo: By special arrangement

His father, though, still battles his memories, “I wake up with a start in the middle of the night, rush to see if Saif is still breathing. Sometimes, I want to hit my head on the wall for taking Saif to the shop that day.”

His anxieties are worsened by what lies ahead. His shop has been shut since the day Saif was injured, “First it was the hadsa, the violence, then I was in hospital with Saif and now the lockdown, there has been simply no earning in three months.”

Apart from the initial Rs 20,000 that came as compensation, the family has been forced to live off donations. “I may not have secured large savings but I was always able to take care of the needs of my family, educate my boys. Now we have to take alms. And I still haven’t paid rent for four months,” says Zakir.

There is an FIR lodged at the Welcome police station but the family does not want to pursue the legal case, “People ask us if we want justice for what has happened to us and I tell them ‘insaaf kee nahee sochtey, karobar ki’ (I don’t dream of justice, I think of my livelihood).”

 “Insaaf  is a big word,” I remember 14-year-old Faizan telling me when I visited him at his home in Kardampuri, in the immediate aftermath of the violence, at the end of February. 

As I had enter the lane his house was on, a young girl, possibly in her early twenties, came to me and says:

“Are you looking for the Faizan who was killed or the Faizan who was shot?”

The Faizan who was killed lived two lanes away. A video shows him and four others being beaten by men in police uniforms. He died two days later.  The Faizan I was going to meet was also caught in the same violence. 

A steep flight of stairs led to Faizan’s one room house, where he lives with his older brother and his grandmother. Unaware of the violence that had reached his colony, Faizan had stepped out on February 24 to buy some rusks for his grandmother, when he was hit by a bullet fired by a Hindu mob. 

Also read: Delhi Riots: 14-Year-Old Boy Shot at in Kardam Puri in Stable Condition

Journalists from The Wire found him slumped over on the roadside, bleeding. 

Residents here claim ambulances were being blocked from reaching the injured. Faizan was rushed to the only option available that day, Dr Khaliq’s clinic. It was already packed with dozens of injured and seriously wounded people, “When Faizan was brought to my clinic there was blood pouring out of his stomach. I realised the bullet had hit close to his spine. All I could do was pressure bandage the wound to stop the bleeding.”

A bedridden Faizan with his grandmother, two weeks after he was shot. Photo: Radhika Bordia

Six hours later, Faizan made it to GTB hospital and is fortunate to have survived. The bullet was removed but it left Faizan unable to move. Bedridden in his house, Faizan’s deepest fear was of a life-long paralysis. The doctors had given him no information on what the future held for him, “All I pray for is to be able to stand and walk again so I can help my grandmother. My brother won’t be able to manage on his own.”

Faizan’s mother died when he was born. His father abandoned his two sons, remarried and moved to Rampur, leaving them in their widowed grandmother’s care.The two boys, the elder one just 16, help their grandmother in cutting threads from jeans which earned them up to Rs 100 a piece but the work stopped with the outbreak of the violence. And then there was the lockdown.

Almost three months later, when I returned to meet Faizan, he was sitting up. He smiled as he recognised me. He wanted to see the video I had taken of him that day. “Can you see I am better, I can sit up,” and pointed to a walker that a health activist had left for him, indicating he can walk a few steps.

Faizan’s grandmother wasn’t home that day, she’d gone out to try and see if she could avail of her pension. Money has been tight. 

Donations from people wanting to help and the Rs 20,000 compensation from the SDM is what they have managed on but there is little work now. The community has pitched in to help, the landlord has waived the rent but Faizan still needs regular physiotherapy, medical monitoring.

Also read: A Despatch From a Lifetime Reduced to Nought

The incident has made him quieter, says his brother. Faizan smiles when he hears this but doesn’t say much.

What he does tell me is that his fears have heightened – not just about his own condition but everything around him. He fears the police each time they come around to question him of the incident – the family again, like all the others I met does not want to pursue a legal case. 

Some of his other fears are even more constricting, “If I could get shot in the middle of large crowds just by chance, I feel if I step out I could get the coronavirus.”

Faizan, three months after the shooting, finally able to sit up. Photo: Radhika Bordia

It’s a fear that’s spread to his grandmother. “Everyone feels Faizan is safer at home.” It is what has made them reluctant to seek medical advice outside their neighbourhood, relying on Dr Khalil, the man who had first attended to Faizan for treatment. 

‘My dadi and my brother have attended to my every need. I want to be well to do something for them as well. That’s my only prayer. If I had a larger family, if Ammi was alive, there would be more people maybe to share the burden of looking after me,’ Faizan says, his voice trailing off.  

Faizan, Saif, Adnan and Sameer, four boys – young men – who have never met each other but whose lives have been linked by a tragedy they are trying to move beyond.

Each known in their neighbourhood by the same description, ‘the boy with the bullet’.

‘Hindus Love Muslims’ Poster Pinned Outside Dwarka Mosque That Was Attacked

The Wire had reported last month that broken glass bottles and stones were found near the mosque’s premises.

New Delhi: A poster saying ‘Hindus love Muslims’ was pinned outside the mosque in South-West Delhi that was attacked last month on February 28 at 2 am by a few men allegedly shouting ‘Jai Shri Ram’.

The poster was signed ‘Hindus of Dwarka’,

The Wire had reported last month that broken glass bottles and stones were found near the mosque’s premises.

While DCP Dwarka had refuted claims that the incident had taken place, when The Wire visited the mosque, the police were making arrangements to fix the windowpane that had been shattered – allegedly by a pelted stone – so that further panic could be avoided.

Imran Khan, a member of the managing committee of the Shahjahanabad Society (a Muslim-majority housing complex) and Abrar Ahmed, the convener of the Masjid Society Trust suspected that 10-12 stones were pelted in quick succession st the mosque and were well-aimed.

Also read: Windows of Dwarka Mosque Shattered, Locals Say Attackers Shouted ‘Jai Shri Ram’

The mosque which is situated in a narrow rocky lane off the Sector 11 main road has no street lights. The lane right in the front of the road has no street lights either.

This attack happened after Delhi’s North East region saw gruesome and communally targeted violence after February 24, in which over 50 people lost their lives. Temples, mosques, shops and schools belonging to both the Hindu and Muslim communities have been destroyed.

North East Delhi: As Relief Volunteers, Locals Set Example, Govt Remains Conspicuous by its Absence

Compassion is not dead in the riot affected areas. Where communities are willing to work together to rebuild what has been lost, all that is wanting is coordination.

New Delhi: The first time I saw a Sikh speaking fluent Tamil was in early 2005 in Tamil Nadu.

That is one of the reasons I still remember Gagandeep Bedi, the then collector of Cuddalore, who coordinated rescue, relief, and rehabilitation efforts in his district in the wake of the terrible Indian Ocean tsunami that hit several countries in South and South-East Asia.

I was a relief and rehabilitation volunteer at the time, and I remember Bedi chairing weekly meetings with representatives of the various NGOS who had converged in Cuddalore, streamlining their efforts and giving them the support that they needed.

I also remember him being quick to call out dodgy NGOs but giving space to those who were doing good work on the ground. 

Ten days after the violence first erupted, I walked through the streets of Shiv Vihar, one of the areas worst affected by the violence in North East Delhi and wondered why the relief operations there felt so different from my experience in Cuddalore 15 years ago.

Then, everyone, even a newcomer like me, knew that the place to go to for information or help was the district collector’s office. 

True, that was a natural disaster, and this was man-made violence, but that is all the more reason to have a visible, hands on, communicative and accessible coordinating body on the ground – something only the administration is able to provide, having a sense of the larger picture and specific requirements at the same time. 

The residents of Shiv Vihar and its surrounding localities, however, have not been so lucky. Both the victims and the NGOs trying to provide relief are having to find their own way forward without the help that an alert and responsive administration can provide.

Also read: Ground Report: As Amit Shah Praises Delhi Police, Riot Victims Tell a Different Story

Just off one of the main streets in Shiv Vihar, not far from the Babu Nagar crossing, is a banner that reads ‘Citizen’s Collective for Peace – Medical and Legal Relief Camp’.

A young PhD student volunteering there says, “We have a lot of relief supplies. What we really need is people on the ground to distribute it, and people to figure out where it needs to go.” Ideally, that is a role the administration ought to be playing. 

There are many such stories. Just across the street from where the Citizen’s Collective is camped, there is a volunteers’ medical camp of sorts operating out of a small school. I ask Danish, one of the young men running it, as to what is needed the most immediately. He is kind enough to draw me a map of the area and show me where the most affected families are.

“These people can’t live in tents any longer. It rained and the ground is muddy and wet. We need to urgently get people off the makeshift relief site and into temporary pakka houses or halls till such time as they can find more permanent accommodation.”

A student from Jamia accompanying has a good suggestion:

“Schools are closed till March 31 as measure to prevent the spread of coronavirus. Perhaps the Delhi government can allow some of these families to stay in some of the sarkari schools in the area.”

It’s a good idea. I call someone who knows someone in the AAP government to consider the option.

One wonders why this idea did not come from the administration, experienced as it is in handling such situations.

We leave the crowded main street and head into the innards of Shiv Vihar. A young man called Shoaib offers me a ride on his motorbike, driving through a labyrinth of galis and mohallas, squeezing his bike through piles of rubble.

Also watch: ‘Solicitor General Has Been Mischievous, I Stand by Every Word of My Speech’: Harsh Mander

He takes me to the Taiyyab mosque which has been blackened by fire but is still standing. Everything inside is burnt to soot. The smell of ashes and burnt wood is strong. Several other houses on this street are also gutted.

An eerie stillness envelops the lane. 

The people on this street, predominantly Muslim, are in a state of shock. They look dazed. Having lived together with their Hindu neighbours for over 25 years they just cannot understand the sheer brutality of the violence wreaked on them.

All they know is people with helmets and masks descended on them and set fire to their houses and shops – not once, not twice, but three times, and over three days. 

It is very obvious that one of the most urgent tasks at hand is to see that the relations between the two communities are not permanently scarred. If ever a healing touch was required anywhere, it is here.

In fact, in the midst of the most barbaric acts of inhumanity that Shiv Vihar has witnessed, there have been the most amazing displays of courage and humanity. This need to be acknowledged, shared and lauded, just to show that human goodness is alive and well even in the face of the worst kind of hatred and evil.

Sunil, for example, is a biryani seller who saved the lives of 30 people by putting himself between a mob of a few hundred attackers and the Muslim families in his neighbourhood. He also stopped the mosque we are standing in front of, from being completely gutted. 

Right opposite the Taiyyab mosque is a house on whose front door is written “Sunil” and “Jai Shri Ram’. I ask him what that’s about. 

He says, “That’s Imam saheb’s house. The day the mob came, I quickly painted my name and ‘Jai Shri Ram’ on it so they would leave it alone.”

In awe of his courage, I ask him, “In your opinion, what is the first thing that needs to be done here?”

He says, “We need to repair this mosque so that my Muslim friends can offer namaz here again.” 


Shoaib’s voice breaks as he tells me that the one thing that has hurt him the most is the attitude of some of the people in his community who have been telling him not to interact with or trust people from “the other religion”.

The fact that there are voices like Sunil and Shoaib in the midst of such madness is heartening; now it is for the Delhi government to show it is committed to communal harmony.

We are joined by three gentlemen who have come from Mumbai. One is a dentist, the second is a lawyer, and the third is a sales executive. They are friends. The three of them have collected ten tons worth of relief materials in Mumbai and trucked them down to Delhi.

They were children during the violence in Mumbai following the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992, but nearly three decades later, the pain of displacement is still fresh in their minds. They are going from door to door, talking to the victims and helping in whichever way they can. 

Also read: Lessons From Arvind Kejriwal’s Response to the Pogrom in Delhi

After being conspicuous by its absence during the first few days of the violence in north east Delhi, the Aam Aadmi Party government has roused itself.

But one spoke to nearly one hundred persons across Karawal Nagar, Shiv Vihar, Babu Nagar, Mustafabad or New Mustafabad who have lost houses, shops or property or have had to flee their homes, and they all say they have not had a visit from any government official. 

There is no dearth of compassion and goodness in the hearts of people who want to help. 

Good Samaritans are everywhere, but what is sorely needed at the moment is coordination and infrastructural support, which only the government can effectively provide, given the scale and brutality of the violence, the number of lives lost and the destruction of homes, business establishments and mosques. 

One hopes that the Delhi government will rapidly close the gap between its efforts and the needs of the victims on the ground.

The sooner it sets clear and visible systems of response, relief and rehabilitation in place, the better. It is imperative that as residents of Delhi and citizens of India we prevail upon our elected representatives to actually do what they pride themselves on –delivering last mile services to every last person whose life has been devastated by violence. 

It is even more important that the AAP government does everything in its power to restore and rebuild the social fabric of north east Delhi which has been so brutally ripped through calculated acts of communal violence.

The question is, does it want to?

Rohit Kumar is an educator with a background in positive psychology and psychometrics. He works with high school students on emotional intelligence and adolescent issues to help make schools bullying-free zones. He can be reached at letsempathize@gmail.com.

Fix Blame on the Neros Who Fiddled While Delhi Burnt

Muscular governments never want to even re-examine their muscularity, lest it shows they are getting weak in the firmness of their purpose.

Whether Nero fiddled while Rome burnt is lost to controversy.

But two Neros can easily be identified in the Delhi incidents. They were Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Donald Trump, who continued their optics and dined at a banquet in Rashtrapati Bhawan while Delhi burned.

I will return later to whether Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal was also a Nero.

Donald Trump and Narendra Modi. Photo: Reuters

These were the most formidable riots since the massacre of the Sikhs in 1984, the Bombay riots of the 1990s – and the Gujarat killings of 2002, for which many fingers were pointed at Modi who was then chief minister. Since then, we have had cow lynching cases, the murder of Muslims and Dalits and others, rape, and other heinous cases.

There was an all-India protest against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA).

One of the defining features of the Modi government has been to never relent, never engage on issues raised by its critics. Here, the Modi government had the option, given to it by parliament, to defer the date on which the Act would come into effect. But they did not do so even as a large part of India was in strong protest mode.

State legislatures have passed resolutions disagreeing with the CAA.

Also read: What Is Article 131, Under Which Kerala Has Challenged CAA?

This was a case where the Central government needed to engage the state governments and the protesters. But there was no dialogue, in keeping with the Modi government’s general aversion to this sort of engagement. Muscular governments never want to even re-examine their muscularity, lest it shows they are getting weak in the firmness of their purpose.

Whatever the reason, the Centre, over these long months, has abdicated its democratic duty to explain, listen, respond and engage with either the people or the concerns raised. If BJP leaders claim that they did so, it was only to make proud, declaratory statements to their supporters – as if to underline their view that they are never in the wrong. 

When an earlier warning was given in Jamia and New Friends Colony and buses and cars were burnt, it was also a time to engage and discuss. Instead, over several days, the burnt vehicles were left as monuments to the protesters’ folly.

A burning bus is seen after it was set on fire near Jamia on December 15, 2019. Photo: Reuters/Adnan Abidi

I am not defending the torching that took place. Protests should be non-violent but effective. 

Anger is a legitimate emotion in life and politics. It should not get out of hand. But if it does, was it also because of the obstinacy of the government to direct the blame away from them? A policy of ‘we are right and will not listen to you’ in times when democracy asserts itself is foolish.

Modi had a thumping majority in parliament till 2024 and could have continued his foreign travels as the Maharaja of India. But there were elections in the states through which his political conquest in India would be complete.

He and his colleagues felt that if the muscular policy of ‘no explanation and no compromise’ won them the 2019 general election, such a policy would take them to victory elsewhere too. If you feel that you are an elected dictator, your posture changes but not the rigidity of the mind.

It is important to remember that when the Anna movement took place, the Congress engaged with it as a result of which parliament passed a ‘sense of the house’ resolution. This was not compromise but part of democracy.

When British Prime Minister Boris Johnson suspended parliament, he was rapped on his knuckles by the populace and the apex court. In the present case, it was the Supreme Court – partly to blame for not hearing the CAA case immediatelythat sent interlocutors to Shaheen Bagh.

After the Delhi riots, when national security advisor Ajit Doval was sent to the field, he did not go there to hear the grievances of people against whom violent goons had been unleashed but to assess the security position, which was clearly a derivative problem.

The Delhi Police has much to answer for.

It is one of the best resourced police forces in India. Thousands of calls were made including those by Akali Dal MP Naresh Gujral. The SOS calls were ignored and few FIRs were filed.

Also watch | I Would’ve Arrested Anurag Thakur, Kapil Mishra: Ex Delhi Top Cop Ajay Raj Sharma on Riots

Former police commissioner Ajay Raj Sharma and other retired officers have openly said that the police moved too late, too ineffectively. One policeman died and many were injured. On the civil, side there were at least 50 dead and hundreds injured. The number of those forced to flee their homes and seek refuge elsewhere is in four figures.

One grieves for all of those who died.

Delhi’s police is run by a commissioner system with greater power to the commissioner. The police come under the Union home ministry, headed by Amit Shah.

Even if we accept the untruth that the home minister does not interfere except in policy matters, surely there were policy issues that were involved. What was lieutenant governor Anil Baijal doing? After the Aam Aadmi Party government won its case of 2016, the LG had enough space to move the Centre towards an even handed policy. But he did nothing.

Kejriwal, who won a great victory in the recent assembly elections, also has much to answer for.

By going to Rajghat, did he think Gandhi would descend to help? Kejriwal did not provide for dialogue, proper shelters, treatment and immediacy.

We need a Justice Srikrishna inquiry now.

Rajeev Dhavan is a senior advocate.

Media Collective Expresses Concern Over Attacks on Journalists Since Passing of CAA

In the days since the protests began against the CAA to the Delhi riots, media persons have been shot, beaten, heckled, arrested and harassed.

New Delhi: A collective of independent media and civil society groups has raised concerns over the recent attacks on journalists while reporting on the widespread protests and citizens’ movements that took place since the passing of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). 

The report titled ‘Republic in Peril’ details accounts of 32 journalists who were attacked while they were reporting between December 2019 when the anti-CAA protests began and February when the Delhi riots took place. 

The report divides the attacks into three phases – the first when the anti-CAA protests began in December, followed by the phase in January beginning with the attack on journalists around the JNU campus and the third phase, during the Delhi riots. 

“The report observes these three phases in continuity. The first spate of attacks by the state and non-state actors was a testing ground that builds up into a full-fledged consolidated attack on Press during Delhi violence in the last week of February,” the report said. 

Also read: Delhi Riots: Proactive Policy Needed to Protect Journalists, Media Rights Body Says

It lists accounts of seven journalists in the first phase in which journalists from Zee News, BBC and Asianet News and others were attacked when they were covering the anti CAA protests. 

Bushra Sheikh, a journalist with the BBC, was attacked by the police in South Delhi. “A male cop pulled her hair, hurled abuses and hit her with a baton,” the report said. 

In the second phase which the report evaluates, there were cases of seven attacks on journalists. Most of them were attacked either inside or outside JNU when they were covering protests or the violence that broke out in the campus. 

Ayush Tiwari of Newslaundry was confronted by a mob outside the JNU campus on January 5 and asked to chant ‘Bharat mata ki jai’. 

Also read: ‘Watched Crowds Swell Around Him Live on TV,’ Says Father of Journalist Who Was Shot

In the third phase, during the Delhi riots, the report details 14 cases of attacks. All the attacks took place on February 24 and 25 when the violence in north east Delhi, in which at least 53 people lost their lives, was at its peak. A journalist, Akash Napa, who works with JKx24 was shot by a mob. 

In a separate list of journalists attacked in places other than Delhi, the report details 15 cases including cases where security personnel attacked journalists clicking pictures in Srinagar. 

The Ideological Strategy Behind the Delhi Riots

Do we allow alteration by legislative manipulation or a contrived de facto Hindu Rashtra?

At latest count, the tragic Delhi riots left 49 dead, hundreds wounded, and numerous vehicles and properties torched.

For two days, Delhi police watched passively while rampaging mobs killed and burnt with impunity. Its unabashed bias mirrored the Jamia, JNU and Gargi College episodes, but here they even instigated the rioters. The riots uncannily matched the 1984 and 2002 pogroms in ferocity, inhumanity, police complicity, apathy and political patronage.

The common refrain was “teach them a lesson”. 

BJP leader Kapil Mishra’s inflammatory speech was the trigger. Media channels that invariably act as BJP’s apologists and cheerleaders created false equivalence by repeatedly citing Waris Pathan’s speech. This was crass obfuscation since Pathan had spoken in distant Hyderabad many days back, while Kapil Mishra incited local people just a day earlier.

Innumerable rabble-rousing speeches by Amit Shah and other leaders for Delhi elections had already heightened tensions.

Was this riot an unplanned, one-off episode? Or, was it a link in a long-term strategy?

Apparently, BJP still cannot stomach its humiliating defeat in the bitterly contested Delhi polls despite Modi ji staking personal capital. Support that Shaheen Bagh type protests across India are receiving from all communities also unnerves BJP since that neutralises polarisation. Hence, the riots aimed at triggering counter-violence to discredit these Gandhian protests.

BJP’s communal polarisation strategy is rooted in RSS’s obsession since the 1930s with Hindu Rashtra. Most Indians, however, were dedicated to the secular Gandhiji-led freedom struggle, from which these outfits stayed away and even colluded with the British.

Also read: ‘Scared for Our Brothers’: Aali Village’s Hindus and Muslims Stand Shoulder to Shoulder

Yet, communal venom spread by the RSS and Muslim League caused the catastrophic Partition, leaving a million dead and millions uprooted.   

Our founding fathers adopted secularism due to India’s vast religious, lingual and cultural diversity, which the RSS resents. Consequently, India’s stable democracy not merely survived, unlike many countries, it flourished and brought rapid development. Political instability of late-1980s, however, allowed RSS and BJP to reinvigorate their Hindutva agenda.

Unlike the pre-1989 communal riots, which were mostly isolated, localised clashes, riots following the Rath Yatra, Babri Masjid demolition, Mumbai blasts and Gujarat carnage were conspicuously strategy-driven, far more widespread and virulent.

RSS and BJP realize that most Indians being secular, they would not support Hindu Rashtra. Despite its best ever tally in the 2019 polls; BJP’s vote share was only 37.4%. They reckon that with several States lost, and recession, unemployment and agrarian distress worsening, only increased polarisation can increase Hindu votes to help attain their objective. 

BJP, therefore, is into overdrive to rush laws and expedite court judgments, which go against Muslims. Public statements by its leaders are now increasingly offensive, and Hindutva zealots more belligerent and violent. Aim is to intimidate and humiliate Muslims to provoke violence. Every riot widens the communal divide and distrust replaces age-old bonds. Since all communities suffer collateral damage and disruption, every riot chips away at the edifice of secular Indians and convinces many to mount the Hindutva bandwagon.  

But, is it logical for RSS-BJP to provoke confrontation and disturbances when absolute normalcy is imperative for reviving the economy? Why risk censure from friendly powers and World bodies for discriminating against own people? Is it because they calculate that present momentum can help attain the critical mass of Hindu support? Their Hindu Rashtra obsession apparently trumps factors like economy, internal stability and world opinion. 

Also read: How Poor Data Protection Can Endanger Communities During Communal Riots

Their strategy also has been to induct ideologically attuned experts, officials, judges and educationists into governance and policymaking bodies. Tight control over media and domination of social media enables propagation of misinformation and propaganda to wean away seculars. Since, controlling key instruments of state power is vital, police in BJP-ruled states stands saffronised

A former COAS donning RSS uniform and numerous veterans parroting RSS’s ideology on social media signify targeting of our secular Armed Forces. In 2008, Col (retd) Chitale of Maharashtra Military Foundation had boasted to senior journalist Saikat Datta about indoctrinating Col Purohit and 1000 students, who later joined the Armed Forces. RSS is also opening an Army school in Bulandshahr to prepare students for entrance to military academies. This is sinister, as they would have imbibed Hindutva, albeit labelled ‘Nationalism’. 

With 177 million Muslims, India cannot afford Islamophobia. Despite having world’s second largest Muslim population, India is free of Global Jihad primarily because it is secular. Any change in that would be disastrous for India’s integrity and destabilising for the entire region. 

Shaheen Bagh type protests are coalescing into a broad coalition of Muslims, lower castes, and secular Indians. This could grow larger if the unemployed and farmers also join. Inevitably, RSS-BJP would certainly disrupt these protests by orchestrating violence and using brutal force, confident that an obliging judiciary would shield them, given the ominous signal of posting out a recalcitrant judge overnight. 

India is thus at a critical crossroad. The very idea of a democratic, secular and just India, as enshrined in our constitution, is at stake. Do we retain its pristine character that has stood us well, and brought us to present state of economic development and military power?  Or, do we allow alteration by legislative manipulation or a contrived de facto Hindu Rashtra?

The former will ensure continued growth in a peaceful and harmonious environment, with economic and social justice. The latter would give a Hindu Rashtra with upper caste domination, patriarchy, gender and caste inequality, and archaic orthodoxy that is antithetical to all modern freedoms, along with chronic religious and social strife.    

How do we make that crucial choice, which affects generations? Given BJP’s brute majority, we may see several discriminatory and draconian laws before the 2024 polls. All right-minded Indians lament the absence of a credible alternative due to inability of opposition parties forge unity.

Violent protests are not an option since people would cede the moral high ground of Gandhian protests.

Besides, they would provoke counter-violence by Hindutva outfits and give the government a reason to crush them ruthlessly. Sadly, recent events portend more troubling times ahead. 

Brigadier (retired) Deepak Sethi, PhD, is a retired Brigadier of Indian Army and is present, a professor of International Business Strategy and Management in the USA.

Delhi Riots Death Toll at 53, Here Are the Names of the Victims

The latest estimated death toll stands at 53, while official records peg it at 44.

Note: This list has been updated on July 15, 2020 with the list of names of the victims provided by the Delhi Police in an affidavit to the Delhi high court

New Delhi: Two auto-rickshaw drivers, a Delhi police cop, a man who works with the Intelligence Bureau and an 85-year-old woman are among the people who have been killed in the violence in North East Delhi since Sunday.

On March 8, Delhi Police confirmed that the death toll of the riots was 53. The latest victim was identified as Naresh Saini, a 32-year-old who succumbed to bullet injuries.

From a list released by GTB Hospital, reports by credible sources and a list curated by The Polis Project, The Wire has attempted to list the names of those who have died in the violence. The list will be updated and amended as more information comes in.

Apart from those killed, over 200 have sustained serious injuries due to gunshots, sharp-edged weapons, stone-pelting and even falls sustained from buildings during the violence.

Also Read: At GTB Hospital, Families of Delhi Riot Victims Wait for Bodies to Be Released

Those killed in the violence include:

1. Mubarak Hussain, a 28-year-old resident of Babarpur. He was shot in the chest at Vijay Park. A native of Darbhanga in Bihar, he worked as a labourer in Delhi.

2. Shahid Khan Alvi, 22 years. An autorickshaw driver, he was shot in the stomach near Bhajanpura dargah.

3. Mudassir Khan, also an autorickshaw driver and a resident of Kardampuri, he was also shot dead.

4. Nazeem Khan, a 35-year-old scrap dealer, was also shot dead.

5. Mohammad Furquan, a 30-year-old was shot dead when he stepped out to buy food in Bhajanpura area of Jaffrabad.

6. Mehtab, 22 years, and a resident of Brijpuri was burnt to death.

7. Ratan Lal, 42 years, a Delhi police head constable was fatally shot in Gokulpuri.

8. Rahul Solanki, resident of Babu Nagar near Shiv Vihar and a civil engineer by profession, stepped out to buy milk when he was shot in the neck, killing him.

9. Ankit Sharma, a 26-year-old security assistant with the Intelligence Bureau was a resident of Khajuri Khas. His body was found in the Chandbagh drain, severely injured.

10. Vinod Kumar, 45 years, was also beaten to death in Brahmpuri when he was returning home.

11. Vir Bhan Singh, 48 years, was going to have food when shot dead.

12. Ashfaq Hussain, a 24-year-old electrician, was shot five times in Mustafabad. His body was kept at the Al Hind Hospital there.

13. Deepak, a 34-year-old from Mandoli, who died of stab wounds.

14. Ishak Khan, a 24-year-old living in Kabir Nagar, who was shot.

15. Shan Mohd from Loni, 34, was also shot.

16. Parvez, a 48-year-old from Maujpur, succumbed to gunshot wounds.

17. Dilbar, 20-year-old who died of burn injuries.

18. Rahul Thakur, a 23-year-old from Brijpuri, was killed in an “assault”, according to the hospital.

19. Aman, 17 years old.

20. Maruf, 32 years old.

21. Salman, 24 years old.

22. Faizan, a 24-year-old.

23. Alok Tiwari, 34 years old.

24. Babbu Salmani, 33 years old.

25. Akbari, 85 years old, a resident of Gamri village in Khajuri Khas.

26. Ayub Shabbir, 60-year-old scrap dealer.

27. Monis, 21-year-old resident of Mustafabad.

28. Aamir Khan, 30-year-old jeans factory worker and father of two.

29. Hashim Ali, 19 years old, Aamir Khan’s brother.

30. Aqil Ahmad, 40 years old.

31. Aftab, 18-year-old from Bijnor.

32. Mohsin Ali, 24 years old.

33. Nitin Kumar, 15 years old.

34. Prem Singh, 27, shot to death.

35. Anwar Qassar, 58 years old, burnt to death.

36. Dilbur Negi, 20 years old.

37. Arshad, 22-year-old who lived in Karawal Nagar.

38. Dinesh Kumar, 35 years old.

39. Mohammad Shahban, 22, resident of Mustafabad.

40. Mohammad Yusuf, 52 years old.

41. Musharaff, 35, residence of Kardampuri, killed in Gokalpuri.

42. Parvez Alam, 50-year-old social worker shot in the stomach in Ghonda.

43. Sanjeet Thakur, 32, stoned to death in Chand Bagh.

44. Suleiman, 22.

45. Sayid, 19.

46. Zakir, a 24-year-old from Mustafabad who died of stab injuries.

47. Aqib, 18, died of a head injury inflicted while he was out to shop for his sister’s wedding in Bhajanpura.

48. Naresh Saini, 32, died of bullet injuries

49. Jamaluddin, 30 years old

50. Hamza

51. Bhure Ali, 25 years old

Note: The following are the particulars of the 53 persons killed as per an affidavit filed by the Delhi Police in W.P (C) 566 of 2020: