How a Delhi Court Schooled Police on Free Speech

Granting bail to Delhi University professor Ratan Lal, arrested for his comments on the Gyanvapi Mosque case, judge Siddhartha Malik offered a fine lesson on free speech.

New Delhi: The observations made by Delhi chief metropolitan magistrate Siddhartha Malik on free speech while granting bail to Delhi University assistant professor Ratan Lal, arrested in connection with his remarks on the Gyanvapi Mosque case, articulate what free speech entails.

In the bail order, Malik categorically said a person cannot be construed to have committed a criminal offence if the person has made a comment unpalatable to someone. As a corollary, he said not everything can be seen from the prism of ‘hurt religious sentiments’ to invoke Section 153 A (promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion).

In recent years, the particular provision of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) has been used widely, as evidenced by the rising number of cases. From 861 cases in 2015, the number of cases under Section 153A jumped to 3,026 by 2020. The pendency in the same period as regards police investigation rose from 57% to 64%. In 2015, courts completed 66 trials with a low conviction rate of 13%. With 186 completed trials, the conviction rate in 2020 rose to a mere 20%. The numbers also speak for the frivolous nature of these cases, says an editorial by The Times of India.

Due to such cases, which may not stand the test of law eventually, free speech has become the biggest casualty.

Several individuals in the recent past have been penalised for airing their views freely. A couple of weeks before Ratan Lal was arrested, Gujarat MLA Jignesh Mevani was imprisoned in Assam after authorities pressed criminal charges against him for his tweets, which were critical of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

In another instance, Marathi actress Ketaki Chitale and a 23-year-old pharmacy student were booked for their comments against Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) chief Sharad Pawar. Pawar’s party, NCP, is part of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) coalition government in Maharashtra.

In November 2018, Manipuri journalist Kishorechandra Wangkhem was charged under the stringent National Security Act for comments critical of Modi and the BJP.

These attacks on free speech are by no means limited to cases where the BJP is involved. Successive governments, both at the Union and state levels, have launched attacks on free speech on several occasions.

Also read: Freezing Sedition Is Great But ‘We Hope and Expect’ Courts to Curb the Govt’s Repressive Impulses

It is in this context, as the Times of India editorial notes, the “four-page bail order [in the Ratan Lal case] should become mandatory reading for police and judicial officers everywhere, especially given these fraught times for free speech”.

Disposing off the bail plea, judge Malik said, “The feeling of hurt by an individual cannot represent the entire group or community and any such complaint regarding hurt feelings should be seen in the context of the entire spectrum of facts/circumstance.”

He then declared, “India is a country of 130 crore people and any subject has 130 crore different views and perceptions.”

While stating he was a “proud follower of Hindu religion” who found Lal’s comments “distasteful”, he also acknowledged others would also have varying levels of disagreement with the remarks. However, he wondered if there was any need to charge him with a criminal offence.

“It is true that the accused did an act which was avoidable considering the sensibilities of persons around the accused and public at large. However, the post, though reprehensible, does not indicate an attempt to promote hatred between the communities,” the judge said.

While acknowledging that police have a role in maintaining public order – which could potentially be disturbed over such remarks – the judge, however, said, ” …[The] court has to employ highest standards while considering the need to send a person to custody.”

On May 20, the professor posted a photo of the so-called ‘shivling’ allegedly discovered in the Gyanvapi mosque compound and used satire to question the authenticity of the discovery. Lal’s post drew on the phallic symbolism of the lingam – symbolism that is as old as the Hindu religion itself and is the subject of numerous scholarly books – and made a joke about the way the Gyanvapi ‘shivling’ looked.

Taking objection to Lal’s remarks, a Delhi-based lawyer Vineet Jindal lodged a complaint with the police saying that the said post was a “derogatory, inciting and provocating [sic] tweet on the Shivling”.

He was arrested on May 20 night and has been charged with promoting enmity and outraging religious feelings.

Lal’s arrest attracted widespread condemnation, as several protests were held outside Delhi University demanding his release. On social media, too, many criticised the stifling of rights and demanded the release of the scholar.

Arrested Over Social Media Post on Gyanvapi ‘Shivling’, DU Prof Gets Bail

Granting bail, the CMM said India was a country of more than 130 crore people and “any subject can have 130 crore different views and perceptions”.

New Delhi: Delhi University associate professor Ratan Lal who was arrested late on Friday night for a social media post on the ‘shivling’ allegedly found inside Varanasi’s Gyanvapi mosque complex received bail on Saturday, May 21.

The Hindu College history teacher was charged with promoting enmity and outraging religious feelings.

In the aftermath of Lal’s arrest, there were midnight protests at Delhi University, demanding his release. On social media, too, many criticised the stifling of rights and demanded the release of the scholar.

His arrest came after an FIR was lodged based on a complaint filed by a Delhi-based lawyer. In his complaint, advocate Vineet Jindal said Lal had recently shared a “derogatory, inciting and provocating [sic] tweet on the Shivling”.

Screenshots of Lal’s tweet show that he posted a photo of the so-called ‘shivling’ allegedly discovered in the mosque compound and used satire to question the authenticity of the discovery. Lal’s post drew on the phallic symbolism of the lingam – symbolism that is as old as the Hindu religion itself and is the subject of numerous scholarly books – and made a joke about the way the Gyanvapi ‘shivling’ looked.

The Delhi police sought 14-day judicial remand of Lal, claiming it has received six complaints against him, NDTV has reported.

Indian Express has reported that Chief Metropolitan Magistrate (CMM) Siddhartha Malik who granted bail to Lal made several observations on the nature of his alleged offence.

CMM Malik said that Lal’s post was “speculative in nature” and also concerned a symbol or structure which is “not accessible in public domain.”

“While considered in the aforesaid context, the post of the accused may be a failed attempt at satire regarding a controversial subject which has backfired, resulting in the present FIR,” it said, according to the report.

The CMM also made observations on the nature and necessity of tolerance and how it pertained to this case.

“It is observed that Indian civilisation is one of the oldest in the world and known to be tolerant and accepting of all religions. The presence or absence of intention to create animosity/hatred by words is subjective in nature as is the perception of the recipient who reads/hears a statement,” Malik said.

The CMM said India was a country of more than 130 crore people and “any subject can have 130 crore different views and perceptions”.

“The feeling of hurt felt by an individual cannot represent the entire group or community and any such complaint regarding the hurt feelings has to be seen in its context considering the entire spectrum of facts/circumstances,” the court said.

The judge also observed how what is “distasteful and unnecessary” to one, may not “incite the feeling of hatred towards another community”.

“Similarly, different persons may consider the post differently without being enraged and may, in fact, feel sorry for the accused to have made an unwarranted comment without considering the repercussions,” the judge noted, agreeing that Lal’s comment was “avoidable” if sensibilities were to be considered.

The post, he said, “though reprehensible, does not indicate an attempt to promote hatred between communities”.

NDTV has reported that the judge also ordered Lal to “strictly refrain from posting any social media posts or interviews” regarding the controversy which resulted in the present FIR.

The Gyanvapi mosque has been brought to the centre of the dispute after a Varanasi court allowed a petition by five women claiming that the structure houses Hindu deities and that Hindus should be allowed to pray at the site.

Delhi Police Arrest DU Teacher Ratan Lal Over Social Media Post on Gyanvapi ‘Shivling’

Shortly after the late-night arrest, there were protests at Delhi University, demanding his release. On social media, too, many have asked for the release of a scholar who has spoken often against intolerant politics.

New Delhi: A Delhi University associate professor was arrested late on the night of Friday, May 20, for a social media post on the ‘shivling’ allegedly found inside Varanasi’s Gyanvapi mosque complex.

Hindu College history teacher Ratan Lal was arrested under sections 153A (promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony) and 295A (deliberate act to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion) of the Indian Penal Code, by the Cyber Police Station, North.

An FIR had been lodged against Lal on the night of Tuesday, May 17, based on a complaint filed by a Delhi-based lawyer. In his complaint, advocate Vineet Jindal said Lal had recently shared a “derogatory, inciting and provocating [sic] tweet on the Shivling”.

Screenshots of Lal’s tweet show that he posted a photo of the so-called ‘shivling’ allegedly discovered in the mosque compound and used satire to question the authenticity of the discovery.  Lal’s post drew on the phallic symbolism of the lingam – symbolism that is as old as the Hindu religion itself and is the subject of numerous scholarly books – and made a joke about the way the Gyanvapi ‘shivling’ looked.

The Gyanvapi mosque has been brought to the centre of dispute after a Varanasi court allowed a petition by five women claiming that the structure houses Hindu deities and that Hindus should be allowed to pray at the site.

A commission appointed by the court to do a survey and videograph the mosque told the Varanasi court that a shivling’ had been found within the mosque premises, following which Civil Judge (Senior Division) Ravi Kumar Diwakar ordered that the area where it was found be sealed.

The Supreme Court, meanwhile, has instructed that the area where the ‘shivling’ was found should be protected but without impeding the access of Muslim devotees.

A Dalit and human rights activist, Lal is a prominent critic of the government and founder and editor-in-chief of AmbedkarNama.

Defending his post earlier, Lal had said, “In India, if you speak about anything, someone or the other’s sentiment will be hurt. So this is nothing new. I am a historian and have made several observations. As I wrote them down, I have used very guarded language in my post and still this. I will defend myself.”

Lal had alleged that after his social media post went viral, he had been threatened online by many social media users, prompting him to approach the police for security and help. Many such threats continue to remain visible online.

In the aftermath of Lal’s arrest, there were midnight protests at Delhi University, demanding his release.

On social media, many have criticised the stifling of criticism and demanded the release of the scholar.

DU Professor Booked for ‘Objectionable’ Comments on ‘Shivling’ Found at Gyanvapi Mosque

After his social media post went viral, the professor in question alleged that he had been threatened online by many users, prompting him to approach police for security and help.

New Delhi: An assistant professor from Delhi University’s Hindu College has been booked after he allegedly made objectionable comments on social media on a Shivling claimed to have been found at Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi, the Indian Express has reported.

Police filed a case against Ratan Lal under Section 295 A (malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) on Wednesday, May 18, and an FIR was registered against him at Cyber Police Station.

Lal, according to the police, shared a photo of the structure with some alleged objectionable comments on Tuesday, May 17.

Lal alleged that after his social media post went viral, he had been threatened online by many social media users, prompting him to approach the police for security and help.

Speaking to IE on charges against him, Lal said, ” I have not yet received any notice from the police, but if I do, I will cooperate with them. I was not expecting threats and abuses for this statement. There is a long tradition of critique in Hinduism from Phule, Ravidas and Ambedkar. Here, I haven’t even critiqued it, it is just an observation. In our country, religious feelings get hurt over anything. What will people do, just put ­patti on their mouths?”

On Thursday, May 19, the Supreme Court told the Varanasi court, which has proceedings pending before it, not to take further action until it heard the matter, on a plea challenging the orders of the Varanasi court.

The apex court had earlier, on May 17, ordered the Varanasi district magistrate to secure the area where a Shivling was claimed to have been found in the Gyanvapi Mosque during a videographic survey of the mosque area without restricting the rights of Muslims to access and offer namaz at the mosque.

The dispute emerged after five Hindu women petitioned the Varanasi court to allow them to pray at a “shrine” behind the western wall of the mosque complex, claiming that there were idols of Hindu deities. The court then appointed advocate commissioner Ajay Kumar Mishra to carry out an inspection of the site.

The report of the filming of the Gyanvapi mosque was submitted to the Varanasi court on Thursday, May 19, morning.

Delhi Riots Were Engineered by BJP, Says AAP Leader Sanjay Singh

The AAP government has been reticent in mentioning the violence or even in responding to it. One of the exceptions has been Sanjay Singh.

New Delhi: Against a backdrop of growing criticism against the party’s visible silence on the Delhi riots in February this year, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leader Sanjay Singh on Sunday said that the communal violence in the national capital was “engineered” by the Bharatiya Janata Party. 

“The riots in Delhi were an outcome of a deep conspiracy by the BJP. The riots were engineered by the BJP. I am maintaining this from day one and reiterating today. I said this in parliament as well that the BJP organised the riots. And the police, which comes under the MHA, did not take any action,” Singh told reporters at a press conference. 

Singh’s statements came amidst the ongoing tussle between the AAP-led Delhi government and the Centre’s representative in Delhi, Lieutenant Governor Anil Baijal, over the appointment of public prosecutors in cases related to the communal riots. Baijal has been insisting that six public prosecutors recommended by the Delhi police will argue the riot-related cases.

Baijal’s pressure on the Delhi government assumes political significance as the Delhi police, which functions under the Union home ministry, has been facing allegations of conducting heavily biased probes against the minority community.

Also read: Delhi Riots 2020: The Curious Case of Tahir Hussain and Ankit Sharma

The AAP government has mostly maintained conspicuous silence on the issue of communalisation of Delhi and has been refraining from holding any party responsible for the violence. Even as the riots unfolded in the National Capital over three days, AAP leaders, including the chief minister Arvind Kejriwal, had remained guarded. They only appealed for peace but did not mobilise party cadre or elected representatives to actively mediate between communities. The riots eventually claimed 53 lives and resulted in damage of property worth hundreds of crores. 

Interestingly, Singh’s press conference came on the heels of the party’s recent briefing to attack the Congress. Rajinder Nagar MLA Raghav Chadha lashed out at the grand old party over the Rajasthan political crisis, and alleged that it was selling its legislators. He did not mention the BJP, which has been accused of ‘buying’ MLAs. Alleging that the Congress was “on ventilator,” Chadha claimed that it had lost all relevance and credibility.

Among scores of AAP leaders, only Singh has consistently been critical of the BJP in Delhi and other states where the saffron party leads the government. He was also the sole AAP leader who visited the riot-torn neighbourhoods in northeast Delhi, immediately after the violence. Singh also organised outreach programmes among riot victims. 

Not surprisingly, therefore, the AAP appointed him to do the damage-control amidst mounting criticism against the party for its silence on the issue of communalism. Singh, while departing from his party’s unclear position, attacked the BJP, and also questioned the fairness of Delhi police’s probe in the riot-related cases.

Also read: Not Knowing Where Else to Go, AAP Is Moving Further to the Political Right

“The police are not filing chargesheets in some cases, filing weak chargesheets in some, strong in some, writing extra things in some cases, hiding the truth in some,” Singh, also a Rajya Sabha MP, said. 

He alleged that L-G’s insistence on appointing only those lawyers who have been recommended by the Delhi police indicates that the BJP wants only those professionals who can “suppress the dark deeds and shield the dark faces” behind the Delhi violence.

“Why is the BJP so desperate to engage them in the riots cases? What is it trying to achieve? Its only objective is to shield the dark faces, the dark deeds, the crimes committed by the BJP. This is why the BJP government and the L-G are so desperate to get those lawyers appointed. We have lodged our protest. We want unbiased investigation and a fair trial. You must have seen even the court has pulled up (the police) in the recent past,” Singh said.

Also read: Delhi Riots: Police, SDM Office Dithered on Compensation Claims for Months Before HC Order

On his part, immediately after the deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia objected to the appointment of lawyers, Baijal dismissed Delhi government’s apprehensions. “It is beyond doubt that the PP (public prosecutor) represents the state by virtue of his office. At the same time, he is also an officer of the court and is required to render assistance to the court to arrive at a just and equitable decision… there is no reason to imagine that the PPs appointed wouldn’t perform their duty fearlessly and impartially as officers of the court,” the L-G said in a statement.

His office has also asserted that Baijal was the only competent authority to appoint Special Public Prosecutors, a norm upheld by the Delhi high court in 2016 and the Supreme Court in 2019. 

“… in case of difference of opinion between the Lt. Governor and his Ministers, he is not bound by the said aid and advice and can invoke the proviso to Article 239AA (4) of the Constitution,” officials in the L-G House told The Indian Express. 

However, AAP MLA Somnath Bharti, who was also present at the press conference led by Singh, refuted the claim. “Why do they want lawyers who would work as spokespersons of the BJP in court? The appointment of PPs in every criminal case is an exclusive right of the Delhi government,” he said.

Fired on in Delhi’s Communal Violence, Four Young Men Are Now the ‘Boys With the Bullets’

The youngest is 14. The oldest, 19. Between them, the four had dreams of running, playing cricket and earning enough for their families.

New Delhi: “You must be the trying to find the house of the boy with the bullet?”

We are standing behind the Aqsa Masjid in Mustafabad, one of north-east Delhi’s riot torn neighbourhoods, where the signs of the February violence are still visible in the rubble and the half-burnt exteriors of shops.

An elderly man asks us this question.

It is Eid and I had promised Sameer I would visit. After more than three months in hospital beds, he was returning home.  

On February 22, two days before the violence broke out, Sameer, barely 15, had given his math exam.

“I had dreams,” he recalls, “I would become an important man, an engineer, I would work abroad to earn.” On February 24, he was returning home for lunch from an ‘ijtema’ (religious gathering) at the Badi Masjid in Sadar Bazaar when he was hit by a bullet. 

Sameer was very close to his house when he saw “huge crowds” descend from the other side. “Before I knew what had happened, my knees buckled, I couldn’t breathe, my body just crumpled and fell.” He does not have to spell out that the ‘other side’ was where the Hindus were in a majority. 

He was carried by some bystanders to a small clinic nearby, “There was a lady doctor who tried to stop the blood but each bandage she applied would be soaked.” An odd detail still sticks to his memory, “I think I spoilt the clothes she was wearing.”

Also read: A Hindu-Owned Parking Garage, a Muslim-Owned Footwear Shop and a 2 km Stretch of Riot Hell

Now he is home. “No one thought I would survive, but here I am sitting up,” he says, greeting me with a radiant smile.

Sameer lies on a bed pushed against one side of the wall, in a white kurta, surrounded by his family – parents, two younger brothers and four sisters, all dressed for the festival. Zeba, at five the youngest, will not let go of his hands and wants to be photographed with her brother. His mother is ecstatic, “Eid is always festive but the joy I feel today, only Allah knows its extent.”

Sameer’s homecoming, three months after he was shot. With his mother and sisters on Eid. Photo: Radhika Bordia

And then a thought for a benefactor, “We are so grateful to Dr Mathew for allowing us to go home today.”

Dr Mathew Verghese is the Head of Department of Orthopaedics at St Stephen’s hospital in Old Delhi, where Sameer spent a month. 

For the first several days after being shot, Sameer was at the Guru Teg Bahadur hospital, the one closest to his home. He reached there with great difficulty after his father, Mohammad Zakir, was able to arrange an ambulance for him hours after he was shot.

He was rushed into surgery, which took a few hours. The bullet was removed but it had pierced his spine and paralysed him waist down. For thirty-six days he was on a ventilator. “There were tubes in my mouth, nose, throat and neck,” he recalls, “And specially in the early days I felt I could see my Abu’s face and my Ammi with tears in her eyes, but it all felt so hazy.”

Sameer was finally shifted to the general ward, “There was no life in my spine, my legs were numb but everything else hurt. It was only after an injection began being administered daily that the pain eased. Each injection cost Rs 3,000.”

The family had come to Delhi five years ago, from Bijnore in western Uttar Pradesh, in search of work and better education for the children. Living on meagre daily wages, each rupee was carefully tabulated and remembered, but they were determined to do all they could for Sameer. 

Also read: Delhi Violence: An Eyewitness Account From Jaffrabad

The parents took turns, spending a week each in hospital to ensure Sameer was not left unattended for a moment. “We don’t have much, just each other,” Sameer’s eldest sister says, as she feeds sewain to her brother. 

Lying in bed Sameer says he would often be despondent, “We had never harmed anyone, never complained of the little we had, so why did fate not let me reach home safely that day?” The smile on his face flickers off for a moment but returns as he adds, “I suppose I’m complaining now.”

Sameer with his mother and sisters. Photo: Radhika Bordia

In those long days of being totally bedridden, Sameer says he felt “angry even at my feet, I would look at them and try to will them to walk. I read the Quran, it gave me strength.”

Health volunteers and a disability rights activist who got to know him at the hospital felt Sameer needed more focused attention, and had him shifted to St Stephen’s hospital in Old Delhi. The physiotherapy there helped him. “Earlier all I could do was lie straight and stare at the ceiling for days on end,” he says, sitting up to show me how that’s changed.

According to Dr Mathew Verghese, an institution unto himself, the road ahead is still a tough one for Sameer. “I’m happy we’ve been able to get him standing, he can even take a few steps but as some groups of muscles still have paralysis, it’s too early to predict how normally he’ll walk,” he says.

What is of greater immediate concern for Dr Mathew is the loss of bladder functions, “Ideally I would not have liked to discharge Sameer with a catheter but ultimately weighing the cost benefits of the treatments this was the best option.”

So far, Dr Mathew had covered the cost of treatment but the expenses for what lies ahead on the road to recovery are still huge. A meagre Rs 20,000 is all the Delhi government has given as compensation. His father Mohammed Zakir, expressing gratitude for all those such as Dr Matthew who had already helped so much, says “First the violence, then the weeks at the hospital, now the lockdown, I haven’t been able to earn.”

Sameer with his five-year-old sister, Zeba. Photo: Radhika Bordia

In the midst of such concerns, the family has little room to worry about justice. The certificate from doctors at GTB would allow him to pursue a legal case but Irshad says, “I’m a daily wage labourer, my elder daughter and wife earn a little from tailoring, we work hard, the thana, kacheri (police station, court) is not for us.”

 When I do bring the conversation around to the violence they have experienced, there’s a long pause before Sameer’s mother answers, “We do not want to get into this Hindu-Muslim issue.”

Also read: Delhi Riots: Now, Only One Community Feels Safe Around Security Forces

His eldest sister interrupts her mother to say that the family avoids discussing the violence, “We will never forget it, how can we? I remember it each time I have to help my brother move even a little, the same person who would run up the steps, climbing them two at a time.”

Sameer turns to her and responds, “Don’t worry, give me a few days and I’ll outpace you again.”

The pensive mood is broken and the family returns to their festive cheer as I’m made to eat another bowl of sewain before I am allowed to leave.

Just five kilometres away in Maujpur, the Eid festivities are more subdued at Adnan’s home.

Adnan is 19, and he was the main earning member in the family, working at a small welding unit where Christmas decorations were manufactured. His story echoes what Sameer had related.

On the same day, a few hours after Sameer was hit, Adnan stepped out to fetch some medicines for his sister. He only realised he’d been hit by a bullet after his legs gave way and he fell in a pool of his own blood. 

“Most shops near us were closed so I walked to a market further away. There I saw large groups of men with tilaks and saffron gamchas, which is when I realised there was something amiss. I was about to enter a lane adjacent to a mosque when I heard people shouting, bricks flying around and gunshots.”

While every detail is vivid till this point, Adnan still struggles to remember what happened after he was shot. “I thought I’d stumbled and fallen. It was when I tried to get up, I realised I had lost control over my legs, then I saw the blood. A few men from my community picked me up.”

The bullet had pierced his thigh, shattering his femur, leaving a gaping flesh wound where it exited.

His younger brother, Vicky, was at home when a neighbour called to tell him his brother had been shot. “It seemed so far-fetched. I would have dismissed it as a joke but by then the news of the violence had spread.”

Adnan with his mother. Photo: Radhika Bordia

He recounts how he took his brother on his scooty, weaving his way through the bloody chaos of that night, pleading with the unrelenting police to let him take his dying brother to the hospital.

“GTB hospital is closest to us so we went there but they turned us away, told us to go to Safdarjung.” It took four hours at Safdarjung before Adnan was taken into surgery. He had lost a lot of blood and was coming in and out of consciousness. 

Vicky was alone with his brother through most of that night. Their father, after years of hard labour, was incapacitated by a hernia, their mother and their 18-year-old elder sister, were unable to step out of their homes. It was some hours before some friends and neighbours could arrive to help

“They told us we had to donate blood before any surgery or treatment could be done. We told them our friends and family were stuck in the violence, that we would donate blood later, but they wouldn’t listen,” says Vicky.

After a long surgery Adnan was discharged from Safdarjung but asked to return every three days to get his bandages changed. It was tough and expensive to follow this routine. Adnan, as he points to a large wound on one leg with skin grafted on it, says, “Initially a doctor handled it and he was meticulous but I feel the nurses would just rush through it, maybe that’s what gave me the infection.”

The past two months have been a battle against life-threatening infections, and the strong doses of antibiotics that have their own side-effects. Acute nausea and a total loss of appetite have left Adnan so weak that it’s an effort for him to sit up. He still has an external device holding his leg in place and it’s a constant struggle to fight off bed sores.

Also read: The Ideological Strategy Behind the Delhi Riots

At Safdarjung, doctors had told the family Adnan would be well and walking in six months but it seemed he was getting worse. Help came from a medical volunteer who took the family to Al-Shifa, a hospital in South Delhi that’s been treating many victims of the violence. The family had to relocate to an aunt’s house to be closer to the hospital.

In the 25 days, Adnan spent at Al-Shifa he had begun to recover from the infection and was doing well when the hospital discharged him due to the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Adnan needs to recover from the infection before he can have more surgeries but the lockdown has come in the way of his treatment. The thought that he may have trouble walking terrifies Adnan, “If I never walk again people will not know that it’s just sheer hatred and violence that’s done this to me.”

This is a fear all the boys I met share. The thought of a permanent disability is doubly debilitating in a country with little support for the disabled. Prime Minister Modi’s insistence on using the term ‘divyaang’ (divine body) for the disabled translates into little of practical value. 

For Adnan, the nights still bring terrifying nightmares, “I keep thinking if I had not taken those extra steps towards the crowds, I would have escaped the bullet, my family would not be suffering on my account.” He is tormented by what has happened, “We’re old enough to understand that relations between Hindus and Muslim have been damaged. Muslims are taunted in this country but we never thought it would come to this. If I thought Hindus would be violent, I would have never gone towards the Hindu mohallas to get the medicines.”

Neither of the brothers has been able to earn in the past three months. The family is yet to receive any compensation, surviving on donations from people. Gufran, a member of the Aman Biradari Trust which has been working in the riot areas, has been helping the family with rations and some monetary relief. 

Under  the circumstances, like Sameer’s family, they do not want to pursue the legal case, “Mahaul insaaf ka nahee hai (the climate is not right for justice).” All they want is for Adnan to be back on his legs.

Justice is too distant an idea for these families. Hoor Bano, the mother of 16-year-old Saif tells me over the phone, “Ever since Saif was hit by a bullet three months ago I have not been able to breathe properly, now when I see him alive, standing, walking I tell myself nothing else matters.”

In his neighbourhood, Saif is not just known as the boy hit by a bullet but the boy who carried a bullet in his body for two months. “Sometimes my friends seem so fascinated by the bullet,” he tells me, “They ask me questions as if I was some target board. Where did it hit you, what did it break? They forget that the bullet could have killed me.”

Also read: ‘Scared for Our Brothers’: Aali Village’s Hindus and Muslims Stand Shoulder to Shoulder

On February 25, Saif had accompanied his father Mohammad Irshad to their small tailoring shop in Kabir Nagar, less than a kilometre away from the spot where Adnan was shot. It wasn’t part of his usual routine but as there was no school that day – students were on exam leave – he went along.

When they reached Kabir Nagar, they realised the violence that they’d been hearing about had reached there. Saif, rushing ahead of his father, got swept up by the crowds, “I called out his name, a few minutes later I saw four men carrying a boy whose body was dripping blood at each step.”

Saif had been shot in the stomach by a bullet, which eye-witnesses say came from where a Hindu mob had assembled. In the midst of the violence, Saif’s father and uncle found their way to GTB hospital.

Saif, before the shooting. Photo: By special arrangement

“I could feel intense pain in my stomach and head, but I could not feel my legs. They were numb,” recalls Saif who had to wait from midday till six in the evening before being taken to the operation theatre. The surgery took five hours, the doctors said they’d managed to repair some of the nerve damage, Saif was out of immediate danger, but the bullet had not been taken out.

After 10 days Saif, quite inexplicably, was discharged with the bullet still lodged in his abdomen. The same doctors who said any sudden movement could endanger his life, also asked him to attend the orthopaedic OPD, which required a daily journey in an auto-rickshaw. 

Bringing Saif, still in pain, regularly to the hospital was difficult. Gufran, from Aman Biradri Trust who had also helped Adnan’s family, directed them to Al-Shifa hospital.

Saif was admitted there on March 16. A CT scan revealed the bullet had damaged the nerves and it had to be removed. Four days later he underwent a seven-hour surgery. “When Dr Nadeem emerged from the OT he told us the bullet was out. Saif would need to rest but after a while he would walk again. It was as if my own life forces had been restored,” says Hoor Bano. 

For Saif, it felt like a new lease of life, “I could not imagine life without walking, without playing cricket and had plunged into deep depression – at least that’s what people called it. It was a feeling I had not known.”

Also read: ‘We Burnt the Mazar Down’: Hindutva Men Talk About the Violence They Unleashed

Each of the boys had battled this fear, this depression and in each case the support of the family and the larger community had proved crucial, “I was angry, upset,” says Saif, “I had just given my Math’s board exams three days earlier and it had gone well. Questions rushed to my mind, why did the bullet find me, who was shooting, what was their aim, but my family would ask me not to think on those lines.”

The road to recovery was interrupted once again by the lockdown. On March 27, Saif was discharged from Al-Shifa, the family was told that, except for emergencies, hospitals were sending all other patients home. The regular physiotherapy so critical in his rehabilitation process came to an end.

The family tries to ensure Saif does some daily exercises. “Ammi does oil massage, Abbu makes him use the walker and I make him do some catching so that his cricket skills remain,” says Ashraf, Saif’s older brother. Saif still has a weakness in his leg and is unable to walk properly. But he dreams again, of wanting to become an engineer, of wanting to meet Virat Kohli, his cricketing hero. 

Saif, after he was shot. Photo: By special arrangement

His father, though, still battles his memories, “I wake up with a start in the middle of the night, rush to see if Saif is still breathing. Sometimes, I want to hit my head on the wall for taking Saif to the shop that day.”

His anxieties are worsened by what lies ahead. His shop has been shut since the day Saif was injured, “First it was the hadsa, the violence, then I was in hospital with Saif and now the lockdown, there has been simply no earning in three months.”

Apart from the initial Rs 20,000 that came as compensation, the family has been forced to live off donations. “I may not have secured large savings but I was always able to take care of the needs of my family, educate my boys. Now we have to take alms. And I still haven’t paid rent for four months,” says Zakir.

There is an FIR lodged at the Welcome police station but the family does not want to pursue the legal case, “People ask us if we want justice for what has happened to us and I tell them ‘insaaf kee nahee sochtey, karobar ki’ (I don’t dream of justice, I think of my livelihood).”

 “Insaaf  is a big word,” I remember 14-year-old Faizan telling me when I visited him at his home in Kardampuri, in the immediate aftermath of the violence, at the end of February. 

As I had enter the lane his house was on, a young girl, possibly in her early twenties, came to me and says:

“Are you looking for the Faizan who was killed or the Faizan who was shot?”

The Faizan who was killed lived two lanes away. A video shows him and four others being beaten by men in police uniforms. He died two days later.  The Faizan I was going to meet was also caught in the same violence. 

A steep flight of stairs led to Faizan’s one room house, where he lives with his older brother and his grandmother. Unaware of the violence that had reached his colony, Faizan had stepped out on February 24 to buy some rusks for his grandmother, when he was hit by a bullet fired by a Hindu mob. 

Also read: Delhi Riots: 14-Year-Old Boy Shot at in Kardam Puri in Stable Condition

Journalists from The Wire found him slumped over on the roadside, bleeding. 

Residents here claim ambulances were being blocked from reaching the injured. Faizan was rushed to the only option available that day, Dr Khaliq’s clinic. It was already packed with dozens of injured and seriously wounded people, “When Faizan was brought to my clinic there was blood pouring out of his stomach. I realised the bullet had hit close to his spine. All I could do was pressure bandage the wound to stop the bleeding.”

A bedridden Faizan with his grandmother, two weeks after he was shot. Photo: Radhika Bordia

Six hours later, Faizan made it to GTB hospital and is fortunate to have survived. The bullet was removed but it left Faizan unable to move. Bedridden in his house, Faizan’s deepest fear was of a life-long paralysis. The doctors had given him no information on what the future held for him, “All I pray for is to be able to stand and walk again so I can help my grandmother. My brother won’t be able to manage on his own.”

Faizan’s mother died when he was born. His father abandoned his two sons, remarried and moved to Rampur, leaving them in their widowed grandmother’s care.The two boys, the elder one just 16, help their grandmother in cutting threads from jeans which earned them up to Rs 100 a piece but the work stopped with the outbreak of the violence. And then there was the lockdown.

Almost three months later, when I returned to meet Faizan, he was sitting up. He smiled as he recognised me. He wanted to see the video I had taken of him that day. “Can you see I am better, I can sit up,” and pointed to a walker that a health activist had left for him, indicating he can walk a few steps.

Faizan’s grandmother wasn’t home that day, she’d gone out to try and see if she could avail of her pension. Money has been tight. 

Donations from people wanting to help and the Rs 20,000 compensation from the SDM is what they have managed on but there is little work now. The community has pitched in to help, the landlord has waived the rent but Faizan still needs regular physiotherapy, medical monitoring.

Also read: A Despatch From a Lifetime Reduced to Nought

The incident has made him quieter, says his brother. Faizan smiles when he hears this but doesn’t say much.

What he does tell me is that his fears have heightened – not just about his own condition but everything around him. He fears the police each time they come around to question him of the incident – the family again, like all the others I met does not want to pursue a legal case. 

Some of his other fears are even more constricting, “If I could get shot in the middle of large crowds just by chance, I feel if I step out I could get the coronavirus.”

Faizan, three months after the shooting, finally able to sit up. Photo: Radhika Bordia

It’s a fear that’s spread to his grandmother. “Everyone feels Faizan is safer at home.” It is what has made them reluctant to seek medical advice outside their neighbourhood, relying on Dr Khalil, the man who had first attended to Faizan for treatment. 

‘My dadi and my brother have attended to my every need. I want to be well to do something for them as well. That’s my only prayer. If I had a larger family, if Ammi was alive, there would be more people maybe to share the burden of looking after me,’ Faizan says, his voice trailing off.  

Faizan, Saif, Adnan and Sameer, four boys – young men – who have never met each other but whose lives have been linked by a tragedy they are trying to move beyond.

Each known in their neighbourhood by the same description, ‘the boy with the bullet’.

‘Hindus Love Muslims’ Poster Pinned Outside Dwarka Mosque That Was Attacked

The Wire had reported last month that broken glass bottles and stones were found near the mosque’s premises.

New Delhi: A poster saying ‘Hindus love Muslims’ was pinned outside the mosque in South-West Delhi that was attacked last month on February 28 at 2 am by a few men allegedly shouting ‘Jai Shri Ram’.

The poster was signed ‘Hindus of Dwarka’,

The Wire had reported last month that broken glass bottles and stones were found near the mosque’s premises.

While DCP Dwarka had refuted claims that the incident had taken place, when The Wire visited the mosque, the police were making arrangements to fix the windowpane that had been shattered – allegedly by a pelted stone – so that further panic could be avoided.

Imran Khan, a member of the managing committee of the Shahjahanabad Society (a Muslim-majority housing complex) and Abrar Ahmed, the convener of the Masjid Society Trust suspected that 10-12 stones were pelted in quick succession st the mosque and were well-aimed.

Also read: Windows of Dwarka Mosque Shattered, Locals Say Attackers Shouted ‘Jai Shri Ram’

The mosque which is situated in a narrow rocky lane off the Sector 11 main road has no street lights. The lane right in the front of the road has no street lights either.

This attack happened after Delhi’s North East region saw gruesome and communally targeted violence after February 24, in which over 50 people lost their lives. Temples, mosques, shops and schools belonging to both the Hindu and Muslim communities have been destroyed.

North East Delhi: As Relief Volunteers, Locals Set Example, Govt Remains Conspicuous by its Absence

Compassion is not dead in the riot affected areas. Where communities are willing to work together to rebuild what has been lost, all that is wanting is coordination.

New Delhi: The first time I saw a Sikh speaking fluent Tamil was in early 2005 in Tamil Nadu.

That is one of the reasons I still remember Gagandeep Bedi, the then collector of Cuddalore, who coordinated rescue, relief, and rehabilitation efforts in his district in the wake of the terrible Indian Ocean tsunami that hit several countries in South and South-East Asia.

I was a relief and rehabilitation volunteer at the time, and I remember Bedi chairing weekly meetings with representatives of the various NGOS who had converged in Cuddalore, streamlining their efforts and giving them the support that they needed.

I also remember him being quick to call out dodgy NGOs but giving space to those who were doing good work on the ground. 

Ten days after the violence first erupted, I walked through the streets of Shiv Vihar, one of the areas worst affected by the violence in North East Delhi and wondered why the relief operations there felt so different from my experience in Cuddalore 15 years ago.

Then, everyone, even a newcomer like me, knew that the place to go to for information or help was the district collector’s office. 

True, that was a natural disaster, and this was man-made violence, but that is all the more reason to have a visible, hands on, communicative and accessible coordinating body on the ground – something only the administration is able to provide, having a sense of the larger picture and specific requirements at the same time. 

The residents of Shiv Vihar and its surrounding localities, however, have not been so lucky. Both the victims and the NGOs trying to provide relief are having to find their own way forward without the help that an alert and responsive administration can provide.

Also read: Ground Report: As Amit Shah Praises Delhi Police, Riot Victims Tell a Different Story

Just off one of the main streets in Shiv Vihar, not far from the Babu Nagar crossing, is a banner that reads ‘Citizen’s Collective for Peace – Medical and Legal Relief Camp’.

A young PhD student volunteering there says, “We have a lot of relief supplies. What we really need is people on the ground to distribute it, and people to figure out where it needs to go.” Ideally, that is a role the administration ought to be playing. 

There are many such stories. Just across the street from where the Citizen’s Collective is camped, there is a volunteers’ medical camp of sorts operating out of a small school. I ask Danish, one of the young men running it, as to what is needed the most immediately. He is kind enough to draw me a map of the area and show me where the most affected families are.

“These people can’t live in tents any longer. It rained and the ground is muddy and wet. We need to urgently get people off the makeshift relief site and into temporary pakka houses or halls till such time as they can find more permanent accommodation.”

A student from Jamia accompanying has a good suggestion:

“Schools are closed till March 31 as measure to prevent the spread of coronavirus. Perhaps the Delhi government can allow some of these families to stay in some of the sarkari schools in the area.”

It’s a good idea. I call someone who knows someone in the AAP government to consider the option.

One wonders why this idea did not come from the administration, experienced as it is in handling such situations.

We leave the crowded main street and head into the innards of Shiv Vihar. A young man called Shoaib offers me a ride on his motorbike, driving through a labyrinth of galis and mohallas, squeezing his bike through piles of rubble.

Also watch: ‘Solicitor General Has Been Mischievous, I Stand by Every Word of My Speech’: Harsh Mander

He takes me to the Taiyyab mosque which has been blackened by fire but is still standing. Everything inside is burnt to soot. The smell of ashes and burnt wood is strong. Several other houses on this street are also gutted.

An eerie stillness envelops the lane. 

The people on this street, predominantly Muslim, are in a state of shock. They look dazed. Having lived together with their Hindu neighbours for over 25 years they just cannot understand the sheer brutality of the violence wreaked on them.

All they know is people with helmets and masks descended on them and set fire to their houses and shops – not once, not twice, but three times, and over three days. 

It is very obvious that one of the most urgent tasks at hand is to see that the relations between the two communities are not permanently scarred. If ever a healing touch was required anywhere, it is here.

In fact, in the midst of the most barbaric acts of inhumanity that Shiv Vihar has witnessed, there have been the most amazing displays of courage and humanity. This need to be acknowledged, shared and lauded, just to show that human goodness is alive and well even in the face of the worst kind of hatred and evil.

Sunil, for example, is a biryani seller who saved the lives of 30 people by putting himself between a mob of a few hundred attackers and the Muslim families in his neighbourhood. He also stopped the mosque we are standing in front of, from being completely gutted. 

Right opposite the Taiyyab mosque is a house on whose front door is written “Sunil” and “Jai Shri Ram’. I ask him what that’s about. 

He says, “That’s Imam saheb’s house. The day the mob came, I quickly painted my name and ‘Jai Shri Ram’ on it so they would leave it alone.”

In awe of his courage, I ask him, “In your opinion, what is the first thing that needs to be done here?”

He says, “We need to repair this mosque so that my Muslim friends can offer namaz here again.” 


Shoaib’s voice breaks as he tells me that the one thing that has hurt him the most is the attitude of some of the people in his community who have been telling him not to interact with or trust people from “the other religion”.

The fact that there are voices like Sunil and Shoaib in the midst of such madness is heartening; now it is for the Delhi government to show it is committed to communal harmony.

We are joined by three gentlemen who have come from Mumbai. One is a dentist, the second is a lawyer, and the third is a sales executive. They are friends. The three of them have collected ten tons worth of relief materials in Mumbai and trucked them down to Delhi.

They were children during the violence in Mumbai following the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992, but nearly three decades later, the pain of displacement is still fresh in their minds. They are going from door to door, talking to the victims and helping in whichever way they can. 

Also read: Lessons From Arvind Kejriwal’s Response to the Pogrom in Delhi

After being conspicuous by its absence during the first few days of the violence in north east Delhi, the Aam Aadmi Party government has roused itself.

But one spoke to nearly one hundred persons across Karawal Nagar, Shiv Vihar, Babu Nagar, Mustafabad or New Mustafabad who have lost houses, shops or property or have had to flee their homes, and they all say they have not had a visit from any government official. 

There is no dearth of compassion and goodness in the hearts of people who want to help. 

Good Samaritans are everywhere, but what is sorely needed at the moment is coordination and infrastructural support, which only the government can effectively provide, given the scale and brutality of the violence, the number of lives lost and the destruction of homes, business establishments and mosques. 

One hopes that the Delhi government will rapidly close the gap between its efforts and the needs of the victims on the ground.

The sooner it sets clear and visible systems of response, relief and rehabilitation in place, the better. It is imperative that as residents of Delhi and citizens of India we prevail upon our elected representatives to actually do what they pride themselves on –delivering last mile services to every last person whose life has been devastated by violence. 

It is even more important that the AAP government does everything in its power to restore and rebuild the social fabric of north east Delhi which has been so brutally ripped through calculated acts of communal violence.

The question is, does it want to?

Rohit Kumar is an educator with a background in positive psychology and psychometrics. He works with high school students on emotional intelligence and adolescent issues to help make schools bullying-free zones. He can be reached at letsempathize@gmail.com.

Fix Blame on the Neros Who Fiddled While Delhi Burnt

Muscular governments never want to even re-examine their muscularity, lest it shows they are getting weak in the firmness of their purpose.

Whether Nero fiddled while Rome burnt is lost to controversy.

But two Neros can easily be identified in the Delhi incidents. They were Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Donald Trump, who continued their optics and dined at a banquet in Rashtrapati Bhawan while Delhi burned.

I will return later to whether Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal was also a Nero.

Donald Trump and Narendra Modi. Photo: Reuters

These were the most formidable riots since the massacre of the Sikhs in 1984, the Bombay riots of the 1990s – and the Gujarat killings of 2002, for which many fingers were pointed at Modi who was then chief minister. Since then, we have had cow lynching cases, the murder of Muslims and Dalits and others, rape, and other heinous cases.

There was an all-India protest against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA).

One of the defining features of the Modi government has been to never relent, never engage on issues raised by its critics. Here, the Modi government had the option, given to it by parliament, to defer the date on which the Act would come into effect. But they did not do so even as a large part of India was in strong protest mode.

State legislatures have passed resolutions disagreeing with the CAA.

Also read: What Is Article 131, Under Which Kerala Has Challenged CAA?

This was a case where the Central government needed to engage the state governments and the protesters. But there was no dialogue, in keeping with the Modi government’s general aversion to this sort of engagement. Muscular governments never want to even re-examine their muscularity, lest it shows they are getting weak in the firmness of their purpose.

Whatever the reason, the Centre, over these long months, has abdicated its democratic duty to explain, listen, respond and engage with either the people or the concerns raised. If BJP leaders claim that they did so, it was only to make proud, declaratory statements to their supporters – as if to underline their view that they are never in the wrong. 

When an earlier warning was given in Jamia and New Friends Colony and buses and cars were burnt, it was also a time to engage and discuss. Instead, over several days, the burnt vehicles were left as monuments to the protesters’ folly.

A burning bus is seen after it was set on fire near Jamia on December 15, 2019. Photo: Reuters/Adnan Abidi

I am not defending the torching that took place. Protests should be non-violent but effective. 

Anger is a legitimate emotion in life and politics. It should not get out of hand. But if it does, was it also because of the obstinacy of the government to direct the blame away from them? A policy of ‘we are right and will not listen to you’ in times when democracy asserts itself is foolish.

Modi had a thumping majority in parliament till 2024 and could have continued his foreign travels as the Maharaja of India. But there were elections in the states through which his political conquest in India would be complete.

He and his colleagues felt that if the muscular policy of ‘no explanation and no compromise’ won them the 2019 general election, such a policy would take them to victory elsewhere too. If you feel that you are an elected dictator, your posture changes but not the rigidity of the mind.

It is important to remember that when the Anna movement took place, the Congress engaged with it as a result of which parliament passed a ‘sense of the house’ resolution. This was not compromise but part of democracy.

When British Prime Minister Boris Johnson suspended parliament, he was rapped on his knuckles by the populace and the apex court. In the present case, it was the Supreme Court – partly to blame for not hearing the CAA case immediatelythat sent interlocutors to Shaheen Bagh.

After the Delhi riots, when national security advisor Ajit Doval was sent to the field, he did not go there to hear the grievances of people against whom violent goons had been unleashed but to assess the security position, which was clearly a derivative problem.

The Delhi Police has much to answer for.

It is one of the best resourced police forces in India. Thousands of calls were made including those by Akali Dal MP Naresh Gujral. The SOS calls were ignored and few FIRs were filed.

Also watch | I Would’ve Arrested Anurag Thakur, Kapil Mishra: Ex Delhi Top Cop Ajay Raj Sharma on Riots

Former police commissioner Ajay Raj Sharma and other retired officers have openly said that the police moved too late, too ineffectively. One policeman died and many were injured. On the civil, side there were at least 50 dead and hundreds injured. The number of those forced to flee their homes and seek refuge elsewhere is in four figures.

One grieves for all of those who died.

Delhi’s police is run by a commissioner system with greater power to the commissioner. The police come under the Union home ministry, headed by Amit Shah.

Even if we accept the untruth that the home minister does not interfere except in policy matters, surely there were policy issues that were involved. What was lieutenant governor Anil Baijal doing? After the Aam Aadmi Party government won its case of 2016, the LG had enough space to move the Centre towards an even handed policy. But he did nothing.

Kejriwal, who won a great victory in the recent assembly elections, also has much to answer for.

By going to Rajghat, did he think Gandhi would descend to help? Kejriwal did not provide for dialogue, proper shelters, treatment and immediacy.

We need a Justice Srikrishna inquiry now.

Rajeev Dhavan is a senior advocate.

Media Collective Expresses Concern Over Attacks on Journalists Since Passing of CAA

In the days since the protests began against the CAA to the Delhi riots, media persons have been shot, beaten, heckled, arrested and harassed.

New Delhi: A collective of independent media and civil society groups has raised concerns over the recent attacks on journalists while reporting on the widespread protests and citizens’ movements that took place since the passing of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). 

The report titled ‘Republic in Peril’ details accounts of 32 journalists who were attacked while they were reporting between December 2019 when the anti-CAA protests began and February when the Delhi riots took place. 

The report divides the attacks into three phases – the first when the anti-CAA protests began in December, followed by the phase in January beginning with the attack on journalists around the JNU campus and the third phase, during the Delhi riots. 

“The report observes these three phases in continuity. The first spate of attacks by the state and non-state actors was a testing ground that builds up into a full-fledged consolidated attack on Press during Delhi violence in the last week of February,” the report said. 

Also read: Delhi Riots: Proactive Policy Needed to Protect Journalists, Media Rights Body Says

It lists accounts of seven journalists in the first phase in which journalists from Zee News, BBC and Asianet News and others were attacked when they were covering the anti CAA protests. 

Bushra Sheikh, a journalist with the BBC, was attacked by the police in South Delhi. “A male cop pulled her hair, hurled abuses and hit her with a baton,” the report said. 

In the second phase which the report evaluates, there were cases of seven attacks on journalists. Most of them were attacked either inside or outside JNU when they were covering protests or the violence that broke out in the campus. 

Ayush Tiwari of Newslaundry was confronted by a mob outside the JNU campus on January 5 and asked to chant ‘Bharat mata ki jai’. 

Also read: ‘Watched Crowds Swell Around Him Live on TV,’ Says Father of Journalist Who Was Shot

In the third phase, during the Delhi riots, the report details 14 cases of attacks. All the attacks took place on February 24 and 25 when the violence in north east Delhi, in which at least 53 people lost their lives, was at its peak. A journalist, Akash Napa, who works with JKx24 was shot by a mob. 

In a separate list of journalists attacked in places other than Delhi, the report details 15 cases including cases where security personnel attacked journalists clicking pictures in Srinagar.