Chhattisgarh: Shivalinga Uprooted, Brought to Court After Summons Sent to Temple

The notice did not summon the priest or administrator of the temple but the temple itself, and warned of a penalty of Rs 10,000 for non-appearance.

New Delhi: In a bizarre turn of events, a ‘blunder’ in summons issued by a court in Chhattisgarh’s Raigarh meant that a Shivalinga was uprooted and taken to the tehsil office in a pushcart on Friday.

According to the Times of India, a petition was filed against the encroachment of government land by ten people. The tehsil’s court issued summons to everyone in the matter, including a Shiva temple. A resident of Raigarh alleged that the temple has been built on government land.

The notice did not summon the priest or administrator of the temple but the temple itself, and warned of a penalty of Rs 10,000 for non-appearance.

Therefore, the locals “couldn’t think of a better idea than making ‘Lord Shiva’ appear in the tehsil court”, Times of India reported.

As the Shivalinga, with the sculpture of a snake around it, was being pushed towards the court, it “sparked a sensation and scores of people followed” it, according to the newspaper.

Court officials were stunned at the sight and checked the summons, revealing the error: that the notice mistakenly summoned the temple. Fresh summons in the name of a person will now be sent, according to reports. Friday’s hearing was cancelled and the matter will now be heard on April 13.

Chhattisgarh: 9 Sarpanchs Write to PM to Stop Mining Auction at Hasdeo Arand 

Mining in the region will affect the flow of natural resources, upon which hinges local tribals’ ‘atmanirbharta,’ the letter says.

New Delhi: Ahead of an upcoming auction of coal blocks for commercial mining, several elected sarpanchs from the Hasdeo Arand area of Chhattisgarh have written a letter to prime minister Narendra Modi, opposing the auction and demanding a ban on mining in the area.

Hasdeo Arand area comprises three districts of north Chhattisgarh: Sarguja, Surajpur and Korba. The mining auction for the area is scheduled on Thursday as part of the the coal ministry’s latest initiative.

Expressing concern and disappointment, the letter signed by nine sarpanchs said that on the one hand the prime minister has talked about “atmanirbharta” or self-sufficiency, and on the other he has made it easier to attack the livelihood, lifestyle and culture of Adivasis and forest-dwelling communities through this auction.

According to a statement by the sarpanchs:

“In the region, the gram sabhas have already built a model of “aatmnirbhar” local self-governance under the provisions of PESA [Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act] and FRA[Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act].

“However, disregarding the gram sabha resolutions and local opinions, seems contrary to the spirit of “aatmnirbharta” that the PM has spoken about.”

The statement also added that, “it is unfortunate that when the communities are already grappling with the COVID-19 crisis, they are faced with this uncertainty and threat of displacement.”

Last week the Union coal ministry had announced that on June 18, it will be launching the “first-ever commercial coal auction in the country”. The coal ministry also made note of its ‘theme’ – ‘Unleashing Coal: New Hopes for Atmanirbhar Bharat’ – in a statement.

Also read: How Malleable Laws, Pliant Panels Helped OIL Secure Clearance to Drill in Biodiverse Area

Claiming “it will be a historic day when Indian coal sector will break free from the shackles of restrictions to charter new growth,” Union coal minister Pralhad Joshi had said that the event will be graced by the prime minister and “it is his vision & guidance to make #AtmaNirbharBharat in coal. I am proud that we are well on our way to achieve it”

Speaking to The Wire, Ghatbarra sarpanch Jainandan Singh Porte said, “We don’t want any kind of mining in our area as it will destroy our livelihood and culture.”

“We are already atmanirbhar because of the natural resources in the area and mining will destroy that as we have seen in neighbouring areas such as Raigarh. We have been opposed to mining and several gram sabhas have passed resolution in this regard,” he added.

In January 2015, when an auction was planned for the first time, as many as 20 gram sabhas or village councils of the area had passed resolutions opposing auction of coal mines in the Hasdeo-Arand region, saying an auction would violate the FRA, 2006.

Hasdeo Arand-Letter to PM From Gram Sabhas by The Wire on Scribd


The sarpanchs have also pointed out in the letter that these villages lie in the Schedule 5 region where under the provisions of PESA and FRA, the consent of gram sabhas is required before mining starts.

“…The gram sabhas remained opposed to such mining in the past and have resolved not to give such consent in the future.

“…We are surprised and disappointed that despite these facts and continued opposition from the gram sabhas, 6 coal blocks in Hasdeo Arand have been put up on the list for auctions.”

According to Devsay, the sarpanch of Madanpur village in Korba district, villagers are totally dependent on the water, forest and land and mining will ‘finish that off’.

“It is these natural resources which makes us independent and money or any other form of compensation can’t substitute that in any sense,” Devsay told The Wire. He said that small water streams, which irrigate land in the area, will dry up if mining is allowed in the region.

Recalling the then Congress president’s visit to Madanpur, the sarpanch said, “Rahul Gandhi had also opposed the mining in the region.”

Also read: No, the Supreme Court Didn’t Cause the Economic Slowdown

“The Congress party and I stand by you,” Rahul Gandhi had told villagers during his visit, as per a report in the Business Standard.

In 2015, Madanpur had been the epicentre of protests against the coalfields at Hasdeo Arand. According to media reports, last year there were protests in the region and people from 20 villages had written to chief minister Bhupesh Baghel against alleged irregularities in land acquisition and allotment of coal blocks without the consent of gram sabhas.

“The protesters wrote to Baghel demanding that no mining project be given land in the region,” according to a report in the Hindustan Times. “They also appealed to the CM to scrap land acquisition in the villages of Salhi, Hariharpur and Fathepur in the Parsa coal block in Surguja and Surajpur districts”.

As per a detailed report on Mongabay, “There are 18 coal blocks in the Hasdeo Arand area and a major part of these coalfields are still in a virgin state, with huge resources of power grade coal. Out of the 18 coal blocks, mining operations are currently being carried out in two coal blocks – Parsa East and Kete Basan (PEKB) and Chotia.”

Moreover, the region was also part of a “no-go area” in 2010, and most parts continue to be under “inviolate” as per the latest documents of the government.

The sarpanchs have also sent the copy of the letter to the Union ministers for coal, tribal affairs, and environment, along with the chief minister of Chhattisgarh.

Tandoors That Burn on the Backs of Katkari Adivasis

With no land and few work options, the Katkari Adivasis of Maharashtra’s Raigad district migrate to charcoal kilns for several months a year for low wages, and at times, no pay.

It’s after noon when a few cars arrive outside the community temple at Nadsur Katkariwadi. Vishnu Waghmare peeps to see who has come and says something in Katkari boli. The group of around 15 men and women move out to greet the visitors.

Nadsur Katkariwadi is a hamlet in Nadsur panchayat of Sudhagad block in Maharashtra’s Raigad district (or Raigarh in the Census). Many of the 360 Katkari Adivasis here – a community listed as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group – migrate every year after Diwali, usually by mid-November. They work in the kilns of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka, and in Chiplun, Amravati and a few other places in Maharashtra. By early June, they return to the hamlet. These bhattis produce charcoal from the wood of babool trees, which is used for barbecues and tandoors in restaurants.

The trucks carrying the workers reach the kilns within Maharashtra after around 18 hours, and take up to 38 hours to reach the other states.  At the sites, the Katkaris put up flimsy dwellings on open fields using hay, bamboo and sugarcane waste. They stay in these without electricity or toilets, and in constant fear of wild animals and snakes.

The kilns produce charcoal from the wood of babool trees, which is used for barbecues and tandoors in restaurants. Credit: Karishma V./PARI

The babool groves are in the forests, on land usually owned by locals. The contractors make deals with the landowners for the wood in exchange for clearing up their fields for plantation. The workers cut the babool trees, set up a kiln, pour sand and bake the babool. They then have to fill trucks with the coal. After all the land is cleared of the trees, they clear the field and make it cultivable.

“The muqaddams pay Rs 20,000-40,000 upfront,” says Sandeep Pawar, 36, of Thanale Katkariwadi hamlet in the same panchayat. The amounts depend on the location of the bhatti and the type of tasks – and on the negotiations. “This much money paid for work in advance is  tempting for our people. Sometimes, if there is a wedding in the family, the muqaddams might pay a family up to Rs 80,000.”

At the kilns, a couple is regarded as a labour unit. Other family members who migrate, help with carrying sacks and with other tasks. This speeds up the work, but they are not paid separately. The contractors also give each family up to Rs 400 every week for food and ration supplies – that is, around Rs 12,000 for seven months. This amount is counted as part of the wages, which too the couple must work to pay off.

The work is gruelling, starting at 7 am and going on till at least 9 pm, with one day off in the week to buy provisions from nearby markets. Shashikant Waghmare, who is working this year in a bhatti in Khed taluka of Pune district, says, “Today is Makar Sankranti, and we are working non-stop since morning. Sometimes we load trucks with wood or coal till late at night.”

Also read: Adivasi Lives Don’t Matter

The contractors say they calculate the number of sacks filled for the payment at the end of the season, after deducting the advance. Mangesh Rathod, the muqaddam who visited the hamlet that day and is based in Ahmednagar town, around 240 kilometres away, says, “Each sack of coal contains 25 kilos and we pay a labourer [couple] Rs 120 for each sack filled.”

In a good season, a labouring family can fill up to 1,000 sacks – or Rs 1,20,000 worth of work. On average, a family usually fills at least  500 sacks, which should fetch them Rs 60,000 (minus the advance and ration amounts). But usually, at the end of the stay, a family does not receive any extra amount. No one in the nearly 40 families  I met at Nadsur Katkariwadi and Thanale Katkariwadi could recall being paid per sack. They all said that almost always they produce between 500-700 sacks of coal per season, but none of them had received any extra money any year at the end of the kiln season.

Sangita Waghmare, a 32-year-old regular in the babool kilns, says, “We had taken an advance of Rs 70,000 for a wedding. So, we had to work to repay that and the ration costs.”

That is, a total of about Rs 82,000, or nearly 700 sacks. She and her husband managed to fill 1,000 sacks that season. I showed her the calculation and asked her if she had got Rs 38,000 from the muqaddam for the remaining 300 sacks. She giggled and said, “He gave us a stereo and two gold coins.” That’s Rs 5,000 worth of incentive goodies.

The contractor gave Sangita Waghmare and her husband this stereo and two gold coins instead of the Rs. 38,000 owed to them. Credit: Karishma V./PARI

“If you are given an advance of Rs 30,000, you have to work till the muqaddam tells you that your dues are cleared. If a family manages only about 200 sacks in a season, they have to come back next year without pay and work till their dues are cleared off,” says 79-year-old Bapu Hilam, a respected senior of the hamlets.

During their months of stay around the coal kilns, the workload is immense and food is inadequate. By the time the Katkaris return to the hamlet, their kids are malnourished. In some districts, the anganwadisprovide extra eggs or groundnut chikkis between July-September each year for pregnant women, lactating mothers and children between 2-6 years of age.

Babu Mahadik, the headmaster of the Raigad Zilla Parishad School in Thanale (a non-Adivasi hamlet within the panchayat), says, “We have a total of 40 kids of whom about 20 are from Katkari families. After October, these kids migrate to other states with their parents and return in June. During these months, they are not enrolled in the local public schools. When they return, they are pushed to the next class due to the no-failing policy of the government. By the time they reach the ninth standard, all they know is mulakshar and barakhadi (basic literacy). Most of them fail in the 9th and drop out.”

Many of the non-Katkari families in hamlets like Thanale own land, and cultivate sprouts and legumes after the monsoon. Some look for daily wage work in and around the taluka. Many have family members working in town and cities.

The per-day rate for agriculture labour in Nadsur can go up to Rs 350 for men and Rs 250 for women. “But agriculture is seasonal here, and there is no work within the village after the monsoon, once the paddy harvest is complete. Most of us don’t have land of our own either. That is why our people migrate after the rains,” Sandeep says.

Also read: Does Raising Questions on the Rights of Adivasis Make Me a ‘Deshdrohi’?

When the Katkaris migrate, it also prolongs their attempts to acquire various documents. Many caste certificate forms are gathering dust at the tehsil office because the villagers migrated after applying and could not be present for the house-to-house evaluations conducted by talathis. A caste certificate, issued by the sub-divisional magistrate of a district, is an important document for Scheduled Tribes to access state schemes and subsidies. The Katkaris are also often absent during critical household surveys, due to which they are almost always unaccounted for.

Work options are limited in the hamlet, but is it worth going away for seven months for an amount that becomes threadbare when calculated for the entire family for that period? “In times of crisis and urgent need for money, the workers get as much advance as they need from the kiln contractors. MGNREGA might pay more per day (Rs 201), but payments get credited into the accounts six months after work. Some people have not yet been paid their dues from 2015,” says Vishnu, who was recently on a MGNREGA block-level social audit team.

The Forest Rights Act (FRA) of 2006, if implemented properly in the area, will help. Over 3,500 hectares of  Nadsur’s total geographical areas of roughly 5,100 hectares is forest land. But most of the Katkaris here don’t have land on which they can farm. The FRA could give them individual or community forest rights, that will allow cultivation as well as collection of minor forest produce. “Many of us used to cultivate in the forests till the forest officers shooed us away,” says Sandeep. “Now, a handful of us have managed to get titles to plots of forest land and don’t have to migrate.”

To avoid the kilns, Sandeep Pawar (left) enrolled in a state scheme to start a group kiln in the village, and Vishnu Waghmare (right) does odd jobs in nearby villages. Credit: Karishma V./PARI

Sandeep worked in a coal kiln for one season in 2009, then decided never to leave the village to live in those conditions. He had the option because his father Hari Pawar was allotted 33 gunthas (40 gunthas here equal in acre) through the FRA. His family also cultivates rice, nachani, vegetables and flowers on a bigger plot – for which they don’t have the land title – further inside the forest.

But only three families in Thanale Katkariwadi hamlet, of the hamlet’s 65 families, have got FRA land under ‘individual forest rights’. Many could not access it due to a lack of documentation or even awareness about the legal provisions.

The Integrated Tribal Development Project office in Pen taluka of Raigad district also has funds and schemes for Adivasis, especially for PVTGs like the Katkaris. One of them is a 100 per cent subsidy of Rs. 3 lakhs in three instalments to groups of 10 persons to set up a brick kiln. “Instead of going outside to work in bhattis [kilns], we have our own vit [brick] bhatti now,” says Sandeep. He and a group of nine others run the kiln and share the profits – a total of around Rs. 20,000 per family for eight months of work from around March to October. During this period, from June to October, some also find agricultural work for the kharif season.

But many Katkaris don’t know of the bhatti scheme. After Sandeep’s success, in 2018, two more applications from Nadsur Katkariwadi and one from another Katkari hamlet in the taluka have been sent in.

The tourism industry is also providing some work. Pali town in Sudhagad tehsil is famous for one of the eight Ganpatis of the Ashtavinayak circuit, and known for a historical fort and caves. Nadsur is an entry point for both. “We don’t migrate because we are employed by farmhouse owners. The wages are low [Rs. 200 a day for men, Rs. 150 for women], but at least we live close by. We also get some money in advance if we really need it,” says 51-year-old Bhiva Pawar of Bahirampada Adivasiwadi in Nadsur panchayat.

The 12 families of this hamlet all manage to stay back during the migration months, when Katkaris from the nearby hamlets leave in large numbers. One of them says, “If it were up to us, we wouldn’t leave our village ever.”

Karishma V. has been working as a Chief Minister’s Rural Development Fellow in Raigad district since April 2017. Her areas of interest are tribal development and women’s empowerment.

This article was originally published in the People’s Archive of Rural India on January 28, 2019.

What Mayawati Hopes to Gain by Sidestepping Mahagathbandhan in Chhattisgarh

Best case scenario for Mayawati is that she may be able to win five seats while the JCC may hope to win another three to five. The alliance will then push either the BJP or the Congress individually out of the race, meaning either party may get restricted to 35 seats.

Few people realise that the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is originally a Chhattisgarh-based party. Its founder, Kanshi Ram, fought his first Lok Sabha election, in 1984, from the Janjgir constituency in the state. His earlier avatars of the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti and the All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation were tested on the ground in Chhattisgarh in the early 1980s when he was still a leader of the industrial Dalits with a semi-socialist agenda. While he contested from Janjgir, he fielded Dauram Ratnakar, a 25-year-old industrial worker, from the reserved seat of Sarangarh. Neither won or came second, but they still made enough of a dent on others. Importantly, Kanshi Ram became encouraged to build the BSP into what it later became.

So for Mayawati, Chhattisgarh should be an emotional connect.

What has prompted her into an alliance with former chief minister Ajit Jogi’s nascent Janta Congress Chhattisgarh (JCC) on the eve of elections in the state in November still mystifies many. On the ground here, it is primarily being seen as Jogi’s success and his infinite ability to stay afloat in the face of adversity. It is also being interpreted as the Congress’s failure to keep Mayawati on board and variously as a sign of a weak mahagathbandhan or a tussle within the national opposition as to who will become the prime ministerial candidate.

Also read: In Blow to Congress, BSP Picks Ajit Jogi’s CJC as Ally for Chhattisgarh Polls

There are others who float deeper conspiracy theories, such as how Mayawati’s pathological hatred for P.L. Puniya, Congress general secretary in-charge of the state, may have thrown the BSP into the arms of an increasingly desperate-looking JCC. There are also reports from some quarters that she was dissatisfied with Congress’s offer of 10 seats to her party. Some even believe that the BJP has muscled her into an alliance with Jogi because the BSP-JCC alliance will damage the Congress more and improve the BJP’s prospects not only in Chhattisgarh but also nationally.

None of it or all of it may be true. But Mayawati is seasoned beyond such considerations. She had meetings with Ajit Jogi and his son, Amit, a couple of months ago when the former was admitted in a hospital in Delhi. It appears that Amit is known to have convinced her that figures and trends show that a third alternative is possible in Chhattisgarh. The core of his argument appears to be that both the Congress and the BJP together tally about 80% of the total votes in the state. This fact is borne out by figures of all the previous elections. That leaves a clear 20% vote which goes to independents, regional parties like the Gondwana Ganatantra Party and the Swabhiman Parishad and one-time players like the Nationalist Congress Party.

Ajit Jogi’s son, Amit, is known to have convinced Mayawati that figures and trends show that a third alternative is possible in Chhattisgarh. Ajit Jogi (L) and Amit Jogi. Credit: Facebook

Jogi had floated the Chhattisgarh Swabhiman Manch (CSM) in 2013 to test the waters and his own strength. It did well in Satnami (a scheduled caste that considers Jogi its own)-dominated areas, particularly Durg and Bilaspur districts. It cornered more than 5000 votes each in at least 15 seats and perhaps caused the defeat of a few Congress stalwarts like the present Pradesh Congress Committee president Bhupesh Baghel and the then leader of opposition Ravindra Choubey. The BJP was quite happy as Jogi has always been seen as a thorn in the Congress’ side. Rahul Gandhi also saw it this way after the 2013 defeat, which laid the ground for later expulsion of Jogi and his son from the party.

BSP has in all elections since 1984 consistently polled between 4-6% of the total votes in Chhattisgarh. That is part of the 20% vote share outside the combined vote share of the BJP and the Congress in the state. But there are 10 assembly constituencies in northern Chhattisgarh where the BSP polls between 15-30% and has won five of those ten seats at various times though not all of them at the same time. These seats are in Korba, Bilaspur, Sarguja and Raigarh districts. The BSP presently holds the Jaijaipur seat but stands a chance of winning Chandrapur, Pamgarh, Sakti, Baikunthpur, Janjgir and Navagarh.

Also read: To Unseat Modi in 2019, Congress Must Work Around Priorities of Regional Parties

Considering the BSP has not grown beyond 6% in the state but has continued to wield influence in these seats sub-regionally, Mayawati’s first attempt is to hold on to her territory. An understanding with the Congress does not guarantee her that. The Congress was at best willing to give her 8-10 seats, limiting her to her core area. And that was her main worry. While she was limited to her core area, Ajit Jogi’s JCC, which is a similar Dalit agenda party, would have spread its wings across the state, damaging the BSP in its core area as well. If Jogi aligns with the Gondwana (as is quite possible), he would have actually damaged the BSP in those very ten seats where it has grown over last so many years.

The present alliance with the JCC allows the BSP to contest not only in its core seats but eight of the ten reserved SC seats and another 15 seats where it can piggy back over Jogi, particularly in the Durg, Mahasamund, Dhamtari and Gariyaband districts. The BSP has neither anyone with Jogi’s charisma in its ranks nor anyone with Amit Jogi’s sharp analytical skills. It can thus can utilise both, contain damage and concentrate on its own strengths.

Whatever the alliance may say, what is true at the moment – when neither tickets neither election dates have been announced – is that the best case scenario for Mayawati is that she may be able to win five seats while the JCC may hope to win another three to five. If the alliance manages to achieve that, then it will push either the BJP or the Congress individually out of the race, meaning either party may get restricted to 35 seats. Alternatively, if they remain neck and neck, as they have in every election so far, then also they would hover around forty-two. This would be short of the 46 mark required for a simple majority in a 90-member house. Mayawati with her five seats may play the kingmaker on her own without any help even from the alliance partner. That is the scenario she expects if she has  to negotiate with the central government/the BJP or indeed with the mahagathbandhan/the Congress.

Neeraj Mishra is a senior journalist who has covered elections in central India for more than two decades.

‘Youth Icon’ Raipur District Collector Set to Join BJP, Contest Assembly Polls

O.P. Choudhary’s induction into the party is imminent and the 37-year-old IAS officer is likely to contest the assembly elections from his home state of Raigarh.

New Delhi: Ahead of polls in Chhattisgarh, the BJP is all set to announce the entry of Raipur district collector O.P. Choudhary into the party. According to the Indian Express, the 37-year-old 2005-batch IAS officer is likely to contest the assembly elections from his home district of Raigarh.

The party has held talks with the officer, who is credited with the creation of the ‘education city’ in Dantewada during his time as the district collector there, for at least two months, the Indian Express reported. While the party has not yet officially declared Choudhary’s arrival, it plans to project him as a ‘youth leader’. According to the Indian Express, senior BJP leader Sachidanand Upasne said, “So far, there is no official information on this. But if someone were to join, it would be welcomed.”

Choudhary hails from the Aghariya caste, which has considerable influence in Raigarh.

The IAS officer is a recipient of the Prime Minister’s Award for Excellence in Public Administration and has spearheaded the first-of-its-kind 24×7 community learning centre ‘Nalanda Parisar’ in the state’s capital city. He also started a ‘good Samaritan’ initiative in Raipur, under which people who help victims of road accidents would be given an incentive of Rs 5,000 from the Red Cross fund.

Congress spokesperson Shailesh Nitin Trivedi told the Indian Express that the Congress was ready to fight bureaucrats if they entered the political field. “Thus far, the BJP has been using bureaucrats in office to do their dirty work. Now, if these officers want to enter the political field and fight it out openly in the political arena, we welcome it,” he said.

Survey Reveals Pathetic Health Conditions Around Raigarh Coal Mines, Plants

Doctors and activists found a higher than normal incidence of tuberculosis, mental illnesses and arthritis-like joint pains, even among people below the age of 30.

Doctors and activists found a higher than normal incidence of tuberculosis, mental illnesses and arthritis-like joint pains, even among people below the age of 30.

The production of tendu leaves in Raigarh has fallen drastically due to coal mining, according to a farmer in the district. Credit: indiawaterportal/Flickr, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

The production of tendu leaves in Raigarh has fallen drastically due to coal mining, according to a farmer in the district. Credit: indiawaterportal/Flickr, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

Tired, ghoulish bodies moving around in a field of ash casting a blanket of sameness against vast, black mines, broken now and then by the bright yellow of scorching fires – this is what a coal mine looks like. Lighting up the nation comes at a steep price for communities living near these mines and the coal-fired power plants that generate electricity. Aside from having their air severely polluted,, these people also suffer from hair loss, allergies, arthritis and mental illnesses, according to a new study that surveyed households in several villages near coal mines and plants in Chhattisgarh.

The ill effects of coal mining are not unknown. A 2013 report used air pollution data near about a 100 coal plants across the nation, representing a total power capacity of about 120 GW, and estimated that these installations were responsible for the deaths of about 100,000 people in 2011 alone, as well as more than 20 million asthma cases.

Coal mines are notorious for polluting everything around them. The Jharia mines in Jharkhand are a poster child for the terrible impacts this source of energy has on a country’s people and environment. Although this mine is the most productive and possesses better than average quality of coal compared to other mines in India, the resulting pollution has devastated the region. Fires have also been burning continuously in the mines for almost a century, scorching the earth and releasing carcinogenic gases into the atmosphere. Respiratory diseases have added to the death toll of accidents in the mines. The mines’ run-offs and coal washings have muddied the Damodar river.


Also read: As mining resumes, villagers in Goa’s Sonshi say it’s ‘back to hell’


The region stretching from Raniganj in West Bengal, to most of Jharkhand and into northern Chhattisgarh, together with parts of eastern Maharashtra, has the country’s largest coal reserves. It supports numerous mines and thermal power plants, allowing India to be one of the top five coal-producing countries in the world. On the flip side, the communities living near the mines and power plants are among the most devastated in turn.

Raigarh in Chhattisgarh has been home to several plants and coal mines, all but one of which are privately operated, for almost two decades. The people in the surrounding villages have been living here for much longer than that, farming and raising livestock. Since the mines and plants were set up, they have lost agricultural land and the surrounding forests, which had been another source of sustenance for the villagers. They have been organising protests and writing numerous letters to officials, all falling on deaf ears.

“The [2013] study came through a community demand,” says Rinchin, an environmentalist and one of the authors. “One was to highlight what is happening” and another another to highlight the fact that not enough attention was being paid to the people’s problems. In 2013-2014, people from Sarasmal and Kosampalli villages monitored the air pollution with the help of some NGOs and were startled by their findings. Water levels in the rivers and ponds had fallen; they found that fly ash was forming a layer on everything it could land on, from treetops to rooftops. So there was a need to document what the villagers were seeing using scientific methods, according to Rinchin.

Long-term residents of Sarasmal, Kosampalli and Dongamouha in Raigarh – 515 people (including children) – were asked about their respiratory, musculoskeletal, neurological and gastrointestinal conditions. The cohort excluded miners, plant workers and migrants. About 200 attended a medical check-up by doctors to evaluate their complaints further. All these people lived within 2 km of the mines and plants.

Soil, air and water samples were obtained and analysed from these villages. Most villagers depend on underground water sources such as tube wells and borewells for drinking water, and ponds and streams for bathing, washing and for animals.

Air samples showed high levels of arsenic, lead, nickel, manganese and silicon – higher than the permissible limit specified by Indian standards. They also showed excessive quantities of gases like NOx and carbon monoxide. The soil and water samples were equally pathetic.


Also read: Industry starts sending out warning signals over India’s coal ‘shortage’


However, an independent source, speaking on condition of anonymity, said coal mining does not always produce heavy metals: “These minerals can only be spread by mining if they were already first present in the soil” (paraphrased for clarity).

Many of these metals are either suspected or known to be carcinogens and contribute to a host of other illnesses like high blood-pressure, kidney damage, chronic respiratory issues and mental illnesses.

This was borne out by the health survey. Only a little more than 10% of those surveyed didn’t report any issues, regardless of how well-off they were or weren’t. The remaining 89%+ complained of several health problems, with family members showing similar symptoms. Dry cough, breathing difficulties, heavy hair loss and itchy eyes were common. Skin issues like discolouration, deeply chapped feet (even in young children), itchy skin and rashes were very common. Women experienced chronic complaints more than men. Several people reported that they had also developed these various symptoms within a year of each other.

“We have [also] found a couple of things we initially did not expect,” says Manan Ganguli, a medical doctor who was part of the study. A large proportion complained of joint pains and arthritis-like symptoms. Remarkably, people younger than 30 years, about one third of the surveyed population, reported these symptoms. This is worrying because such afflictions generally only show up in old age in healthy populations.

Another such striking result was the prevalence of mental illnesses. About 12% reported depression and anxiety, confirmed by a psychiatrist on the team. Ganguli says this proportion is more than what one would see on average in a population and is something that requires further investigation.

The bad news doesn’t end there. In Sarasmal, there were 12 tuberculosis cases among 341 villagers surveyed. Ganguli is not sure if there is a link between TB and the pollution. “We looked into it but it requires further” study, according to him – though that didn’t prevent him from speculating. There has been some evidence linking TB and air pollution. It’s possible that, given the various ailments prevalent in the area, the villagers’ immunity has been compromised, leaving them more susceptible to TB, he said.

Every step of the power-production process – mining, washing, transport and burning – hurts the people who make it possible. The Raigarh survey has only shown that these also include people living in the vicinity of these activities. Their suffering subsidises the privilege of those who consume that power. Rinchin says that, in all the government clearances required to commence mining and firing, there is an environmental component but never a health component.


Also read: Photo Story: The coal curse of Raigarh


A different official, who also wished to remain unnamed, remained optimistic and said, “Coal mining nowadays is absolutely safe if done scientifically.” For example, the fly ash can be used for making bricks or refilling the mine instead of dumping it as topsoil – but this should be done in a way that does not pollute groundwater. Modern thermal power plants also use other technologies that prevent the release of smoke and are considered environmentally safe.

Rinchin isn’t convinced. There needs to be an alternative even if you can say mines and power plants can be operated safely, she says. In other words, we need to rethink how much energy we need and what the alternatives to coal are.

While many countries have been trying to phase coal out, India has been commissioning more mines and more thermal power plants. At the same time, the Centre hasn’t been doing much to mitigate the health hazards either. They need to come down strictly on companies that violate environmental laws and make it more difficult to get clearances.

Lakshmi Supriya is a freelance science writer based in Bengaluru.

Photo Story: The Coal Curse of Raigarh

The people, whose land was turned into geometrical black holes, are rising against further land acquisition and forest diversion for mining in the area.

The people, whose land was turned into geometrical black holes, are rising against further land acquisition and forest diversion for mining in the area.

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Enraged residents of Bhengari have witnessed their landscape transform and have failed to get the government regulatory and local authorities to act. Credit: Manshi Asher

Metaphors unfurl at the strangest moments and in the most unexpected ways. In a seemingly uneventful adivasi region of Chhattisgarh, flags of black smoke, hoisted from power plant stacks, are reaching for the sky. Today, it’s not just the grey skies that narrate the story of Raigarh. The Earth, stripped bare and quarried, has a lot to say.

The arteries of the Mahanadi basin ­– Kelo and Mand – that are now transporting toxic residues of a mineral more precious than gold, are carrying the proof with its every ebb and flow. The children of this soil, who are being hauled by the changing tides, part resisting part relenting, are still waiting to be heard.

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Kosampalli village. Credit: Manshi Asher

In Kosampalli village, there is a lull in the early morning air. Pictured above is Tamnar, a subdivision of Raigarh district, now known for the Gare Pelma coal block of the Mand-Raigarh coalfields (the largest coal reserve in the state). It is spread over an expanse of over 112000 hectares. The Gare Pelma coal block alone has close to 13 mines, the oldest being Gare IV/1.

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A young boy sits at the edge of a miniature mud village that he created. Credit: Manshi Asher

For those who sat in faraway places and carved out pieces of this ‘treasure’, the land was merely a numeric and the Earth on it was ‘overburden’. Underneath lay 21,117 mt tonnes of coal, which has to be removed to fire the engine of economic growth and achieve development. For this boy, sitting at the edge of a miniature mud village that he has created, Earth has a different value.

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Protest rally in Kosampalli against any further land acquisition and forest diversion for mining in the area. Credit: Rinchin

Affected by Gare block IV/2 and IV/3, which was allotted to Jindal Steel & Power Limited (JSPL) in the late 1990s, there has been no mining activity in the area after a reallocation was ordered by the Supreme Court.

South Eastern Coalfields Limited is the new custodian of these mines, but the people of Kosampalli are at the forefront of a movement against any further land acquisition and forest diversion for mining in the area. On June 23, 2016, the people of the region organised a massive rally demanding implementation of the Forest Rights Act and compensation as per the new Land Acquisition Act of 2013. In July, they also carried out a week-long blockade.

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Kanhai Patel points out how unfit the drinking water from the tube well is. Credit: Manshi Asher

Kanhai Patel – one of the leaders of the struggle that recently held a blockade in the region – points out how unfit the drinking water from the tube well is. A report by the Public Health Engineering Department also documents that the ground water levels in over 100 villages in Tamnar had fallen by up to 100 feet since the mines opened. In about 40 villages, the water table has dropped by up to 150 feet.

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The Jindal power colony. Credit: Manshi Asher

Not too far from Kosampalli, the JSPL is discharging its untreated sewage into Karra Nala, which meets the Kelo river downstream.

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Fly ash dump opposite the Jindal power plant on a plantation. Credit: Manshi Asher

A fly ash dump opposite the Jindal power plant has buried a forest plantation. Forests of mahua, tendu and sarai are being wiped out by coal mining and the thermal power plants. The region was once known as the centre of tendu collection and kosa silk production. But the increasing pollution and deforestation has destroyed these forms of local livelihoods.

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Jindal’s thermal power plant in Tamnar is pictured in the background and in the fore is the ash dyke, which is spread over close to 300 hectares. Credit: Manshi Asher

After the controversial expansion of its thermal power plant from 1000 MW to 2400 MW, Jindal still needs to acquire an additional land of about 240 hectares for another ash dyke. Residents of the villages whose land is to be acquired are fighting in court to oppose the move.

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Gare IV/1 at the Nagramuda village. Credit: Manshi Asher

JSPL adopted the Nagramuda village and has been mining here for the last two decades. People of the village, who were once dependent on agriculture and forests for their livelihood, turned into coal mine workers. After the reallocation of the mine, many of them lost their jobs and are now struggling to survive.

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Underground fire in Nagarmuda mine. Credit: Manshi Asher

Underground fires may be considered an unusual event, or one that occurs only after extensive long-term mining. But in the Nagramuda mines, they are simmering and slowly eating away the land at the edge of the village forest.

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Tailings in paddy field. Credit: Manshi Asher

Jindal’s footsteps were promptly followed by all its competitors, perhaps because there is no other way to mine coal and turn it into power in an area abundant in forest and farm resources. Tailings from the Jayaswal Neco mines are destroying the paddy fields in Kokdel village.

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Fly ash dump in Gharghoda. Credit: Manshi Asher

Fly ash dumps on paddy fields in Bhengari village of the neighbouring Gharghoda subdivision, which is slowly turning into a hotbed of power plants and mines.

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Felled trees. Credit: Manshi Asher

Close to 960 trees were felled by TRN Energy Private Limited, which is running a 600 MW power plant in Gharghoda. According to the locals, it is a part of elephant corridor and it is not just humans who are suffering the consequences of these activities.

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TRN Thermal Power Plant at Gharghoda. Credit: Manshi Asher

The smoking stack of the TRN Thermal Power Plant at Gharghoda stands tall and proud. Meanwhile, Naveen Jindal, whose name has become synonymous with Raigarh in the last decade, was proudly uploading images of unfurling of the tricolour at the campus of Jindal Power Limited on Independence Day, a right he won from the court so that we all could share the feeling of nationhood via the national flag. ‘We’ excludes indigenous people or adivasis whose land was turned from lush forests and fields into geometrical black holes.

Manshi Asher is a researcher-activist and carried out this documentation as a part of an independent fact finding team looking into environmental violations in coal based projects in Tamnar and Ghargoda, Raigarh.