nagaland peace accord

Why Police Prevented a Naga Civil Society Group’s Meeting With a German Diplomat

The Naga Mothers’ Association was prevented from meeting German consul general Manfred Auster. An embassy spokesperson has said that while a meeting with the NGO was scheduled, ‘there is no cooperation project by the German government’ with it.

New Delhi: Nagaland is one of the Northeastern states that will hold meetings of the G20 during India’s presidency this year. Between April 4 and 6, a series of B20 meetings were held in the state capital Kohima with a galaxy of representatives from the G20 countries exploring business possibilities in the landlocked region.

Among those present in Kohima to take part in the Conference on Opportunities for Multilateral Business Partnerships in Agriculture and Food Processing on behalf of Germany was its consul general Manfred Auster. Speaking at the event on April 5, Auster complimented the Indian government for hosting the event in a conflict-ridden state like Nagaland, and added that being in the state, they could learn from the Nagas themselves about the situation in their state, the negotiations and the “will on all sides to find solutions”.

“For Germany, it is clear that the rule of law has to prevail and that is a very good basis for solving conflict, probably the only basis for coming to lasting solutions and that is the case everywhere domestically and in international relations,” an EastMojo report quoted the consul general as saying. “The fact that the Government of India (GoI) was inviting us to Nagaland despite some ongoing demands from civil societies that we could have read about in the papers is a sign of maturity of Indian democracy,” he added.

Events that transpired a day later suggest that the German diplomat may have spoken too soon. A six-member delegation of the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA), which has been one of the frontal organisations in Nagaland seeking an amicable peace accord between all stakeholders in the state and New Delhi, was barred from meeting Auster.

Manfred Auster. Photo: German Consulate General Kolkata

Meeting scuttled

As per a press statement issued by NMA, the association’s six-member delegation arrived at Hotel De Oriental Grand at Kohima on April 6 to meet the German diplomat for tea on the basis of an invitation extended by his office on March 21. The statement said they had met the German diplomat at the Hornbill Festival in December 2022 and were keen to take forward a discussion with him to fund a project on women.

However, as soon as they arrived at the hotel, they were surrounded by dozens of police personnel in plainclothes and told that they couldn’t proceed beyond the lobby, the NMA statement said. The police told the delegation that they had been instructed not to allow them to meet the consul general.

“Then the Additional Superintendent of Police rushed into the hotel and conveyed that if the NMA wanted to meet the German Consul General they would have to go and meet the (state) Home Department or the top police officials. We refused as we had been invited for the meeting and had not sought any appointment (with the diplomat),” the NMA statement said.

“Following much chaos, the German Consul General Manfred Auster himself came to the lobby, apologising for the government obstruction to the meeting,” added the statement. “We were able to share our various concerns on the situation in the state, standing in the hotel lobby, surrounded by police and G20 staff,” the NMA said, regretting that no discussion, though, could take place on the project.

Condemning the government’s action, and disrespect shown to the women’s delegation, which also included former members of the state women’s commission, the NMA added, “If this is the way the State government treats foreign country top leaders and stops discussions for investments and grants, what is the real purpose of hosting the G20 and B20 Summits in the state?”

Confirming the NMA’s appointment with the consul general, a German embassy spokesperson told The Wire, “In line with the functions of any diplomatic mission, our Consulates regularly reach out to the public, the media and to a wide range of civil society within their consular districts. A meeting with the NGO in question was scheduled in this context.”

As of now, the spokesperson said, “There is no cooperation project by the German government with the NGO in question.”

Speculating why the government might have barred the NMA delegation from meeting the diplomat, a Kohima-based senior journalist, on condition of anonymity, told The Wire, “NMA was part of a joint statement issued by some top frontal organisations of the state on April 4 seeking international intervention to find a solution to the vexed Naga issue. It looks like the government’s action was in tandem with that move.”

Civil society organisations sought intervention

On the day the G20 representatives arrived in Nagaland, NMA, along with three other top civil society organisations – the Naga Students Federation (NSF), the Naga Hoho (NH) and Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) – urged the international community through a statement to “humanly intervene in the violations of human rights in the Naga country”.

The statement read:

“A political dialogue following the ceasefire agreement in 1997 is in place and a framework agreement in 2015 has been signed by the representatives of the government of India and the Naga people as the basis to work out the political agreement to resolve the armed confrontation. Although a decade shy of two years is nearly passed, yet the political resoluteness and honourable approach and guarantee on the part of the government of India remains a dangerous doubt.”

It then said, “We implore upon the international community to humanly intervene in the violations of human rights in our Naga country, recognize our legitimate political, social, economic and religious rights as enshrined in the United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People.” The joint statement also recalled former UN secretary-general Boutros Boutros Ghali “while still holding the office, officially acknowledging” that “there is human rights situation in Nagaland.”

With rarely an event of global stature taking place in the Northeastern state, where the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act is in place, these signatories to the statement had also put up large banners at strategic positions in the state accusing “India/Burma” of “occupying” their land. According to local news reports, on April 4, NSF and Diphupar Naga Students Union held banners on the route that the delegates took which read, “Nagas had no conflict with any other nations till Indian military invaded and occupied our country.” The reports said such banners were put at the airport junction in Dimapur and at Patkai Bridge along the national highway that connects Dimapur to Kohima “to express the ‘aspiration’ of the Naga people.”

Nagas hold banners as G20 delegates arrive in Kohima for a meeting. Photo: By special arrangement

Confirming the news, Kegwayhun Tep, president of NSF, told The Wire, “Not every time you get to see such a large international delegation visiting Nagaland. We, therefore, thought of asserting our citizens’ rights in a democracy to voice our thoughts, which we did by putting up banners. I should say, it was successful considering there was heavy security across the state and yet we could assert our democratic right.”

Note: This article has been updated since publication with the German embassy spokesperson’s response.

AAPSU on Naga Talks: ‘Will Strongly Oppose Any Territorial Changes to Arunachal’

The apex students’ body has advocated for the assurances given by the Centre’s interlocutor and present Nagaland Governor R.N. Ravi in 2015.

Itanagar: The AAPSU appealed to the Centre on Wednesday to keep Arunachal Pradesh away from any kind of “territorial changes” while finding a solution to the decades-old Naga political problem.

The All Arunachal Pradesh Students Union (AAPSU) stated that the talks should not affect the state and its people in any way.

We welcome the initiative taken by the successive governments in resolving the Naga issue. However, we would also like to make it clear that the indigenous people of Arunachal Pradesh will strongly oppose any attempts made to change the territorial jurisdiction of the state or any kind of administrative, political or other interventions while reaching a final solution to the decades-old insurgency problem in Nagaland, it said in a statement.

Also read: Could the Home Ministry Bring More ‘Facilitators’ to Break Naga Peace Talks Deadlock?

The apex students’ body said the Centre should also stand by the assurances given by its interlocutor and present Nagaland Governor R N Ravi in 2015.

Ravi, during his meeting with the AAPSU in 2015, had promised that Arunachals interest would not be compromised during the time of executing the final draft of the Naga Peace Accord.

The union called upon all the legislators of the state, the MPs, and the political parties to strongly oppose any possible attempts to alter the states territorial jurisdiction and administration for the proposed accord.

We are very much aware of the NSCN-IM’s vision of Nagalim or Greater Nagaland but there are no Nagas in Arunachal Pradesh. We have always, on record, objected to their vested interest designs,” it said.

The map of Nagalim, released by the NSCN-IM a few years ago, includes Tirap, Changlang, Longding, Anjaw, Lohit and Namsai districts of Arunachal Pradesh.

The NSCN-IM leadership is currently in Delhi and held two rounds of official-level discussions in the last few days.

Could the Home Ministry Bring More ‘Facilitators’ to Break Naga Peace Talks Deadlock?

While the demand for the removal of interlocutor R.N. Ravi grows, the arrival of key leaders in New Delhi suggests a measure to smoothen disagreements could be in the offing.

New Delhi: Amid the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagalim-Isak Muivah’s reported demand for a change of the Centre’s interlocutor for the Naga peace talks, the Ministry of Home Affairs is looking at the possibility of bringing in a set of new “facilitators” to break the deadlock, it is learned.

The home ministry, however, plans to keep the present interlocutor in place.

The NSCN (I-M) is the signatory to the framework agreement (FA) with the central government.

Several sources that The Wire spoke to in New Delhi and Nagaland, along with top civil society leaders in the north-eastern state who are privy to the latest developments, have corroborated this fresh development.

A senior official at the MHA, on condition of anonymity, said that though the NSCN (I-M) “is more for a change of the interlocutor” – Nagaland governor R.N. Ravi – the “Ministry is not likely to concede (to it) at the moment. Instead, it may look at the possibility of bringing in a few more facilitators, though, nothing is final yet.”

Going by the NSCN (I-M)’s statement issued to mark five years of the inconclusive talks after the signing of the FA in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi in 2015, The Wire had stated on August 3 that the organisation may be aiming for a change of interlocutor for the accord.

Also read: NSCN (I-M) Blames Interlocutor – the Nagaland Governor – for Peace Accord Delays

In the last few months, the unease between the NSCN and Ravi has been coming out in the open. In that anniversary statement, while the NSCN praised “the dynamic leadership of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi” for signing the “historic framework agreement” with it, it was scathing in its criticism of Ravi, accusing him of “deceptive manner of handling the FA”.

It said he “deceitfully went beyond the call of interlocutor to indulge himself in playing divisive game among the Nagas to dismantle the very foundation of FA”.

All of these were a clear indication that the organisation may be seeking a replacement of Ravi due to deteriorating relations. An Indian Express report on August 9, citing “sources” in the NSCN, also stated that they would request that the forthcoming round of talks “be conducted by a new interlocutor”.

Speculation in local news dailies have it that the names of A.B. Mathur, the Centre’s interlocutor for the NDFB talks and the continuing talks with the ULFA in Assam and the UPF-KNO of Manipur, and Lt Gen (retd) Himalaya Singh from Manipur are doing the rounds as a possible new interlocutor of the Centre for the Naga talks.

However, on past August 9, a senior MHA official told this correspondent that at the behest of the Ministry, Nagaland chief minister Neiphu Rio and Assam finance minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had air-dashed to New Delhi late last week in a chartered flight along with some others, including former president of the Naga Hoho Keviletuo.

Signing the Framework Accord. Credit: PTI

Signing of the Framework Agreement in 2015. Credit: PTI

The team met NSCN general secretary Th. Muivah who has been in New Delhi since July 20 for the twin reasons of getting his health checked and to seek a change of the interlocutor by the MHA to break the deadlock in the talks. The scheduled talks of the NSCN in the second week of July with Ravi did not take place. Among the sustained issues with the organisation have been a strong demand for a separate flag and a constitution.

Also read: What Ails the Naga Peace Process?

None of the stakeholders are, however, ready to officially talk about the government’s latest line of thinking at the moment, though the MHA official has stated that Rio and Sarma are likely to be a part of it. The Wire had contacted Sarma for a confirmation of the meeting with Muivah and the likelihood of him being a part of the talks but he didn’t comment on either.

A top source privy to it in the Nagaland government has however, confirmed the meeting to The Wire.

“It looks like the Central government at the moment is not likely to change the interlocutor but other factors can be brought in to help facilitate the talks, and most likely it will happen. The talks have been going on for long, it is the break it or make it point, all efforts will be made at the moment to make it a success,” the source said, refusing to be named here citing that reason that, “till it happens, nothing can be confirmed”.

After Muivah, his wife and a few NSCN leaders reached Delhi in a chartered flight on July 20, a five-member team of the group flew to the National Capital from Nagaland on August 7 by a special flight. This was followed by another nine-member delegation of top leaders who arrived on August 8 by another hired flight. Since the governor-cum-interlocutor Ravi is also learnt to be travelling to Delhi on August 11, the expectation is that the stalemate will be broken and a round of talks will begin in Delhi.

“We can’t confirm the meeting or the exact date at the moment but since all of the top NSCN leaders are in Delhi and so is the interlocutor, the next round of talks are most likely to happen,” said the source.

According to a news report in The Deccan Chronicle on August 10 citing “authoritative security sources”, the Prime Minister’s Office has “set a September deadline for the final settlement of all Naga political issues”, adding that Ravi has been asked to restart the process “next week” to “thrash out differences over some of the minor rhetorical issues”.

While in some sections of the media, there have been speculation of a Naga peace accord announcement by Modi on August 15, going by this report, and The Wire’s conversation with government and BJP sources in the Northeast, it seems highly unlikely. However, there is a precedent to such announcements on the Northeast.

In 1985, the top leaders of the Assam Movement were brought in batches by special flights to New Delhi and the Assam Accord was signed on the intervening night of August 14-15. Then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had announced it in his Independence Day speech from the Red Fort.

The Centre’s likely attempt to involve a senior leader of a neighbouring north-eastern state (may be Sarma) to help sort out a vexed issue is also not new. So there is precedent of the Centre including a chief minister of the state to help solve major peace issues with an armed group.

While in Assam, then Manipur chief minister Dorendro Singh was asked by the Indira Gandhi government to act as an intermediary for a possible solution to the Assam foreigners’ issue in the early 1980s, the Mizoram chief minister Lalthanhawla was kept in the loop during the Centre’s peace talks with the Mizo National Front, leading him to vacate his seat for Laldenga to become that state’s chief minister after the signing the Mizo Accord with the Rajiv Gandhi government in 1986.

Meanwhile, back in Nagaland, two of the prominent civil society groups are of the opinion that the interlocutor, Ravi, is functioning in an “autocratic” manner. In a separate memorandum to the Prime Minister, the Naga Hoho, the apex body of all Naga tribes, and the Naga Mother’s Association have reportedly stated that Ravi has been “hounding” the same Naga groups with whom he is supposed to negotiate and conclude the peace talks.

However, the Nagaland Gaon Burah Association or the body of the village heads, in a press statement, have opposed the demand for change of interlocutor. The working committee of the seven Naga National Political Groups, brought in by Ravi to join the peace talks, are also opposed to the idea of changing him as the government’s intermediary stating that it would turn the clock back on the talks.

Watch | The Naga Question: Insurgency, Ceasefire and the Peace Process

In conversation with India’s former home secretary Gopal Krishna Pillai about a range of issues surrounding the Naga quest for greater autonomy.

Happymon Jacob speaks to India’s former home secretary Gopal Krishna Pillai on a range of issues concerning the Naga quest for greater autonomy. Pillai provides a historical overview of the Naga issue, the unilateral declaration of independence, the Indian state’s response, the insurgency and the many efforts that have been made for peace.

Pillai also highlights the many factions within the Naga movement, delineating their respective positions and demands, his views on the 2015 framework agreement and the progress that has since been made.

In Centre’s Haste to Seal a Naga Accord, Peace Shouldn’t Be the First Casualty

Nagaland governor R.N. Ravi has categorically stated that, if required, the Centre would drop the NSCN (I-M) – the principal signatory of the agreement – and proceed to deliver the accord with other stakeholders.

New Delhi: Going by the recent statements made by the central government regarding the ongoing Naga peace talks, come this October 31, it appears that there will be a ‘Naga Accord’ in hand.

Duly signed by ‘stakeholders’.

The ‘Accord’ will be the culmination of a peace course that has been underway since August 2015 after the Narendra Modi government entered into a framework agreement with the Isak-Muivah flank of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN).

At this point, what is to be not discounted, however, is the tone and substance of the statements – made by the peace talks interlocutor-turned Nagaland governor R.N. Ravi – encapsulating the progress in the talks, or the lack of it, surrounding the October 31 deadline.

Of late, the former deputy National Security Advisor (NSA) to the Modi government has not only accused the NSCN (I-M) of “mischievously” delaying the peace pact “under the shadow of guns” but has also categorically stated that, if required, the Centre would drop the outfit – the principal signatory of the agreement – and proceed to deliver the accord with other stakeholders. Essentially, Ravi meant that at this point in time, the Centre was ready to set aside the framework agreement – once termed “historic” by Modi himself.

Much to Ravi’s credit, over the last four years, he did engage with non-armed but crucial stakeholders from Naga society – the Naga Mothers’ Association, Nagaland Gaonburrah (village head) Federation, the Naga Hoho, United Naga Council (from Manipur), Church leaders among several others – in the peace process. At this juncture, however, those whom Ravi has indicated as the stakeholders that the Centre would rather take on board the peace bandwagon are the six (now seven) Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs).

These NNPGs are also armed rebel groups, currently under ceasefire, just like the NSCN–IM. They are the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN), GPRN/NSCN, Naga National Council (parent body), National People’s Government of Nagaland of the NNC (Non Accordist), NSCN (reformation), Naga National Council/Government Democratic Republic of Nagaland and the K. Konyak faction of NSCN. Together, they constitute a working committee, formed in November 2017.

The joining of the last rebel group, NSCN (Konyak), early this year, also highlighted the fact that a formal de-linking has happened between the Nagas of the Myanmar-based NSCN (Khaplang) group on the basis of their nationalities. The Indian Nagas in the K-faction are now represented by Konyak and have crossed over to Nagaland to join the peace process.

Also read: Naga Peace Accord Remains Hazy and Full of Pitfalls

This can certainly be termed an achievement, delivered through a joint effort of the Indian and Myanmarese governments, as it has now brought the vexed Naga issue well within the present-day geographical confines. The mother group of the NSCN-K will now look at resolving its political issues by being a part of the Myanmarese peace process.

Earlier this year in February, the Myanmarese army had also taken control of the NSCN (K) headquarters.

The presence of the Myanmarese army in the contiguous Naga areas close to the Indian border also indicates that it would not be easy for the NSCN-IM to carry out its business as usual in Myanmar in the event that the ceasefire with the government of India ceases due to a breakdown in talks, and military action ensues.

Going by the tone and substance of Ravi’s statements, the government seems to be hinting at such an option. In what was clearly an attempt to check the pulse of the people’s representative bodies in this regard, Ravi held a meeting with delegates of the 14 Naga tribes and non-Naga communities among others at Kohima’s Hotel Japhu on October 18.

He reportedly made it clear to them that the meeting was held only to pass “information” (to them about the Centre willingness to proceed with the peace deal without the NSCN-IM if required) and not to hold a “consultation” with them for suggestions to break the stalemate. The attempt was also to underline that NSCN (IM) was ‘one of the stakeholders’ in the Naga peace talks and not the sole one.

The Centre may be hoping to take the risk of keeping the NSCN-IM out from the peace deal, if necessary, and possibly launching further action against it by banking on simmering resentment amongst most Nagas of Nagaland over the imposition of steep taxes on them, at times at the point of a gun.

That the IM group is dominated by just one Naga tribe (Tangkhuls of Manipur, including Thuingaleng Muivah) is another point of growing resentment among other Naga tribes. This discontent is also a reason behind the gradual weakening of the Naga Hoho, the apex social body of the Nagas, considered by many as being close to the IM faction. In turn, the Hohos of each tribe have been gaining strength. In effect, it means the Naga voice is no longer as united as it once used to be.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with NSCN (IM) General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah at the signing ceremony of historic peace accord between Government of India and NSCN, in 2015. NSA Ajit Doval is also seen. Photo: PTI

However, in the hurry to ink an agreement, the government must not allow a key thought to fall through the cracks. While the NSCN-IM may very well have divided devotion among the Nagas today for various reasons, the issue of Naga identity is still a raw sentiment amongst common people and has the ability to bind various Naga tribes together.

Due to continuous unrest for over half a century, the people are tired at this point and may want to engage with whatever is being offered to them to usher in peace. But that in no way means that many amongst them will not engage, sooner or later, with the framework agreement that the government is now looking at setting aside.

Also read: Timeline: Nagaland Waiting for Light at the End of a Long and Dark Tunnel

Kept a secret all this while, the terms and words mentioned in the agreement – the basis of the present peace talks – is spilling into the public domain in bits and pieces through local newspapers. It is only now that the public is engaging with the framework agreement. Hurrying the peace process shouldn’t lead to another chapter in the already existing notion among people of the region about the Centre’s continuous ‘step-motherly’ treatment of them.

It is well known by now that the root of this purported threat by the Centre to leave the NSCN (IM) out of a peace deal even though it was principally initiated with it – as also by previous governments in the last 22 years – lies in the outfit’s demand for a separate flag and a constitution for the Nagas.

To add weight to their demand, top leaders of the NSCN (IM) have been pointing at phrases mentioned in the framework agreement, such as ‘shared sovereignty’ with India and ‘unique history’ of the Nagas. NSCN (IM) military head Anthony Shimray recently told The Wire that the government of India, through the agreement, had conceded that the history of the Nagas was ‘unique’ and that there would be ‘shared sovereignty’ with the rest of India.

Clearly, the Centre is not on the same page as the armed group when it comes to interpreting these words. Ravi has stated clearly that there would be no separate flag and constitution for the Nagas under the peace deal. In a press statement issued by his office this on October 18, Ravi said that the NSCN-IM has “adopted a procrastinating attitude to delay the settlement raising the contentious symbolic issues of separate Naga national flag and constitution on which they are fully aware of the Government of India’s position.”

Significantly, the Centre’s stalemate with the NSCN-IM reached its zenith only after the reading down of Article 370 of Jammu and Kashmir. In one stroke, the Modi government abolished the provision under which the state had a separate flag and a constitution.

Though several armed groups in the Northeast, including the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) in Assam, had been referring to Article 370 to demand a similar provision from the Centre (the All Assam Students Union too had sought a similar provision for Assam at one point of time), it was primarily the NSCN (IM), the largest and the deadliest insurgent group in the region, which had caught on to the idea more firmly than the others.

Also read: With J&K’s Special Status Revoked, Alarm Bells Ring in Nagaland

Examining the developments unfolding in the Naga talks, a question arises: Did the Centre take into account the outcome of the Naga peace talks before taking the decision to scrap Article 370? Was it merely a coincidence that, less than two weeks after Article 370 was scrapped, Ravi announced in Nagaland that Prime Minister Modi had asked him to conclude the peace talks within three months’ time ending on October 31?

Anthony Shimray recently told The Wire that he was himself present in a meeting where the issue of a flag and constitution were discussed and the Centre had said that it would see how well it could deal with it.

Nevertheless, hectic parleys have been on for the last few days, both with the NSCN(IM) and the NNPGs, in New Delhi and in Kohima, to break the stalemate over the unresolved issues even as the October 31 deadline approaches.

Meanwhile, with news reports of Manipur and state government resorting to a security overdrive, with the Nagaland police directing the reserve battalions to stock ration and fuel for two months and with the army recently being removed from Assam with the caveat that they could be deployed to the other northeastern states, fear and uncertainty among the people is palpable.

Early this month, people in Dimapur, the commercial hub of Nagaland, were alarmed to have spotted Sukhoi and Hawk fighter jets hovering low over their houses. As the memory of the Indian Army’s bombing in Mizoram in the 1960s to curb insurgency has not been fully forgotten in the Northeast, the social media was throbbing with rumours over a possible link to the uneasy developments over the Naga talks. Later though, the Indian Air Force announced it was ‘a major wartime preparedness’ exercise using six civilian airports in the north-eastern states and West Bengal.

Delhi-based students from Nagaland stage a protest march demanding solution to the issue of Naga peace talks, and a decision on the framework agreement, in New Delhi. Photo: PTI/Files

In an effort to ally growing public fear and an environment of confusion fuelled by the lack of clear information to the public surrounding the peace talks, the state police chief, the state chief secretary and the Assam Rifles gave statements to the media. However, the Assam Rifles, empowered by the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, has said that it would continue its routine searches of houses etc. while on the lookout for insurgents.

With Ravi as the governor – bestowed with powers to control the law and order situation in the state as per Article 371A (meant for Nagaland) more and more firming up the battle lines by taking on board the NNPGs – panic is rising among the public over possible fratricidal killings post the accord.

Recent news about the Ministry of Home Affairs bidding to bring Assam Rifles under its wings has further added to the suspicion of possible military action against those not willing to toe the government’s line. It could well be a tactic of the Centre on the NSCN-IM to bow down to the pressure but having been in the midst of crossfire between militants and the security forces for too long, the fear of the common man in Nagaland is substantial and the worst is being imagined.

Also read: Separate Flag, Constitution Key for ‘Honourable’ Peace Solution: Naga Group

Speaking to East Mojo, a Guwahati-based news website, well-known anti-corruption activist K.K. Sema pointed out:

“When the governor gives a very serious ultimatum (at the October 18 meeting) that come what may, the government of India would conclude the negotiations, it means that if there is any one group among them which refuses to sign, it will have to be taken out in whatever manner the government of India feels best. It obviously implies that the government will be using force in order to tackle them. Now the problem is, the people of Nagaland, the stakeholders, the common man, he is going to be right in the middle of the crossfire when the government goes against them. For those of us who have seen violence in the 1950s, it is not a pleasant sight to behold.”

He cautioned against the haste being shown by the Centre to cut the deal.

The NNPGs may well be on board now but it’s essential to also underline that, in mid-2018, they had walked out of the peace talks too, citing a raid by the Assam Rifles at the residence of V. Nagi, the co-convener of the working group.

Can we then read the development as some sort of pressure tactic already put using the might of the Assam Rifles on these groups to toe the line? Some news reports in Nagaland have said that their willingness to sign the accord is hinged on an ‘economic package’ to be tailored for their cadres. Reports from Nagaland have said several cadres from the IM group are already shifting their allegiance to these groups in the hopes of getting a share of the pie.

As per latest news reports, top NSCN-IM leader Hukavi Yeputhomi, a member of the negotiating team of NSCN-IM, has also moved over to the working committee of the NNPGs along with 16 others. This may well lead to a split in the NSCN (IM).

As the government tries to find a solution by possibly making use of the clear division brewing amongst the Naga stakeholders, it brings us to another question: Will it end up committing the same mistakes made by the previous central governments while entering into peace accords in the Northeast by going with one set or sets of stakeholders and leaving the hard nuts for the security forces to tackle?

Perhaps, at this point, a reminder is necessary to the readers that several synthetic peace accords had previously come with an expiry date in the region. Various accords had failed to deliver permanent peace in the region even with an economic package as the primary component. So far, the only accord that can be called a success in the region is the Mizo Accord of 1986, not because of any effort by the Centre but due to the concerted work by the Mizo society to ensure lasting peace.

Watch: With J&K’s 370 Gone, Nagas Skeptical That Centre Will Impose Its Will on Them Too

Importantly, the government must not overlook the key takeaway from the failure of the previous endeavour at peace with the Nagas. The Shillong Agreement, signed in 1975 between the central government and the underground leadership, including the NNC founder A. Z. Phizo’s brother Kevie Yalie, fell though, mainly on the grounds of not finding wider acceptability of the Indian constitution and that the representatives of the underground organisations were not given ‘reasonable time’ to formulate other issues for discussion for the final solution. The agreement was also led by the then Nagaland governor L.P. Singh.

The failure of the Shillong Agreement to usher in peace only led Muivah and the others to break out of the NNC to form NSCN. Muivah, now leading the talks with the Centre on behalf of NSCN-IM, would then naturally be cautious on the issue of the constitution.

Some in Nagaland even go to the extent of saying that Muivah, the last of the tall Naga revolutionary leaders, would rather go down in history as a ‘martyr’ who didn’t relent to pressure from the government of India without an ‘honourable solution’ for the Nagas than concede to a watered-down version of a peace accord.

In the next few days, it would be clear what entails the fate of not just the NSCN-IM but also that of octogenarian Muivah, residing in a ‘safe house’ in New Delhi under the watch of the Centre.

Naga Peace Talks Remain Inconclusive; Govt’s October Deadline May Be Extended

Though the issue of a separate flag and constitution for the Nagas were discussed at the meeting, no solution was arrived at.

New Delhi: Talks between the Nagaland governor, interlocutor for the Naga peace talks R.N. Ravi and the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) in New Delhi on Thursday afternoon were inconclusive.

Confirming this, NSCN leaders have stated that though the issue about a separate flag and constitution for the Nagas as part of the peace accord were discussed at the meeting, no solution was arrived at.

A leader of the outfit who took part in Thursday’s talks said that the deliberations with Ravi, the interlocutor and the Central government’s emissary, went on for about four hours. He said there might be another meeting on the “inconclusive issues in October itself”, adding, “The talks may continue beyond the October 31 deadline given by Ravi to us.”

NSCN (IM) general secretary Th. Muivah was among the 15-member delegation at the talks held at the parliament annexe building.

Importantly, Ravi is to hold a meeting with the seven Naga national political groups (NNPGs) “within a day or two” in Nagaland, following which, the leader said, “The picture will be clearer.” Earlier, Ravi had accused NSCN (IM) of “mischievously” delaying the talks “under the shadow of guns”, and said that it might sign a peace deal with the other stakeholders and keep the outfit out of it.

Also read: With J&K’s Special Status Revoked, Alarm Bells Ring in Nagaland

The NSCN (IM), which entered into the Framework Agreement with the Central government in August 2015 – thereby rolling out the process of talks to enter into a peace accord – is insisting on a separate flag and a constitution, as their interpretation of the words “unique history” of the Nagas and “shared sovereignty” with India mentioned in the agreement. The NNPGs, however, taken on board by the Central government later to include all stakeholders, are willing to forego those demands. Sources said, “Instead they are keener on sops like an economic package, rehabilitation of their cadres, more assembly and parliamentary seats, etc.”

The Naga Mother’s Association, which was also consulted by Ravi during the peace process among others, has, meanwhile, issued a statement accusing the government of sidelining it along with some other stakeholders like the Naga Hoho, Naga Students Federation and the Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights..

Keeping in view Thursday’s meeting, which was to arrive at a ‘final solution’ leading to the signing of a peace accord by October 31, Manipur, neighbouring Nagaland, witnessed some protests demanding that the state’s territorial integrity shouldn’t be affected. The NSCN (IM)’s demand for greater Nagalim includes areas from neighbouring Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh too. However, the NSCN (IM) is said to have “compromised” with that demand, “keeping in mind the difficulties to be faced by the Centre to grant us that demand, we have agreed to dilute it.”

Nevertheless, the women from Imphal’s Ima Keithel, the popular all-women market place, held a demonstration in the capital city and also submitted a memorandum to state governor Najma Heptullah stating that the “final solution must not go against the collective wish of the people of Manipur”.

Centre Set to Take Naga Peace Talks Beyond NSCN (IM)

The Centre’s interlocutor, R. N. Ravi, is to reach Dimapur in Nagaland on October 23 to have the first detailed meeting with six Naga political groups to help reach an accord.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Rajnath Singh with Naga leaders in 2015. Credit: PTI

New Delhi: More than two years after the Narendra Modi government signed a “framework agreement” with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) in New Delhi to arrive at a peace accord that solves the over six-decades-old Naga issue, there comes a significant development that may help reach the intended goal.

The Centre’s interlocutor R. N. Ravi is scheduled to arrive in Dimapur town in Nagaland on October 23 to formally hold the first detailed meeting with the representatives of six influential Naga rebel groups, thus widening the scope of the talks conducted so far with only NSCN (I-M).

This meeting with the Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs) – important stakeholders in the fight for the rights of the Nagas – is being seen in Nagaland as “an official commitment of the India government” to make the peace talks “more inclusive” and therefore, more likely to bring lasting peace in the region.

A Tangkhul Naga from Manipur, veteran NSCN (I-M) leader T.H. Muivah, heading the ongoing talks, is often seen by many Naga tribes and their bodies in Nagaland as an “outsider” and not truly representing their voice.

Theja Therie of Naga Tribes Council (NTC), who will chair the first session of tomorrow’s meeting open to public, told The Wire from Dimapur that Ravi is set to arrive at Dimapur airport around 12 noon.

“He would thereafter proceed to the venue in Dimapur’s Chumukedima area to meet the working group of the six NNPGs along with prominent members of the Naga civil society. In the first session of the meeting, which will start around 2 pm, other stakeholder organisations, like the Eastern Nagaland Peoples Organisation (ENPO), NTC, Naga Gaon Bura Federation, would formally welcome the development and extend support to it.”

Therie said, “Thereafter, the working group of the NNPGs will engage with Mr. Ravi in a closed-door meeting.”

Centre’s interlocutor R.N. Ravi. Credit: Twitter/ANI

The six NNPGs fighting for the Naga issue comprise of the parent body Naga Nationalist Council (NNC), GPRN/NSCN (Government of People’s Republic of Nagaland), FGN (Federal Government of Nagaland), NSCN (Reformation), NPGN/NNC/NA (National People’s Government of Nagaland (Non-accord) and NNC/GDRN/NA (Government Democratic Republic of Nagaland (Non-Accord).

On December 14, 2016, these groups, at the behest of the NTC, came together in Dimapur to form a working group to usher in permanent solution to the Naga issue, thus showing their willingness since the framework agreement was signed in August 2015 to be a part of the ongoing peace talks.

This past September 27, at the invitation of the Centre, an 18-member group of the NNPGs, headed by the convener of the working group N. Kitovi Zhimomi, met Ravi for the first time in New Delhi.

Local media reports quoting Zhimomi then said, “The next round of talks will be held in Nagaland in October and is expected to touch serious and substantive issues.” Reports said Ravi urged the delegation “to be realistic and not dwell on rhetoric”. The closed-door meeting slated for October 23 is the outcome of the earlier meeting.

Though some media reports said Ravi, also the joint intelligence chief of the central government, had asked the working group of NNPGs to form a coordination committee and also prepare a charter of demands for the meeting, Therie told The Wire:

“As of now, the working group will conduct the meeting with Mr. Ravi. There will be no separate coordination committee for tomorrow’s talks. Also, whether to submit a charter of demands to him or not will depend on how tomorrow’s meeting proceeds, what kind of understanding takes place. So far, people are looking at this meeting as the first official commitment of India government to make the talks inclusive and bring other stakeholders to the peace process apart from NSCN (I-M).”

In April 2016, extending the ceasefire for a year with the Central government, Zhimomi, the NNPG convener set to lead tomorrow’s meeting, and a top leader of the armed group GPRN/NSCN (also known as NSCN-Unification), had said that the ongoing peace talks was “not suitable or acceptable comprehensively for the other Naga stakeholders” and the framework agreement “is an understanding between the Central government and the NSCN (I-M).”

Many expect a final solution to the Naga conflict by this December. Recently, Neiphu Rio, former Nagaland chief minister and the present Lok Sabha member of parliament from the state, told reporters that if the Naga solution comes before the assembly elections, which is slated for early next year, “then there will be an interim government for a brief period” and the polls would get postponed. Powerful civil society groups like the Naga Hoho and ENPO have also called for a solution before the coming elections.