Naga Hoho

Influential Naga Groups Meet CM, Agree to Work on Peace Process in ‘Unified Manner’

Naga Hoho, seen to be close to the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-Isak-Muivah), walked out of the meeting after lunch.

New Delhi: The consultative meeting of various influential civil society groups organised by Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio in Kohima on October 15 on the Naga issue has resolved to work in a “collective and unified manner with one voice” to “facilitate the peace process and strengthen the negotiations for early realisation of a desired one solution” which would be “acceptable and honourable”. The meeting was hosted by the chief minister at the state banquet hall inside the chief minister’s residential complex.

Significantly, while all the bodies representing various Naga tribes, civil society organisations, political parties, church leaders, prominent personalities of the Naga society in the state, etc. signed on a seven-point resolution at the end of the meeting, calling for facilitating the ongoing peace process with the Centre “with one voice”, the Naga Hoho walked out of the meeting post lunch. Naga Hoho is seen to be close to the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-Isak-Muivah).

Aside from various tribe-specific Hohos, the Naga Hoho represents all Nagas living across the north-eastern states of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. One of the major demands of the NSCN (I-M) during the negotiations with the Narendra Modi government since the signing of the Framework Agreement in August 2015 has be to find a solution encompassing all Nagas residing in the states of Nagaland, Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh under the ‘Nagalim’ or Naga homeland idea.

On being asked about the walkout, Chuba Ozukum, former Naga Hoho president, told The Wire, “I wasn’t there in the meeting. However, I was told that no organisation or individual was invited from the other Naga areas to the meeting and Naga Hoho was the only organisation which was supposed to speak on behalf of the people from Naga homeland but priority was not given to Naga Hoho delegation to present its views on the Naga political issue.”

Ozukam said, “It was a deliberate attempt by the co-chair of the meeting to exhibit disrespect to the Naga Hoho delegation.”

Co-chair and Bharatiya Janata Party national spokesperson M. Kikon, however, later told reporters that the time allotted to the Naga Hoho was post lunch. “They could have conveyed their displeasure about it to us instead of walking out. We didn’t see them walking out, it was not like the usual walking out that you notice.”

Yet another powerful organisation seen close to the NSCN (I-M), the Naga Mothers’ Association, Kikon added, signed the joint resolution.

A senior journalist from the state, speaking on condition of anonymity, told The Wire, “It was very clear that the meeting was conducted primarily at the behest of the Government of India to try and make all the influential Nagaland-based non-governmental organisations, religious and tribal bodies and individuals to resolve publicly that they want an early and one solution to the Naga issue. This is also because the government wanted to check the pulse of these organisations before pushing ahead strongly for a Naga accord.”

“It is to break the stalemate with the NSCN because of its demand for a separate flag and a constitution which the Centre has refused,” the journalist continued. “The state governor and interlocutor R.N. Ravi have already said that the government, if required, will go ahead with the peace accord with the seven Naga National Political Groups (NNPGS) which are not very keen on these demands. It means the process may be speeded up from now on without the NSCN but with the support of these organisations and individuals based in Nagaland.”

The journalist said, “That the Naga Hoho was not given priority in the meeting only highlights that the Nagas in Nagaland would be given priority and other Nagas’ issues would be solved through special councils, etc. in the respective states. This is a position made known by the Centre some time ago.”

On August 10, The Wire had reported that the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), following the NSCN (I-M)’s open disagreement with Ravi and demand for a change of the interlocutor, had decided to bring in “facilitators” from the Northeast in order to break the impasse with the NSCN (I-M). As per the MHA’s instructions, Nagaland chief minister Rio and Assam finance minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, along with some others met NSCN (I-M) general secretary Th.Muivah at a Delhi hospital where he was admitted at the time.

The October 15 meeting has come after the MHA’s move.

Also read: The Naga Peace Process Is Lost Between Integration and Unification

In February, an unrelenting Muivah, who has been living in government accommodation in the national capital after signing the Framework Agreement in 2015, had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi seeking to move the talks to “a third country”. The letter, so far kept a secret, was released to the media by NSCN on October 6.

Meanwhile, addressing those present at the October 15 meeting, Rio in his speech reiterated “one solution” for all Nagas and the need to “deliberate and support the peace process, strengthen the negotiations and facilitate the journey towards achievement of this ‘one solution’ in the earliest possible time”.

“Today’s gathering is not only historic, but it also sends out a clear message to the Government of India and the world that Nagas want genuine peace and that we continue to strive towards oneness and unity as One Naga Family. I am sure our voice and our desire will be heard across boundaries,” Rio said.

One of the resolutions signed by the delegations expressly stated that they “appreciate the government of India for acknowledging the unique history of the Nagas and for recognising the Naga issue as a political issue” (not as an issue of insurgency).

They also urged “the Naga political groups to honour and respect the Covenant of Reconciliation and maintain the sanctity of non-violence in letter and spirit for a shared Nag future as members of one Naga family.”

AAPSU on Naga Talks: ‘Will Strongly Oppose Any Territorial Changes to Arunachal’

The apex students’ body has advocated for the assurances given by the Centre’s interlocutor and present Nagaland Governor R.N. Ravi in 2015.

Itanagar: The AAPSU appealed to the Centre on Wednesday to keep Arunachal Pradesh away from any kind of “territorial changes” while finding a solution to the decades-old Naga political problem.

The All Arunachal Pradesh Students Union (AAPSU) stated that the talks should not affect the state and its people in any way.

We welcome the initiative taken by the successive governments in resolving the Naga issue. However, we would also like to make it clear that the indigenous people of Arunachal Pradesh will strongly oppose any attempts made to change the territorial jurisdiction of the state or any kind of administrative, political or other interventions while reaching a final solution to the decades-old insurgency problem in Nagaland, it said in a statement.

Also read: Could the Home Ministry Bring More ‘Facilitators’ to Break Naga Peace Talks Deadlock?

The apex students’ body said the Centre should also stand by the assurances given by its interlocutor and present Nagaland Governor R N Ravi in 2015.

Ravi, during his meeting with the AAPSU in 2015, had promised that Arunachals interest would not be compromised during the time of executing the final draft of the Naga Peace Accord.

The union called upon all the legislators of the state, the MPs, and the political parties to strongly oppose any possible attempts to alter the states territorial jurisdiction and administration for the proposed accord.

We are very much aware of the NSCN-IM’s vision of Nagalim or Greater Nagaland but there are no Nagas in Arunachal Pradesh. We have always, on record, objected to their vested interest designs,” it said.

The map of Nagalim, released by the NSCN-IM a few years ago, includes Tirap, Changlang, Longding, Anjaw, Lohit and Namsai districts of Arunachal Pradesh.

The NSCN-IM leadership is currently in Delhi and held two rounds of official-level discussions in the last few days.

Could the Home Ministry Bring More ‘Facilitators’ to Break Naga Peace Talks Deadlock?

While the demand for the removal of interlocutor R.N. Ravi grows, the arrival of key leaders in New Delhi suggests a measure to smoothen disagreements could be in the offing.

New Delhi: Amid the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagalim-Isak Muivah’s reported demand for a change of the Centre’s interlocutor for the Naga peace talks, the Ministry of Home Affairs is looking at the possibility of bringing in a set of new “facilitators” to break the deadlock, it is learned.

The home ministry, however, plans to keep the present interlocutor in place.

The NSCN (I-M) is the signatory to the framework agreement (FA) with the central government.

Several sources that The Wire spoke to in New Delhi and Nagaland, along with top civil society leaders in the north-eastern state who are privy to the latest developments, have corroborated this fresh development.

A senior official at the MHA, on condition of anonymity, said that though the NSCN (I-M) “is more for a change of the interlocutor” – Nagaland governor R.N. Ravi – the “Ministry is not likely to concede (to it) at the moment. Instead, it may look at the possibility of bringing in a few more facilitators, though, nothing is final yet.”

Going by the NSCN (I-M)’s statement issued to mark five years of the inconclusive talks after the signing of the FA in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi in 2015, The Wire had stated on August 3 that the organisation may be aiming for a change of interlocutor for the accord.

Also read: NSCN (I-M) Blames Interlocutor – the Nagaland Governor – for Peace Accord Delays

In the last few months, the unease between the NSCN and Ravi has been coming out in the open. In that anniversary statement, while the NSCN praised “the dynamic leadership of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi” for signing the “historic framework agreement” with it, it was scathing in its criticism of Ravi, accusing him of “deceptive manner of handling the FA”.

It said he “deceitfully went beyond the call of interlocutor to indulge himself in playing divisive game among the Nagas to dismantle the very foundation of FA”.

All of these were a clear indication that the organisation may be seeking a replacement of Ravi due to deteriorating relations. An Indian Express report on August 9, citing “sources” in the NSCN, also stated that they would request that the forthcoming round of talks “be conducted by a new interlocutor”.

Speculation in local news dailies have it that the names of A.B. Mathur, the Centre’s interlocutor for the NDFB talks and the continuing talks with the ULFA in Assam and the UPF-KNO of Manipur, and Lt Gen (retd) Himalaya Singh from Manipur are doing the rounds as a possible new interlocutor of the Centre for the Naga talks.

However, on past August 9, a senior MHA official told this correspondent that at the behest of the Ministry, Nagaland chief minister Neiphu Rio and Assam finance minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had air-dashed to New Delhi late last week in a chartered flight along with some others, including former president of the Naga Hoho Keviletuo.

Signing the Framework Accord. Credit: PTI

Signing of the Framework Agreement in 2015. Credit: PTI

The team met NSCN general secretary Th. Muivah who has been in New Delhi since July 20 for the twin reasons of getting his health checked and to seek a change of the interlocutor by the MHA to break the deadlock in the talks. The scheduled talks of the NSCN in the second week of July with Ravi did not take place. Among the sustained issues with the organisation have been a strong demand for a separate flag and a constitution.

Also read: What Ails the Naga Peace Process?

None of the stakeholders are, however, ready to officially talk about the government’s latest line of thinking at the moment, though the MHA official has stated that Rio and Sarma are likely to be a part of it. The Wire had contacted Sarma for a confirmation of the meeting with Muivah and the likelihood of him being a part of the talks but he didn’t comment on either.

A top source privy to it in the Nagaland government has however, confirmed the meeting to The Wire.

“It looks like the Central government at the moment is not likely to change the interlocutor but other factors can be brought in to help facilitate the talks, and most likely it will happen. The talks have been going on for long, it is the break it or make it point, all efforts will be made at the moment to make it a success,” the source said, refusing to be named here citing that reason that, “till it happens, nothing can be confirmed”.

After Muivah, his wife and a few NSCN leaders reached Delhi in a chartered flight on July 20, a five-member team of the group flew to the National Capital from Nagaland on August 7 by a special flight. This was followed by another nine-member delegation of top leaders who arrived on August 8 by another hired flight. Since the governor-cum-interlocutor Ravi is also learnt to be travelling to Delhi on August 11, the expectation is that the stalemate will be broken and a round of talks will begin in Delhi.

“We can’t confirm the meeting or the exact date at the moment but since all of the top NSCN leaders are in Delhi and so is the interlocutor, the next round of talks are most likely to happen,” said the source.

According to a news report in The Deccan Chronicle on August 10 citing “authoritative security sources”, the Prime Minister’s Office has “set a September deadline for the final settlement of all Naga political issues”, adding that Ravi has been asked to restart the process “next week” to “thrash out differences over some of the minor rhetorical issues”.

While in some sections of the media, there have been speculation of a Naga peace accord announcement by Modi on August 15, going by this report, and The Wire’s conversation with government and BJP sources in the Northeast, it seems highly unlikely. However, there is a precedent to such announcements on the Northeast.

In 1985, the top leaders of the Assam Movement were brought in batches by special flights to New Delhi and the Assam Accord was signed on the intervening night of August 14-15. Then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had announced it in his Independence Day speech from the Red Fort.

The Centre’s likely attempt to involve a senior leader of a neighbouring north-eastern state (may be Sarma) to help sort out a vexed issue is also not new. So there is precedent of the Centre including a chief minister of the state to help solve major peace issues with an armed group.

While in Assam, then Manipur chief minister Dorendro Singh was asked by the Indira Gandhi government to act as an intermediary for a possible solution to the Assam foreigners’ issue in the early 1980s, the Mizoram chief minister Lalthanhawla was kept in the loop during the Centre’s peace talks with the Mizo National Front, leading him to vacate his seat for Laldenga to become that state’s chief minister after the signing the Mizo Accord with the Rajiv Gandhi government in 1986.

Meanwhile, back in Nagaland, two of the prominent civil society groups are of the opinion that the interlocutor, Ravi, is functioning in an “autocratic” manner. In a separate memorandum to the Prime Minister, the Naga Hoho, the apex body of all Naga tribes, and the Naga Mother’s Association have reportedly stated that Ravi has been “hounding” the same Naga groups with whom he is supposed to negotiate and conclude the peace talks.

However, the Nagaland Gaon Burah Association or the body of the village heads, in a press statement, have opposed the demand for change of interlocutor. The working committee of the seven Naga National Political Groups, brought in by Ravi to join the peace talks, are also opposed to the idea of changing him as the government’s intermediary stating that it would turn the clock back on the talks.

What Ails the Naga Peace Process?

The Centre has inherited a peace process structured around the NSCN-IM, but is unable to conclude it for a variety of reasons.

Nagaland’s Governor R.N. Ravi stirred a hornet’s nest when he questioned the state government’s alleged hands off approach to law and order in the face of “rampant extortions and violence by…armed gangs” and invoked Article 371A to ask the government to seek his approval before the “transfer and posting of officials entrusted with maintenance of law and order.”

Ravi used a constitutional provision that the former chief minister, the late Hokishe Sema had left unattended, when he hurriedly redrew electoral and administrative boundaries to strengthen his position before the 1974 assembly elections.

The state government belatedly offered a tame defence that was followed up by a circular allegedly at the governor’s behest, asking all government officials to identify their relatives associated with insurgent groups. While the leaked letter to the state government, and the subsequent circular, has raised hackles, it merely reiterates Ravi’s earlier assessment of insurgent groups and their relation with the state.

Also read: NSCN (I-M) Blames Interlocutor – the Nagaland Governor – for Peace Accord Delays

Ravi outlined this in his op-eds published in The Hindu (on November 15, 2012 and January 23, 2014) before appointment as the interlocutor. In these pieces, he argued that the ceasefire allowed the National Socialist Council of Nagaland/Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) “to set up multiple garrisons, almost in every district to help expand its reach” despite “popular opposition” and “resulted in the retreat of the state… and subversion of democratic politics.”

He concluded that a dialogue with the NSCN-IM, “a militia of the Tangkhul tribe of Manipur with little resonance with the broad Naga family,” will not yield “a sustainable peace.”

In another development, six NSCN-IM cadre were killed on July 11 in Arunachal Pradesh’s Longding district prompting the outfit to seek clarification about “the validity and extent of ceasefire agreement” within a week and issue a warning that “we shall not be held responsible” for the “ugly aftermaths evolving spontaneously out of such situation.”

Contrary to the fears of some observers, the breakdown of ceasefire is not the logical conclusion of the game of chicken between the governor and insurgent groups.

First, a majority of the present cadre of insurgent groups joined after the ceasefire and have been mostly involved in non-combat activities around camps including in Dimapur, a bustling commercial town in the plains.

Second, any group that violates ceasefire will face resistance before it returns to the jungles because tribal bodies and the church have invested a lot over the decades to sustain peace.

Third, a lot has changed over the past two decades including the turn to democracy and a tortuous peace process in Myanmar, the decay of Manipur’s (linguistic) syncretism, shrinking sanctuaries for insurgents in neighbouring countries, entrapment of most insurgent groups of the North East in peace processes and the linking of youth with metropolitan job markets.

The hurdles facing the NSCN-IM, let alone the smaller groups, in resuming fighting notwithstanding, the government ought to honour its commitment to the more than two-decade long peace process.

Home minister Rajnath Singh, PM Narendra Modi and T Muivah of NSCN (I-M. Credit: PTI

A 2017 photograph of then home minister Rajnath Singh, PM Narendra Modi and T Muivah of NSCN (I-M. Photo: PTI

However, before we can hope for a negotiated end to the insurgency, we need to acknowledge that the Naga society has changed immensely since the first ceasefire but the emergent diversity is not represented in the peace process that is hamstrung by tribal, territorial and generational divides.

The NSCN-IM continues to command respect as the foremost champion of the nationalist cause. But that does not balance out concerns about its overwhelming Tangkhul character. These concerns have only intensified after Isak Swu’s death. The NSCN-IM qua Tangkhul outfit has been under attack in Nagaland because its decision-making processes bypass the Nagas of Nagaland and its top leaders are viewed as arrogant and condescending.

Further, the Nagas of Nagaland realise that territorial integration of Naga areas is not feasible and that any non-territorial integration of Naga areas will draw in Nagas from other states and strain Nagaland’s scarce resources.

Also read: In Centre’s Haste to Seal a Naga Accord, Peace Shouldn’t Be the First Casualty

The Meiteis based in the Imphal Valley made clear their commitment to Manipur’s territorial integrity through the Great June Uprising (2001) and Ibobi Singh’s blocking of Muivah’s visit to his birthplace (2010). Myanmarese Nagas too are gradually arriving at a modus vivendi with Naypyidaw.

In response to such developments, groups representing the Nagas of Nagaland forced the government to roll back the recognition of Rongmeis as an indigenous Naga tribe even though it benefitted only a few thousand people already counted as indigenous inhabitants by virtue of having settled before the state’s formation.

Rongmei Nagas of the erstwhile Tamenglong district are among the largest tribes of Manipur. The Nagas of Nagaland saw the indigenisation of Rongmeis as a testing of waters by Tangkhuls and a breach in floodgates that had so far held back large Naga tribes of Manipur out of Nagaland’s crowded job market.

Okram Ibobi Singh. Photo: PTI

These concerns intensified when Ibobi Singh redrew internal borders before the 2017 elections reducing the size of Naga-dominated districts to minimise the potential loss of territory to the proposed “Greater Nagaland”. The NSCN-IM seems to be haggling with New Delhi for an arrangement to protect Tangkhul interests in Manipur as they are not quite welcome in Nagaland. The Tangkhuls, who provided several chief ministers to Manipur, find themselves trapped in a shrinking middle ground between Nagaland and Imphal Valley. After decades of rallying behind ‘Greater Nagaland’ they find themselves unable to respond even to the partition of their native district Ukhrul.

Lastly, peace is being negotiated by leaders in their 80s. But it will have to be lived by the youth. The NSCN-IM cannot coerce the younger generation that came of age around the massive mobilisations led by Against Corruption and Unabated Taxation (ACAUT) to accept its version of peace.

Over the past two decades, the NSCN-IM could have reached out to other stakeholders and expanded its negotiation team. Instead it squandered its political capital to remain the exclusive representative of Nagas.

It threatened those who raised questions and cynically manipulated pan-Naga civil society bodies to manufacture consent undermining their legitimacy in Nagaland in the process.

The NSCN-IM made matters worse by refusing to disclose the August 3, 2015 Framework Agreement to the Nagas of Nagaland. Alarmed by their marginalisation, a section of civil society leaders helped bring together the long neglected Nagaland-based “Naga National Political Groups” (NNPGs).

Watch: The Naga Question: Insurgency, Ceasefire and the Peace Process

The NNPGs condemned the “unrepentant theatrical politics” of the NSCN-IM in its “nonexistent land called Nagalim [Greater Nagaland].” Several civil society organisations also criticised the Naga Hoho, which is seen as close to the NSCN-IM, as “entirely lopsided and helplessly drifting southward [toward Manipur] with imaginative domain which is null and void”.

Not coincidentally, some of the civil society leaders who helped unite the NNPGs had earlier in 2013 lamented the inability of the Naga Hoho and other pan-Naga bodies to “protect the interest of Naga people” and floated an alternative pan-Naga body for Nagaland.

The NSCN-IM ignored these developments only to find the Working Committee of the NNPGs signing an “Agreed Position or Preamble” with the interlocutor on November 17, 2017.

The government is now caught in a Catch-22 situation.

It has inherited the peace process structured around the NSCN-IM. However, it is unable to conclude the peace process as its key interlocutor enjoys a shrinking acceptance among the Nagas of Nagaland as well as Manipur but is unable to come to terms with the emergent diversity of the Naga society and accommodate other Naga stakeholders, let alone non-Naga indigenous tribes such as Kukis and Kacharis, on the negotiating table.

Vikas Kumar teaches at Azim Premji University, Bengaluru, and is co-author of Numbers in India’s Periphery: The Political Economy of Government Statistics, Cambridge University Press (2020).

Watch | The Naga Question: Insurgency, Ceasefire and the Peace Process

In conversation with India’s former home secretary Gopal Krishna Pillai about a range of issues surrounding the Naga quest for greater autonomy.

Happymon Jacob speaks to India’s former home secretary Gopal Krishna Pillai on a range of issues concerning the Naga quest for greater autonomy. Pillai provides a historical overview of the Naga issue, the unilateral declaration of independence, the Indian state’s response, the insurgency and the many efforts that have been made for peace.

Pillai also highlights the many factions within the Naga movement, delineating their respective positions and demands, his views on the 2015 framework agreement and the progress that has since been made.

In Centre’s Haste to Seal a Naga Accord, Peace Shouldn’t Be the First Casualty

Nagaland governor R.N. Ravi has categorically stated that, if required, the Centre would drop the NSCN (I-M) – the principal signatory of the agreement – and proceed to deliver the accord with other stakeholders.

New Delhi: Going by the recent statements made by the central government regarding the ongoing Naga peace talks, come this October 31, it appears that there will be a ‘Naga Accord’ in hand.

Duly signed by ‘stakeholders’.

The ‘Accord’ will be the culmination of a peace course that has been underway since August 2015 after the Narendra Modi government entered into a framework agreement with the Isak-Muivah flank of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN).

At this point, what is to be not discounted, however, is the tone and substance of the statements – made by the peace talks interlocutor-turned Nagaland governor R.N. Ravi – encapsulating the progress in the talks, or the lack of it, surrounding the October 31 deadline.

Of late, the former deputy National Security Advisor (NSA) to the Modi government has not only accused the NSCN (I-M) of “mischievously” delaying the peace pact “under the shadow of guns” but has also categorically stated that, if required, the Centre would drop the outfit – the principal signatory of the agreement – and proceed to deliver the accord with other stakeholders. Essentially, Ravi meant that at this point in time, the Centre was ready to set aside the framework agreement – once termed “historic” by Modi himself.

Much to Ravi’s credit, over the last four years, he did engage with non-armed but crucial stakeholders from Naga society – the Naga Mothers’ Association, Nagaland Gaonburrah (village head) Federation, the Naga Hoho, United Naga Council (from Manipur), Church leaders among several others – in the peace process. At this juncture, however, those whom Ravi has indicated as the stakeholders that the Centre would rather take on board the peace bandwagon are the six (now seven) Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs).

These NNPGs are also armed rebel groups, currently under ceasefire, just like the NSCN–IM. They are the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN), GPRN/NSCN, Naga National Council (parent body), National People’s Government of Nagaland of the NNC (Non Accordist), NSCN (reformation), Naga National Council/Government Democratic Republic of Nagaland and the K. Konyak faction of NSCN. Together, they constitute a working committee, formed in November 2017.

The joining of the last rebel group, NSCN (Konyak), early this year, also highlighted the fact that a formal de-linking has happened between the Nagas of the Myanmar-based NSCN (Khaplang) group on the basis of their nationalities. The Indian Nagas in the K-faction are now represented by Konyak and have crossed over to Nagaland to join the peace process.

Also read: Naga Peace Accord Remains Hazy and Full of Pitfalls

This can certainly be termed an achievement, delivered through a joint effort of the Indian and Myanmarese governments, as it has now brought the vexed Naga issue well within the present-day geographical confines. The mother group of the NSCN-K will now look at resolving its political issues by being a part of the Myanmarese peace process.

Earlier this year in February, the Myanmarese army had also taken control of the NSCN (K) headquarters.

The presence of the Myanmarese army in the contiguous Naga areas close to the Indian border also indicates that it would not be easy for the NSCN-IM to carry out its business as usual in Myanmar in the event that the ceasefire with the government of India ceases due to a breakdown in talks, and military action ensues.

Going by the tone and substance of Ravi’s statements, the government seems to be hinting at such an option. In what was clearly an attempt to check the pulse of the people’s representative bodies in this regard, Ravi held a meeting with delegates of the 14 Naga tribes and non-Naga communities among others at Kohima’s Hotel Japhu on October 18.

He reportedly made it clear to them that the meeting was held only to pass “information” (to them about the Centre willingness to proceed with the peace deal without the NSCN-IM if required) and not to hold a “consultation” with them for suggestions to break the stalemate. The attempt was also to underline that NSCN (IM) was ‘one of the stakeholders’ in the Naga peace talks and not the sole one.

The Centre may be hoping to take the risk of keeping the NSCN-IM out from the peace deal, if necessary, and possibly launching further action against it by banking on simmering resentment amongst most Nagas of Nagaland over the imposition of steep taxes on them, at times at the point of a gun.

That the IM group is dominated by just one Naga tribe (Tangkhuls of Manipur, including Thuingaleng Muivah) is another point of growing resentment among other Naga tribes. This discontent is also a reason behind the gradual weakening of the Naga Hoho, the apex social body of the Nagas, considered by many as being close to the IM faction. In turn, the Hohos of each tribe have been gaining strength. In effect, it means the Naga voice is no longer as united as it once used to be.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with NSCN (IM) General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah at the signing ceremony of historic peace accord between Government of India and NSCN, in 2015. NSA Ajit Doval is also seen. Photo: PTI

However, in the hurry to ink an agreement, the government must not allow a key thought to fall through the cracks. While the NSCN-IM may very well have divided devotion among the Nagas today for various reasons, the issue of Naga identity is still a raw sentiment amongst common people and has the ability to bind various Naga tribes together.

Due to continuous unrest for over half a century, the people are tired at this point and may want to engage with whatever is being offered to them to usher in peace. But that in no way means that many amongst them will not engage, sooner or later, with the framework agreement that the government is now looking at setting aside.

Also read: Timeline: Nagaland Waiting for Light at the End of a Long and Dark Tunnel

Kept a secret all this while, the terms and words mentioned in the agreement – the basis of the present peace talks – is spilling into the public domain in bits and pieces through local newspapers. It is only now that the public is engaging with the framework agreement. Hurrying the peace process shouldn’t lead to another chapter in the already existing notion among people of the region about the Centre’s continuous ‘step-motherly’ treatment of them.

It is well known by now that the root of this purported threat by the Centre to leave the NSCN (IM) out of a peace deal even though it was principally initiated with it – as also by previous governments in the last 22 years – lies in the outfit’s demand for a separate flag and a constitution for the Nagas.

To add weight to their demand, top leaders of the NSCN (IM) have been pointing at phrases mentioned in the framework agreement, such as ‘shared sovereignty’ with India and ‘unique history’ of the Nagas. NSCN (IM) military head Anthony Shimray recently told The Wire that the government of India, through the agreement, had conceded that the history of the Nagas was ‘unique’ and that there would be ‘shared sovereignty’ with the rest of India.

Clearly, the Centre is not on the same page as the armed group when it comes to interpreting these words. Ravi has stated clearly that there would be no separate flag and constitution for the Nagas under the peace deal. In a press statement issued by his office this on October 18, Ravi said that the NSCN-IM has “adopted a procrastinating attitude to delay the settlement raising the contentious symbolic issues of separate Naga national flag and constitution on which they are fully aware of the Government of India’s position.”

Significantly, the Centre’s stalemate with the NSCN-IM reached its zenith only after the reading down of Article 370 of Jammu and Kashmir. In one stroke, the Modi government abolished the provision under which the state had a separate flag and a constitution.

Though several armed groups in the Northeast, including the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) in Assam, had been referring to Article 370 to demand a similar provision from the Centre (the All Assam Students Union too had sought a similar provision for Assam at one point of time), it was primarily the NSCN (IM), the largest and the deadliest insurgent group in the region, which had caught on to the idea more firmly than the others.

Also read: With J&K’s Special Status Revoked, Alarm Bells Ring in Nagaland

Examining the developments unfolding in the Naga talks, a question arises: Did the Centre take into account the outcome of the Naga peace talks before taking the decision to scrap Article 370? Was it merely a coincidence that, less than two weeks after Article 370 was scrapped, Ravi announced in Nagaland that Prime Minister Modi had asked him to conclude the peace talks within three months’ time ending on October 31?

Anthony Shimray recently told The Wire that he was himself present in a meeting where the issue of a flag and constitution were discussed and the Centre had said that it would see how well it could deal with it.

Nevertheless, hectic parleys have been on for the last few days, both with the NSCN(IM) and the NNPGs, in New Delhi and in Kohima, to break the stalemate over the unresolved issues even as the October 31 deadline approaches.

Meanwhile, with news reports of Manipur and state government resorting to a security overdrive, with the Nagaland police directing the reserve battalions to stock ration and fuel for two months and with the army recently being removed from Assam with the caveat that they could be deployed to the other northeastern states, fear and uncertainty among the people is palpable.

Early this month, people in Dimapur, the commercial hub of Nagaland, were alarmed to have spotted Sukhoi and Hawk fighter jets hovering low over their houses. As the memory of the Indian Army’s bombing in Mizoram in the 1960s to curb insurgency has not been fully forgotten in the Northeast, the social media was throbbing with rumours over a possible link to the uneasy developments over the Naga talks. Later though, the Indian Air Force announced it was ‘a major wartime preparedness’ exercise using six civilian airports in the north-eastern states and West Bengal.

Delhi-based students from Nagaland stage a protest march demanding solution to the issue of Naga peace talks, and a decision on the framework agreement, in New Delhi. Photo: PTI/Files

In an effort to ally growing public fear and an environment of confusion fuelled by the lack of clear information to the public surrounding the peace talks, the state police chief, the state chief secretary and the Assam Rifles gave statements to the media. However, the Assam Rifles, empowered by the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, has said that it would continue its routine searches of houses etc. while on the lookout for insurgents.

With Ravi as the governor – bestowed with powers to control the law and order situation in the state as per Article 371A (meant for Nagaland) more and more firming up the battle lines by taking on board the NNPGs – panic is rising among the public over possible fratricidal killings post the accord.

Recent news about the Ministry of Home Affairs bidding to bring Assam Rifles under its wings has further added to the suspicion of possible military action against those not willing to toe the government’s line. It could well be a tactic of the Centre on the NSCN-IM to bow down to the pressure but having been in the midst of crossfire between militants and the security forces for too long, the fear of the common man in Nagaland is substantial and the worst is being imagined.

Also read: Separate Flag, Constitution Key for ‘Honourable’ Peace Solution: Naga Group

Speaking to East Mojo, a Guwahati-based news website, well-known anti-corruption activist K.K. Sema pointed out:

“When the governor gives a very serious ultimatum (at the October 18 meeting) that come what may, the government of India would conclude the negotiations, it means that if there is any one group among them which refuses to sign, it will have to be taken out in whatever manner the government of India feels best. It obviously implies that the government will be using force in order to tackle them. Now the problem is, the people of Nagaland, the stakeholders, the common man, he is going to be right in the middle of the crossfire when the government goes against them. For those of us who have seen violence in the 1950s, it is not a pleasant sight to behold.”

He cautioned against the haste being shown by the Centre to cut the deal.

The NNPGs may well be on board now but it’s essential to also underline that, in mid-2018, they had walked out of the peace talks too, citing a raid by the Assam Rifles at the residence of V. Nagi, the co-convener of the working group.

Can we then read the development as some sort of pressure tactic already put using the might of the Assam Rifles on these groups to toe the line? Some news reports in Nagaland have said that their willingness to sign the accord is hinged on an ‘economic package’ to be tailored for their cadres. Reports from Nagaland have said several cadres from the IM group are already shifting their allegiance to these groups in the hopes of getting a share of the pie.

As per latest news reports, top NSCN-IM leader Hukavi Yeputhomi, a member of the negotiating team of NSCN-IM, has also moved over to the working committee of the NNPGs along with 16 others. This may well lead to a split in the NSCN (IM).

As the government tries to find a solution by possibly making use of the clear division brewing amongst the Naga stakeholders, it brings us to another question: Will it end up committing the same mistakes made by the previous central governments while entering into peace accords in the Northeast by going with one set or sets of stakeholders and leaving the hard nuts for the security forces to tackle?

Perhaps, at this point, a reminder is necessary to the readers that several synthetic peace accords had previously come with an expiry date in the region. Various accords had failed to deliver permanent peace in the region even with an economic package as the primary component. So far, the only accord that can be called a success in the region is the Mizo Accord of 1986, not because of any effort by the Centre but due to the concerted work by the Mizo society to ensure lasting peace.

Watch: With J&K’s 370 Gone, Nagas Skeptical That Centre Will Impose Its Will on Them Too

Importantly, the government must not overlook the key takeaway from the failure of the previous endeavour at peace with the Nagas. The Shillong Agreement, signed in 1975 between the central government and the underground leadership, including the NNC founder A. Z. Phizo’s brother Kevie Yalie, fell though, mainly on the grounds of not finding wider acceptability of the Indian constitution and that the representatives of the underground organisations were not given ‘reasonable time’ to formulate other issues for discussion for the final solution. The agreement was also led by the then Nagaland governor L.P. Singh.

The failure of the Shillong Agreement to usher in peace only led Muivah and the others to break out of the NNC to form NSCN. Muivah, now leading the talks with the Centre on behalf of NSCN-IM, would then naturally be cautious on the issue of the constitution.

Some in Nagaland even go to the extent of saying that Muivah, the last of the tall Naga revolutionary leaders, would rather go down in history as a ‘martyr’ who didn’t relent to pressure from the government of India without an ‘honourable solution’ for the Nagas than concede to a watered-down version of a peace accord.

In the next few days, it would be clear what entails the fate of not just the NSCN-IM but also that of octogenarian Muivah, residing in a ‘safe house’ in New Delhi under the watch of the Centre.

Thursday Meeting Between Centre, NSCN-IM Could Be Crucial to Naga Peace Talks

NSCN (I-M)’s demand for a separate flag and constitution, however, has met with stolid refusal.

New Delhi: Representatives of the Centre and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) – the signatories of the framework agreement signed in 2015 to help facilitate a Naga peace deal – will sit for a crucial meeting in New Delhi on October 24.

The meeting holds immense importance considering that it could end the recent stand-off between the two negotiating parties over the issue of a separate flag and constitution for the Naga people, as part of a peace accord.

According to reliable sources in the Nagaland government, the peace deal with the NSCN (I-M) “is in a make or break situation” over the hardening of positions around the issue.

“R.N. Ravi, the government’s interlocutor and the state governor, has already announced that a deal with or without the NSCN (I-M) will be sealed by October 31. So we can call tomorrow’s meeting the conclusive one with the I-M group. It can go either way,” the sources claimed.

On October 10, Ravi held a meeting with Thuingaleng Muivah in New Delhi on the issue. The interlocutor-cum-governor has also met Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently to apprise him of developments.

Also read: Naga Peace Accord Remains Hazy and Full of Pitfalls

Aside from stating that Modi had asked him to close the peace negotiations by October, Ravi had also recently accused the I-M group of “mischievously” dragging the talks, adding that they could not go on “endlessly” “under the shadow of guns”.

In a statement issued on October 18 after a meeting in Kohima between various stakeholders, including the seven Naga Nationalist Political Groups (NNPGs), church leaders, United Naga Council, the apex body of the Nagas from Manipur, and non-Naga tribes among others, Ravi reportedly said that a mutually agreed draft comprehensive settlement had already been readied for signatures with them.

“Unfortunately, at this auspicious juncture, the NSCN (I-M) has adopted a procrastinating attitude to delay the settlement raising the contentious symbolic issues of a separate Naga national flag and constitution on which they are fully aware of the government of India’s position,” the statement said.

In the statement, the governor-cum-interlocutor ruled out the possibility of the Centre acceding to a separate flag and constitution for the Nagas, as demanded by NSCN (I-M).

On categorically being asked about the status of talks over the flag and the constitution, NSCN (I-M)’s chief of army, Anthony Shimray told The Wire, “The flag and the constitution are the legitimate rights of the Nagas because the government of India, through the framework agreement signed with us in August 2015, recognised the unique history of the Nagas and its shared sovereignty with India. It is in the interpretation of these words that we should look at the call for the flag and the constitution; it is for peaceful co-existence. Without it, we don’t think Nagas will get an honourable solution.”

Also read: Separate Flag, Constitution Key for ‘Honourable’ Peace Solution: Naga Group

Shimray, who is part of the ongoing negotiations with the Centre, said, “The framework agreement had raised a lot of hope among the Nagas. Now, you can’t call it just a piece of paper, set aside the signatories and bring in some others to roll out a peace accord. The solution must be based on the framework agreement.”

The framework agreement remains an undisclosed and secret document. The Ministry of Home Affairs, in 2017, had refused to share the details of the agreement in reply to an RTI filed by Venkatesh Nayak of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in New Delhi citing “confidentiality in public interest”. The government’s decision was later upheld by the Central Information Commission.

Significantly, the NSCN (I-M) top leader said that he was “a part of a meeting with the government of India where we had raised the issue of a separate flag and constitution. The government’s side said they will see how best to address it. However, after the reading down of Article 370 in Kashmir, suddenly it is off the table. But Kashmir and Naga issues are two separate issues.”

He added, “There has been an effort to bring peace for the last 22 years. This opportunity for peace may not come again and therefore it will be unfortunate if it breaks at this point.”

Meanwhile, reports say various church leaders have given “a clarion call to the Nagas to begin a fasting prayer for the Naga nation”.

The Naga HoHo, the mother body of all the 14 Naga tribes and considered by some to be close to the NSCN (I-M), in a statement issued on October 13, said that an “imposed settlement” would be unacceptable to the Nagas particularly when “core issues” which had led the peace process to reach a deadlock many a times have not been solved “amicably”.

Among others, the Nagaland chief minister Neiphu Rio is in New Delhi for the meeting on Thursday.

In Nagaland, Calls For Zeliang To Resign Likely To Work in BJP’s Favour

Sources say the chief minister has been in talks with the BJP to move with his supporters to that party if the pressure on him to resign heightens further.

Nagaland chief minister T. R. Zeliang with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Credit: PTI

Imphal (Manipur): Will the loss of Naga women’s political rights turn out to be a surprise political gain for the BJP in Nagaland?

State chief minister T.R. Zeliang is under severe pressure from powerful tribal bodies to step down, despite 42 of the 59 legislators of the Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN) reaffirming their support to his government on February 3.

The Naga Hoho, an apex body of all 18 Naga tribes, is opposed to a recent Supreme Court interim order directing the state government to implement 33% reservation for women in elections to urban local bodies (ULBs).

According to reliable sources in the Naga People’s Front (NPF) – Zeliang’s party, which is a part of the DAN government – the chief minister has been in talks with the BJP’s central leadership to move with his supporters to the saffron party, just as Pema Khandu recently did in Arunachal Pradesh, and continue in the government if the pressure on him to resign heightens further.

The Zeliang government’s term ends in early 2018.

According to sources, “Zeliang could have been able to assuage the tribal groups from opposing the ULB elections with women’s reservation had it not been backed by a section of NPF members supported by suspended party leader and former state chief minister Neiphiu Rio. They took the opportunity to renew their effort to remove Zeliang from the CM’s post, which failed to bear fruit earlier.”

Though there is no official confirmation of such a move by the chief minister, and neither the BJP nor NPF leaders are ready to speak openly about such a possibility, on February 7, Zeliang said “vested interests” were behind the calls for his resignation.

“Some vested interests are taking advantage of the public movement and turning it into a politically motivated situation,” he told local media in Kohima.

Zeliang said that as per the demand of the joint coordination committee (JCC) of tribal bodies spearheading the agitation, the ULB elections, which were slated for February 1, were postponed for some ULBs.

“We agreed to their demand in principle but subject to the approval of the state government,” he said. The state cabinet also decided to submit a memorandum to the prime minister to pass an ordinance to exempt the state from Part IX-A of the constitution as per which it had to hold the ULB elections.

The government also transferred the commissioner of police in Dimapur after two protesters were killed, allegedly in police firing, on February 2.

“And yet, there was fresh demand for my resignation, which means there was vested interest,” the chief minister said, adding, “I am ready to step down if the MLAs go against me.”

In 2015, 22 of the 38 MLAs expressed no confidence in Zeliang’s leadership to the governor, a move allegedly engineered by Neiphu Rio.

Zeliang thereafter created the DAN coalition and formed the government with support from 16 NPF MLAs and eight Congress legislators and seven independents. Since then, Rio has been suspended from the NPF for “anti-party activities”. The dissident NPF MLAs later rejoined the government.

Though at the time there was pressure on the central leadership of the BJP from Rio and his supporters in NPF – an ally of the BJP in Nagaland – to not back Zeliang, the central leadership decided to support him anyway.

The Zeliang government thus became a unique dispensation that enjoyed the support of both the Congress and the BJP. It is also a government that has only one member in the opposition – Thomas Ngullie, an independent MLA.

On February 7, after a meeting of all the tribal apex bodies of the state along with the JCC, organised by the Naga Tribes Action Committee (NTAC) in Kohima, the NTAC convener K.T. Vilie reiterated the demand for Zeliang’s resignation.

“The chief minister should step down on moral grounds within a period of three days with effect from February 8,” he said, asking “everyone not to politicise the historic movement under any circumstance.”

He added that “There was no need to write to the prime minister about bringing an ordinance to stop the ULB elections as under Article 371(A) of the constitution, the state assembly can make its own laws.”

As part of an eight-point resolution taken at the meeting, Vilie also asked all tribal bodies “not to attend the meeting called by the chief minister on February 8 and any other meetings convened by him in the future.” He also warned, “in the event of any leader attending the meeting, such a person will be treated as anti-Naga.”

NPF sources told The Wire, “If Zeliang joins the BJP, the NPF may split into two as Rio has considerable support among the MLAs even after his suspension.”

According to sources in the BJP in Imphal, “The BJP-NPF alliance in Nagaland has not been respected by the NPF in Manipur. The Naga dominated districts in Manipur will vote for NPF, so anyway, the alliance with NPF is not bringing any gain to the party.”

The sources added, “Rio’s attempts at strengthening NPF in Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh have not been taken lightly by the BJP, a reason why he also lost out on a possible cabinet berth in the Narendra Modi government last year.”

Attempts by The Wire to contact Rio on the issue failed to elicit any response.

However, responding to a reporter’s query about such a move by Zeliang at the NPF ticket distribution ceremony in Kohima on February 7, party president S. Leizeitsu rubbished the rumour saying it had been floated only to create confusion among party members.

Zeliang too denied such a plan. “NPF and BJP have an alliance since 2003, there is no question of merger with the BJP,” he said at a press meet in Kohima in response to a query.

Currently, the BJP has four legislators in the 60-member Nagaland assembly, three of whom won the 2013 assembly elections on Nationalist Congress Party tickets before defecting. In October, the Zeliang government removed BJP MLA M. Kikon from the post of parliamentary secretary reportedly for “anti-government activities”, leading to some tension between Zeliang and the BJP.

Nagaland to Hold Urban Local Body Polls With 33% Reservation for Women

The decision has drawn the ire of powerful tribal bodies, who have called for a state-wide bandh in response.

Naga women demanding reservation in elected bodies are seen during a rally in Dimapur. Credit: PTI

New Delhi: The long overdue urban local body (ULB) elections in Nagaland are slated for February 1, but it has caused some unrest in the state along predictable lines.

The powerful tribal bodies in the state have yet again posed stiff opposition to the elections on one primary count – 33% reservation of seats for women.

In 2012, these bodies had pushed the state assembly to pass a resolution not to hold the ULB polls – due for over 16 years now – with reservation for women candidates even though an amendment to that effect was made in 2006 to the Municipality Act 2001. This time around, however, the T.R. Zeliang government decided to hold the polls after the cabinet gave the go ahead on August 10.

The cabinet meeting was held in response to an interim Supreme Court order in an ongoing case filed by the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA) seeking a directive from the apex court to the state government to implement the 33% reservation for women in the ULBs, like in other states.

The court asked the state government to hold the polls by April this year. Soon after it, Zeliang told local reporters, “The Joint Action Committee of NMA has been fighting for women’s reservation in the court. So whatever be the judgement, we felt why not we implement the provision for it in the amendment made to the Municipality Act.”

Although the Nagaland assembly has never had a woman MLA, the state government in November 2015 introduced and later passed the Nagaland Municipal (Third Amendment) Bill 2016. It revoked the 2012 assembly resolution, thus clearing the roadblock to reservation of seats for women.

Like before, the protest against the state government’s move has been spearheaded by Naga HoHo, an apex body of all the 18 Naga tribes, along with Lotha HoHo and Sumi HoHo. After the August 10 cabinet decision, these bodies decided to boycott the elections and called a state-wide bandh from January 26 till the day of voting.

There have been reports in the local media about various tribal bodies under Naga HoHo putting pressure on many candidates to withdraw their nominations, which opened on January 3, with some groups even excommunicating candidates for not opting out of the polls. Such incidents led the state election commission to extend the last date of filing nominations in at least six municipality and town councils.

Speaking to The Wire from state capital Kohima on January 28, Naga Hoho president Chuba Ozukum said, “We had a meeting with the chief minister on January 25 and decided not to go ahead with our bandh call from January 26 onwards as planned because he said he needed some time to consult his cabinet members about the issue. However, on January 27, we got to know that the government had decided to go ahead with the polls with 33% reservation for women candidates. We had a meeting in Kohima till late night and decided to boycott the polls and begin our bandh from January 28 onwards.”

He said, “We have been urging the state government not to go ahead with the reservation in these elections because we strongly feel that it doesn’t go with the special rules that the Naga society follows. We are allowed to follow our customary rules and laws by Article 371 (A) of the constitution. So we are different from other states and need not follow a certain rule simply because the other states are doing it.”

However, women activists and supporters of the government’s move felt these tribal bodies controlled by men didn’t want women to be a part of political decision making, like they do in customary bodies.

“It is a six-year-long legal battle for our constitutional rights culminating in the interim order of the SC. With that order and the state government’s decision to go ahead with the elections, we are prepared for it but the opposing tribal bodies constituted of men don’t want the customary practice of not having women in political decision making to be changed by the entry of women,” NMA advisor and well-known women’s rights activist from Nagaland Rosemary Dzuvichu told this correspondent.

She brushed aside the Naga HoHo contention that the women’s reservation would infringe on customary laws saying, “Urban local bodies are modern entities and have nothing to do with traditional customary laws.” A stand the state government has also taken.

On being asked about depriving women their rights, Ozukum countered, “It is not that we are opposed to women’s political rights but all we are saying is that let the state cabinet frame its own laws and rules, and not just copy them from other states as the Naga society has always been allowed to follow its own laws by the constitution. We have suggested to the government that let women be nominated to the municipal council bodies after mutual consultation and have voting rights. After they gain membership of these civic bodies, they can also contest for the position of chairperson. We are even agreeable to have 40% of such nominated women members.”

The village council bodies in the state have 25% reservation for women. However, Dzuvichu pointed out, “It is not as per the Panchayati Raj system.” In 2009, the union cabinet approved 50% reservation for women in the Panchayati Raj institutions with many states implementing it since then.

Although village council elections have been taking place regularly in Nagaland, only one ULB election has been held till now due to opposition from the tribal bodies. The term of the first ULB ended between December 2009 and March 2010. The ongoing Supreme Court case was another cause for why the polls were not held.

Pointing to the benefits of holding ULB elections, Zeliang recently told reporters, “The state has not been able to avail the development funds granted by the centre due to it. It is a great loss to the people; the funds can be used to develop various facilities for them.”

The tribal bodies are opposed to the polls on yet another count – paying taxes to the town councils. “The people are asking why should we pay taxes to the council when the land belongs to us. Unlike other states, the Nagaland government doesn’t own any land, land in the state is a private entity,” argued Ozukum.

The state government’s decision to hold the ULB polls with 33% reservation for women candidates has also been backed by the Centre. State governor P.B. Acharya conveyed this to the state government long before it decided to hold the polls.

In a press note released by Raj Bhavan on January 12, the governor appealed to all stakeholders to cooperate with the authorities for the smooth conduct of the polls. He said, “Although equality of the sexes is enshrined in the Indian constitution, it is not a social reality. Therefore, vigorous affirmative action was needed to improve the condition of women. Giving 33 per cent reservation to women will not only empower women but change the social structure of India in many ways.”

Meanwhile, despite the boycott, as per local media reports, as many as 452 candidates, many of whom are women, have filed their nominations for the upcoming elections to the 32 ULBs, including three municipal and 29 town councils spread across Nagaland’s 11 districts.

Will the ‘Framework Accord’ End Democracy and Freedom in Nagaland?

The Nagas may soon find their worst fears – fundamentalist rule, fratricidal war, the loss of traditional ways of life and the plundering of natural resources – confirmed.

Signing the Framework Accord. Credit: PTI

Kohima: ‘Kuknalim‘, or ‘victory to the land’, is a greeting that has been long associated with the Naga freedom struggle. When Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the sensitive border state of Nagaland to inaugurate the Hornbill Festival in December 2014, he ended his speech with a resounding triple invocation of ‘kuknalim’, surprising and impressing his audience. Much to their bemusement, it was Nagaland’s chief minister, T.R. Zeliang, who ended his speech with ‘jai Hind’ (‘victory to India’).

What did the Naga public make of this surprising turn of events?

“Modi’s incorporation of ‘kuknalim’ did not imply respect for the Naga struggle. It meant ‘we will neutralise you,'” observed one perceptive Naga.

A recent month-long trip across Nagaland revealed a state preparing for a fast approaching storm. The Nagas may soon find their worst fears – about what the government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isaac Muivah, or NSCN-IM, have in store for them – confirmed.

The August 2015 ‘Naga Peace Accord’ (subsequently rephrased as the ‘Framework Accord’), as well as the move towards a settlement between the NSCN-IM, the most powerful Naga insurgent faction, and the Modi government, have comprised an important starting point to the talks that have been dragging on since 1997, without any solution in sight. These talks presented a historic opportunity for India to engage with the people of the Northeast as a whole. This is necessary because a piecemeal solution addressing one or the other section of the population cannot be lasting, since the problems of the region are manifold and interrelated.

A manipulation of the truth

Over the past decade, however, the Naga public, through its organisations, has made it clear that although the NSCN-IM is the dominant faction and is leading the talks on its behalf, it has to represent a consensus between the different Naga factions and civil society, in order to be taken seriously. This has not yet been achieved. Naga civil society leaders in Kohima say that the NSCN-IM holds “consultations” without revealing any details, gets people to sign their names and then goes to Delhi claiming they have the mandate of the Naga people. This is a manipulation of the truth, they say.

Ignoring civil society’s demand to be consulted on the terms of settlement, the Centre and the NSCN-IM went ahead to secretively design the Framework Accord, which was signed in the presence of Modi. In May 2016, the contents of this accord were leaked and appeared in the national media. Many within Naga civil society view this as an NSCN-IM bid at ‘kite flying’ to gauge the strength of the Naga public’s responsiveness.

The leaked contents of the accord have nevertheless alarmed civil society groups to such an extent that, despite facing the barrel of the NSCN-IM’s ‘silencing guns’, they are now rallying the public to seek urgent clarification on the questions that have been raised.

On May 18, at a public meeting in Dimapur, the Naga Tribal Council (NTC) and the Naga Gaon Bura Federation (NGBF) came together to demand that the NSCN-IM divulge the terms of the accord and take their views into consideration. Its declaration warned: “[a]nother political blunder [reference to the Shillong Accord of 1975] leading to bloodshed cannot be tolerated by the Nagas”.

The accord indicates a serious paradigm shift from democracy to communist, fundamentalist rule, civil society leaders say. “It’s hard to decide whether the terms of this accord are inspired by Maoist China or RSS [Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh] headquarters in Nagpur,” observed a youth leader from Kohima village.

Whose constitution?

According to the leaked version of the accord, first published by senior journalist Bharat Bhushan, Naga law, which has been defined by the NSCN-IM as the ‘Naga constitution’ or ‘Yezhabo’, is to be incorporated into the Indian constitution.

But what is this Yezhabo? Who has written it and whose mandate does it hold?

Naga leaders ask if the NSCN-IM’s Maoist China-inspired Yehzabo can indeed be the ‘Naga constitution’ and be incorporated into the Indian constitution, which is committed to a democratic ethos.

Until recently, few Nagas had read the Yehzabo. A close study of it reveals ideas that appear in the Framework Accord. Most Nagas, especially in rural areas, are unaware of its serious implications, says Kohima-based, retired IAS officer Khekiye Sema.

The Yehzabo speaks of a “one-party-one-government system” in which “the National Socialist Council of Nagaland is the only authentic National Council and the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland its legitimate government.” This means that India’s systems of multi-party elections and democratic administration will not be practiced in Nagaland and all candidates standing for elections will do so only under the NSCN-IM flag.

The accord seeks to reduce Nagaland to a mere ‘Autonomous District Council’ (ADC), which would make it equal to the Naga-inhabited ADCs in Manipur (where they already exist), Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. These ADCs will be controlled by a Pan Naga Hoho (the Yehzabo does not specify how this body will be elected or be truly representative), who will in turn nominate an apex body of top leaders. Sema said: “Why would the Naga[s] of Nagaland give up the gains of statehood and settle to be part of an ADC? Past negotiations had offered them a far higher status.”

In Nagaland, there is widespread fear of one Naga group asserting itself over the others. The recent declaration of the Nagaland governor Padmanabha Acharya (an RSS functionary), that 4,000 of the NSCN-IM’s cadres will be incorporated into the armed security forces as soon as the accord is implemented, has caused alarm.

The Tangkhul Nagas of Manipur dominate the NSCN-IM cadres. The Naga public leaders ask who will control this force – the NSCN-IM or the Indian army. If under NSCN-IM command, numerous factions will undoubtedly rebel. The NSCN-IM will declare these rebels ‘anti-nationals’ who must surrender or be wiped out. This would yet again plunge Naga society into fratricidal war, with civilians caught in the crossfire.

Incidentally, the Yehzabo specifies that the council president or chairman who heads the government will appoint the chief justice and justices of its own supreme court (which will be the highest court of appeal and whose many functions will include deciding cases of ‘high treason’). This head will also appoint a chief election commissioner and army chief.

The Yehzabo also declares: “No region will be allowed to secede from the nation.” This is a pointed reference to the eastern Mon, Tuensang and Kiphire districts, which are determined to pursue their own destinies distinct from those of the western districts and have withdrawn from the Naga Hoho, the Naga Students’ Federation and other such institutions.

A Konyak man outside his home. Credit: Rupa Chinai

Nationalisation

The proposal that promises to be the most devastating is that land, forests, resources and property will be ‘nationalised’. This effectively nullifies traditional customary rights, which are protected under Article 371A of the Indian constitution and were enacted with Nagaland’s creation. This constitutional provision, not applicable to any other region of India, ensures that all land, forests and natural resources in Nagaland belong to Naga individuals and communities. (Government-owned land is limited to that which has been acquired through the payment of compensation.) This unique land ownership pattern has ensured the survival of Nagaland’s rich biodiversity and natural forests. Nationalisation will mean the NSCN-IM and the Centre will partner to explore and exploit Nagaland’s rich oil, mineral and bio-diversity resources.

While warning of the consequences of traditional rights being lost, the NTC and NGBF said that “Naga customary law and traditions”, on which Article 371A is “founded”, are “the outcome of our forefathers’ rich cultural legacies, which were carried on without wavering”.

Meanwhile, in an extraordinary move since November 2015, the 60-member Nagaland state legislative assembly now has nobody sitting on its opposition benches. All members of the opposition Congress have joined the ruling party. The Naga People’s Front (NPF) has declared its collective resignation to make way for an NSCN-IM government once the accord is sealed.

“This is a very serious paradigm shift that will forever change the face of freedom and democracy in Nagaland,” said Sema.

He further questioned: “Have our elected representatives taken the consent of the people and have they thought about this abnormal proposal to replace democracy with communism? While the signing of the Mizo Peace Accord saw an interim government headed by the Mizo National Front leader Lal Denga and the then ruling Congress chief minister Lal Thanhawla stepping aside to facilitate this process, it was still under India’s democratic electoral process. How will the multi-party election process be held under such an accord? Can India allow such a constitution as defined by the NSCN-IM?”

In an article in a local Nagaland newspaper, Naga Congress leader and the current governor of Odisha, S. C. Jamir, states that it would be impossible to incorporate the NSCN-IM’s accord based on the NSCN-IM’s constitution into the existing Indian constitution, which is committed to a democratic ethos.

While both the NSCN-IM and the Centre have said that Naga sovereignty and the integration of Naga-inhabited areas were not discussed, the accord will nevertheless have far-reaching implications for India and its democratic constitution. Modi, who was present at the signing of the accord, will need to clarify these issues, say Naga public leaders.

Neutralisation

Meanwhile, developments at ground level in Nagaland reveal that the ‘neutralisation’ of the Naga people has already begun. Privately-owned land is being sold to the government and corporates, as has happened through the building of highways through rich rainforests and a railhead at Zubza, in the Angami tribal area of Kohima district, explorations for oil and natural gas in the Lotha area of Wokha district and coal mining in the Konyak area of Mon district. Signs of the lure of undreamt-of cash and the promise of the latest cars, luxurious homes and lifestyle of the powerful are all too evident in Naga urban areas.

Even in Khonoma village, the heartland of the Naga struggle for independence and the birthplace of Angami Zapu Phizo, ‘development’ threatens precious natural resources and ways of life. An elderly man explained how the village has readily given up a portion of its community land, free of charge, for a highway to cut through a precious biosphere reserve. “How can we stop the highways or prevent development?” he asked.