Family of Indian Student Killed in Ukraine to Donate Body For Medical Research

Naveen Shekarappa Gyanagoudar’s body, which is expected to arrive in Bengaluru on Monday, will be donated to the S. S. Institute of Medical Sciences and Research Centre in Davanagere.

New Delhi: The family of Naveen Shekarappa Gyanagoudar, the 21-year-old medical student who was killed in the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv on March 1, has decided to donate his body for medical research.

According to The Hindu, his body, which is expected to arrive in Bengaluru on Monday, will be donated to the S. S. Institute of Medical Sciences and Research Centre in Davanagere after the final rites are performed.

Karnataka chief minister Basavaraj Bommai has said the body would arrive in Bengaluru on Monday and not on Sunday as was stated earlier.

“The body of Naveen Gyanagouda, who was recently killed in Ukraine in Russian shelling, will be brought to Bengaluru on Monday at 3 am,” the chief minister tweeted on Friday.


He had told reporters that the body would arrive on Sunday.

Officials close to him said there was confusion on the arrival.

“It has been clarified now that the body will arrive on Monday and not on Sunday as was stated earlier,” an official close to Bommai told PTI.

A fourth-year medical student in Kharkiv city, Naveen was killed when he ventured out of his bunker to get some food, water and exchange money.

The 22-year-old student from Chalageri village in Ranebennur Taluk of Haveri in Karnataka was the second son of Shekarappa Gyanagouda. Gyanagouda has been demanding his son’s body to be brought to India for final rites.

Several Indian students were caught in conflict zones in the eastern part of Ukraine after the country was invaded by Russia. All of them have returned to India, according to the Ministry of External Affairs.

(With PTI inputs)

Kashmir Needs More Healthcare Now but, Without the Internet, It’s Getting Less

Over 3,000 applications for assistance under the Centre’s Ayushman Bharat scheme have been languishing at the ‘pending’ stage since August 5.

Srinagar: On August 26, a young patient running a high fever was rushed to the out-patient department of S.M.H.S. Hospital in Srinagar. The junior doctor on duty was caught in a predicament when he found the patient’s symptoms didn’t fit any particular diagnosis.

In other circumstances, he would have logged onto his go-to health website and looked for the symptoms there. But with no internet connection and all telephone lines down, he could neither understand the ailment properly nor call a senior doctor to discuss the problem. So he halfheartedly went ahead with his clinical judgement and administered treatment.

Another doctor in the hospital’s casualty department had a similar experience in September.

“Internet access comes handy in such situations,” the second doctor said on condition of anonymity. “I would have researched the problem, … making the diagnosis more accurate.”

“As a doctor, I couldn’t have risked giving [the patient] the wrong drugs. I delayed the treatment and asked him to return the next day. Meanwhile, I took my seniors on board to develop a proper diagnosis.”

The situation was much worse when it involved a surgery.

“There were many patients who went through a preanesthesia checkup before the surgery and required another review from a senior physician,” the second doctor said. “Due to the lack of communication, we couldn’t track down the senior doctors on time. So a staffer would be sent from one department in search of the seniors, who would be in another department at the time. This created a lot of confusion and delayed the surgeries.”

To make matters worse, some of the hospitals ran out of medicines and some equipment during the communications blockade, and couldn’t place new orders.

“Essential kits like Trop T and Venus blood gas kits, which give insights about various diseases, are scarce.”

Postgraduate students were hobbled as well. They said none of them had been able to make any progress on their work since August 5, when the blackout began.

“We need references to write the synopsis. How can we progress when there is no internet?” one scholar at the Government Medical College in Srinagar asked.

The Centre restored internet services in 80 hospitals from the evening of January 1. “The government has also directed restoration of internet broadband services in respect of all other government hospitals as well, where local bottlenecks like connectivity status, billing problems, etc are being worked out and fixed on priority,” a spokesperson’s statement added.

However, hospital staff have found that only the heads of hospitals and selected senior officials have been able to get online. One official at GMC Srinagar said, “There is no access in any ward nor in the libraries of hospitals.”

They share their plight with other hospitals in the valley, as well as non-government initiatives trying to improve access to good and affordable healthcare.

For example, the blockade has set back ‘Save Heart Kashmir’, a programme that three doctors initiated in 2017 to provide cardiac healthcare assistance during emergencies based on WhatsApp messages.

Dr Afaaq Jalali, a senior physician associated with the programme, said that its members had to find other ways to work around the internet barrier.

“When phone connections were restored in Kashmir, our numbers were listed on charts that are pasted at all district, sub-district, primary health centres and other peripheral hospitals. We are available 24*7 to attend to their calls and offer expert advice on how to tackle the emergency,” he said.

Dr Nasir Shamas, also a member of ‘Save Heart Kashmir’, said the blockade forced them to invent and prepare better for such emergencies.

“After August 5, doctors have been trained on all medical emergencies, unlike before, when they were only trained in cardiology. This is done so that if such a scenario arises in the future, we will tackle them efficiently.”

The group currently has around 1,200 members and has catered to over 38,000 patients thus far.

In an ironic but unsurprising example of anti-exceptionalism, government health  health schemes like Ayushman Bharat have also been affected. Many patients avail of benefits from this scheme for dialysis, gall-bladder removal, breathing disorders, cancer care, cardiac stenting and total hip replacement.

The Centre launched the scheme in Jammu and Kashmir in December 2018, since when more than 30,439 patients have registered for an estimated treatment amount of Rs 20.2.

But since August 5, over 3,000 applications for assistance have been languishing at the ‘pending’ stage.

Similar, the state government had conceived of the ‘102’ and ‘108’ toll-free ambulance services to deal with emergencies and to transport referral patients in 2011. By a November 2019 deadline, the government was expected to roll out 416 ambulances.

But according to an official of the National Health Mission, the Jammu and Kashmir government has only procured around 120 critical care ambulances thus far.

“We can’t make them operational without the internet. We need an internet connection to monitor them because they are GPS-fitted ambulances,” the official said.

Rashid Para, the state’s programme manager for emergency care, only said that the vehicles will be made available soon in the new union territory.

Two of Three Wild Poliovirus Strains Eradicated: WHO

The last case of polio type 3 was detected in northern Nigeria in 2012, and global health officials have since been conducting intense surveillance to ensure it has gone.

London: Global health officials will on Thursday announce a partial victory in the decades-long fight to end polio, with a second of three strains of the crippling virus certified as eradicated worldwide.

The ending of wild poliovirus type 3 – also known as WPV3 – will be the third human disease-causing pathogen to be eradicated in history, after smallpox was declared wiped out in 1980 and wild poliovirus type 2 (WPV2) in 2015.

Polio spreads in vulnerable populations in areas where there is no immunity and sanitation is poor. It invades the nervous system and can cause irreversible paralysis within hours.

It cannot be cured, but infection can be prevented by vaccination – and a dramatic reduction in case numbers worldwide in recent decades has been largely due to intense national and regional immunisation campaigns in babies and children.

The last case of polio type 3 was detected in northern Nigeria in 2012, and global health officials have since been conducting intense surveillance to ensure it has gone.

“With no wild poliovirus type 3 detected anywhere in the world since 2012, the Global Commission for the Certification of Poliomyelitis Eradication is anticipated to officially declare this strain as globally eradicated,” the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) said in a statement.

The success in ending type 3 means that only type 1 of the wild virus is still circulating and causing infections.

Polio type 1 is endemic in two countries – Afghanistan and Pakistan – but efforts to wipe it out have faced setbacks in the past two years.

After reaching a historic low of only 22 cases of wild polio infection in 2017, the virus has caused 72 cases in Pakistan and Afghanistan already this year – pushing back yet further the potential date for the world to wipe polio out altogether.

The first target date for ending polio was set in 1988 by the GPEI, a partnership of the World Health Organisation, the health charity Rotary International and others, which had aimed to eradicate it by 2000.

GPEI said, however, that this week’s declaration of the end of WPV3 was a “significant milestone”, while Carol Pandak, director of Rotary’s PolioPlus program, said it proves that a polio-free world is achievable. “Even as the polio program addresses major challenges, we’re making important headway in other areas,” she said.

DNA Sequencing Is Inadvertently Exacerbating Social Biases and Inequalities

The cost of genealogical genetic testing and currently limited drive among corporations to build up genetic profiles of underrepresented continents means that both use and effectiveness of DNA sequencing for leisure is highly socioeconomically, geographically and ethnically imbalanced.

At the cutting edge of modern science, DNA sequencing promises to transform many aspects of human life. It’s already playing a significant role in law enforcement, as well as medical and historical research. But there’s a growing inequality in its impacts and in the chances of your genetic data being recorded – whether that’s by choice, for research or medical benefit, or by compulsion by the state.

Britain’s home secretary, Sajid Javid, apologised to parliament on October 25 for his department’s compulsion of immigration applicants, including 51 relatives of British Army Gurkhas, into DNA testing to prove their identity. The revelations, first reported in June, were the latest indictment of the impacts of the government’s “hostile environment” immigration policies. In his statement, Javid said that 83 applications had been refused, including seven which had been refused purely on “suitability grounds”, because applicants had not submitted to mandatory genetic testing.

But the UK is not alone in employing this innovative technology to enforce its borders – Canada, France and Norway are also adopting or considering adoption of these techniques. Meanwhile, border forces under the Trump administration recently used compulsory DNA tests to reunite migrant families they had forcibly separated.

While in each individual case familial DNA testing would give some additional “proof” of relationship to investigators, across Western countries a system seems to be in creation where the compulsion to DNA test becomes a prerequisite of citizenship for certain migrants. Yet it’s a piece of evidence that would not be required of non-migrants in any similar civil or criminal proceeding.

Also Read: Why India’s Draft Data Protection Bill Cannot Solve the Problems of the DNA Bill

The inequalities in access to and use of DNA by the state do not end there, however.

DNA matching is a standard and valuable aspect of modern policing, proving essential in thousands of cases. One less publicised branch of genetic policing is familial DNA matching. This has been used since the late 2000s where crime scene DNA samples do not 100% match a person in the National DNA Database, but can be used to identify a close relative.

Built-in Inequalities

While significantly aiding investigations, these systems have inadvertently created a genealogical bias in detection: if a relative of yours has been criminalised, you are more likely to be identified than if a relative of yours hasn’t. This bias is predicated on socioeconomic factors and likely to exacerbate existing inequalities and discrepancies in policing. And this is particularly the case when we consider which criminals are more likely to have been caught previously: the middle-class cocaine user or the inner-city gang member? The corporate fraudster or the shoplifter on the poverty line?

Police give reasons such as socioeconomic factors and the practicalities of policing to justify the large over-representation of young black men in their DNA database compared to other population groups. Still, there are real implications for whole communities when everyone closely related to each young black man is also now detectable, whether guilty or not – while this is far rarer for members of other communities.

In Sweden, France, and the Netherlands in the past decade, authorities have been censured when it has been discovered that they have kept “family trees” and registration lists of Roma communities – and these are just those caught doing this. Imagine the power of combining name lists and family trees with familial DNA evidence and the way in which whole communities could be monitored and traced by a hostile state, particularly in an increasingly populist and anti-minority political climate.

Also Read: Four Reasons Why India’s Controversial DNA Bill Should Be Sent to a Standing Committee

White Western bias

As a recent letter of warning from a prominent geneticist to research bodies pointed out, current medical genetic databases, research projects and institutions are biased towards white Western populations. There has also been a huge boom in private medical genetic testing in recent years, provided on a pay-only basis, with the leading provider, 23andme, recently reaching five million users and signing a drug development deal with GlaxoSmithKline.

Sequencing your ancestry. Credit: Khairil Azhar Junos/Shutterstock

Global health inequalities are already heavily skewed towards affluent, developed nations. As the current trajectory of genetic medical research which we are frequently told is about to transform healthcare is disproportionately focusing on white Western populations, we are likely to see this revolutionary technology further distorting inequalities, rather than generating better health for all humanity.

DNA testing for leisure is also a booming global industry, with more than ten million people tested with the company Ancestry alone. You can even pay to get your dog DNA tested to trace its origins and create a DNA Pet Portrait for your living room. Leisure testing is a pay-up-front business with ongoing costs if you wish to continue using online tools to find genealogical matches and build your family tree. Most of the online genealogy boom has been confined to Western – particularly anglophone – nations. This has distinct knock-on effects on the effectiveness of researching if you are not of these backgrounds.

While genetic origins from certain areas of Europe can give very specific geographic results, large swaths of the globe are very poorly represented in these databases, making them a far blunter tool. Genealogy companies can potentially tell you what county of Ireland one of your ancestors came from but can’t be more specific than a whole sub-continent for parts of Africa and Asia.

The cost of genealogical genetic testing and currently limited drive among corporations to build up genetic profiles of underrepresented continents means that both use and effectiveness of DNA sequencing for leisure is highly socioeconomically, geographically and ethnically imbalanced.

Also Read: Want Anonymity on the Internet? ICANN Thinks You Can’t

So, in many cases, these phenomenal breakthroughs in deciphering the very code of life itself seem to be reinforcing and exaggerating existing power structures, rather than benefiting the entirety of humanity equally. Targeted and considered mitigation efforts from governments and corporations are essential if we are to redress the balance in the coming decades where DNA sequencing will play an ever more prominent role in society.The Conversation

Matthew Stallard is a research associate at the School of Arts, Languages, and Cultures at the University of Manchester

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The Curious Case of the Missing Indian Postdocs

Postdoctoral fellows form the mainstay of research activities in many parts of the world and yet, are curiously under-utilised and under-funded in Indian institutes.

The last decade has seen the Government of India increasing the number of higher education institutions and introducing policies specifically to motivate STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Math) students. These interventions are expected to build a pipeline of education to produce large numbers of quality STEM graduates.

How do STEM students view this pipeline? How do they perceive opportunities to pursue STEM careers in India? To address this issue with numbers rather than anecdotal information, we initiated a survey for these students in May 2018. A small vignette (~85 PhD students) from the survey has been used here to discuss one node of the STEM career pipeline: postdocs.

In 2015, India had ~125,000 students enrolled in a Ph.D. program, 62% of whom were in STEM fields. Assuming a fifth graduate in 2018, and with our survey showing 56% of these would pursue a postdoc after their PhD, we arrive at ~12,500 potential postdocs per year.

Despite a large base of applicants, postdocs on Indian campuses are a rarity. India’s premier STEM research institute, the Indian Institute of Science (IISc), currently hosts just 174 postdocs. To understand how low this number is, we examined the faculty: postdoc ratio. In IISC it is 2.8:1, while for Stanford University it is 1:1. Correspondingly, faculty: PhD student ratio is 1:5.6 for IISc, as compared to 1:1 at Stanford. This minor analysis suggests that we are under-utilising the trained PhD students we are investing in.

Moreover, the absence of a strong postdoctoral culture negatively impacts our research output. Consider one parameter: publications. In 2018, the Nature Index pegged India at 13, behind countries including USAUK, Switzerland, South Korea, Spain and Italy. Postdocs would be an ideal workforce to contribute to our publication numbers because unlike faculty, they don’t have teaching or administrative duties and unlike Ph.D. students, they have no course-work commitments.

Here, we identify reasons behind our poor postdoc numbers and propose strategies to develop this cohort of scientific research personnel.

Economic, social and scientific factors

Postdocs are poorly paid in India and sometimes, even less than PhD students. The Prime Minister’s Research Fellowship Scheme awards Rs 70,000/month for outstanding PhD students, while a similarly competitive National Postdoctoral Fellowship pays only Rs 55,000/month. Although poor pay for postdocs is a global issue, when considered in terms of purchasing power parity, Indian PhDs prefer poor pay overseas to poor pay in India. Delay in release of salaries and grant money further compounds the poor economics of doing a postdoc in India.

The social perception of an India-trained postdoc is low. Students are strongly advised by their PhD mentors to pursue a postdoc overseas. This advice is substantiated by the widespread habit of prominent research and educational institutes of hiring mostly, if not exclusively, foreign-trained postdocs. The net result: ~70% of surveyed students felt a need to train overseas for a job in Indian academia. There is of course, nothing wrong in students seeking work experience outside India; but, isn’t there something remiss in our system if students feel compelled to do so?

Scientifically, India-trained postdocs have less glamorous publication records compared to their overseas counterparts, an inherent challenge of doing science in India. This issue is not acknowledged by the Indian scientific community. Opaque hiring processes further fuel the perception that a bias exists against hiring India-trained postdocs.

These factors combined lead to a subpar postdoctoral population, both in quantity and quality, as well as programs that are not attractive to either domestic or foreign postdocs. Increased funding is an obvious solution for improving postdoc numbers, but more money without institutional and structural changes will be ineffective. We suggest below some broad interventions that may be considered at a policy level.

Long-term overseas training component

Our survey suggests 60% of those wanting to go abroad will remain in India if such a fellowship is available. Overseas training would expose students to experiential learning from international laboratories. Structuring the Fellowship so that the last one-two years are spent in an Indian laboratory would help to utilise the Fellow’s foreign training in an Indian context.

Encourage foreign postdocs

We have dedicated schemes to attract overseas researchers at the faculty level, but perhaps these would be more valuable when applied to postdocs. Increasing foreign participation on our campuses will enable India to break into the Top 100 global university rankings, an aspiration which now has political momentum. At MIT for example, more than 60% of postdocs are international. Given the contractual nature of postdoctoral work, these India-trained foreign postdocs can serve as ambassadors of our research institutions. However, to promote harmony and preclude prejudice, it would be important that these postdocs are treated on par with domestic postdocs in terms of pay and opportunities.

Mechanisms for structured postdoctoral and research student training

We currently fund Junior Research Fellows (JRFs) with the intention of developing them as PhD students. However, JRFs are provided no help or counselling to help them navigate through the research environment. Thus, many end up training in subjects and working on projects which may be vastly different from their education and ambitions. To structure JRF training, we envision a national program that asks postdocs to compete to employ JRFs (with the support of their lab head) for specific projects. Postdocs would have to write a 1-2yr proposal, outlining the science and the skills the JRF would learn in the training. Both pools of research personnel, JRFs and postdocs will benefit from this scheme: the JRF is guaranteed individual attention and a co-owned project, while the postdoc can improve their productivity and develop management skills.

Recognise postdocs as valuable trained research personnel

In our current set-up, an academic job is seen as the best outcome of PhD and postdoc training. This needs to change. Even in the US and UK, just 8% of postdocs get an academic job. We, therefore, need to initiate non-academic training opportunities. Unfortunately, most postdocs are unaware that their training can be valuable in other professions such as research administration, consulting, policy making, journalism, curriculum development, teacher training, entrepreneurship and facility management. It does not help that these careers carry a social stigma by being labelled as “alternate”.

Structured programmes for professional development and paid internships during the postdoc training period would be helpful (for example, not one law school in India has an IP course that is run on a research campus). Institutions should also be allowed to create a slew of positions that allow them to utilise and acknowledge postdoctoral training for broader application in the research ecosystem. For example, imagine the usefulness of an India-trained postdoc as a lab manager to a newly appointed faculty.

In the current system, we train a large number of PhD students only to encourage them to go overseas, of which a fraction return. Perhaps it is time we stop being complacent about losing our best-trained people.

Shambhavi Naik is a research fellow at the Technology and Policy Programme, Takshashila Institution, and Megha is an India Alliance Early Career Fellow at the National Centre for Biological Sciences (NCBS).

This article was originally published on IndiaBioscience. You can read the original article here.

Sick Building Syndrome: Buildings or People, Who Needs Treatment?

In Finland, some people suffer from a sickness that is linked to the building they live in. While they fear being labelled mentally ill, scientists look for evidence to see if their condition is ‘real’.

In early September 2011, when the weather in Finland had begun to turn its back on summer and trudge towards winter, a woman prepared to leave her home in the suburbs of Helsinki. Linda* emptied her refrigerator, packed some clothes, her toothbrush, toothpaste and an iron, and left the house she had lived in for 34 years – for good.

“I closed the door, turned my back, started my car and left,” she says. “I had lived there since February 1977. A lot of things, carrying a lot of memories, remained behind that closed door.” The hardest room to leave was her personal library. “It is funny that one can miss the books as much as I do, it’s as if they were part of my blood.”

In October 2017, I meet Linda, a regal-looking woman with glasses and silver hair. We sit in the lobby of a hotel in downtown Helsinki, a few blocks from the apartment she lives in today. When she first moved, she bought a bed, a TV and a broken sofa from the previous tenant. She didn’t bother to get any chairs – she didn’t think she’d be there long. It’s been more than six years.

The problems with her old house started in 2008, when she began to get fevers and developed issues with her voice. A building company found high levels of mould in her basement. She says that, although she tried to get her house cleaned, the mould seeped its way into all her belongings. She began to feel so ill that she had no choice but to abandon her home.

After leaving, her symptoms persisted and her health continued to deteriorate. She tells me she became highly sensitive to other buildings, minuscule levels of mould, and chemicals or smells. When she went to the doctor, she was told these multiple chemical sensitivities couldn’t be related to her mould exposure – she had moved, there was no way she could still be sick. She gave up. “I was so tired I really hoped the next fever would kill me. I didn’t try to find any help any more. In a way, life was over.”

Linda has sick building syndrome, or SBS, a controversial condition with many definitions and symptoms and even more proposed explanations. A basic definition is that it’s an illness a person gets from a building they live or work in. Speculated causes have included dust, microbes, carpets, ventilation and, like in Linda’s story, mould. Other researchers have claimed there are psychological forces at play, that SBS is related to anxiety, dissatisfaction at home or work, or other mental conditions. Sick building syndrome was a common term in the 1980s and 1990s. It has since faded out of use in the US, where I live, but continues to be studied and discussed in Nordic countries like Denmark and Finland.

I came to Helsinki to meet members of an online SBS community, including Linda. Another member of the group, Jesse*, a slim 17-year-old with dyed blond hair, tells me that he and his mum also had to leave their home. “I was getting sick every winter and summer when the temperature dropped,” he says. “I got the flu, I got headaches, my legs hurt, my head hurt, rashes on my skin, everything like that.”

They found mould growing in the walls of their house and had to desert their clothes, all their furniture. “Everything,” he says. Family photos were salvaged and wrapped in plastic. They are going to make photocopies of them through their coverings. Jesse says he often has reactions at school. Sometimes he has to do his classwork in the hallways, away from other students. His visits to the doctor didn’t yield any help. “Because it wasn’t any sort of flu or any kind of bacteria or virus, we were all right,” he says. The doctors told them there was nothing wrong.

In 2013, Linda found a doctor who thought he could help, and through ‘nutritional therapy’ she eventually felt well enough to rejoin the world. She doesn’t think her illness and sensitivity will ever go away, but within months of starting treatment, she managed to go on a skiing trip with her daughter.

Others are not so lucky. Maria*, 40, says that doctors in Finland are too quick to label SBS as psychological. In 2012, she got sick from her office where she worked in child services. She would get stomach pains, infections, high blood pressure – all medical issues she had never had before. In 2014, mould was found in the building but, despite loving her work, she had already left the job. By 2015, she wasn’t able to go into other buildings too. But being diagnosed with SBS in Finland does not open up access to support.

“When I got sick, there was no place for me to go,” says Maria. “I couldn’t get any money. No sick pay, nothing. No rehabilitation, no retraining in a new profession, no unemployment benefit. I was being left out without any rights at all, with nothing.”

Inside Jesse and his mum's new apartment block. © Dave Imms for Mosaic

Inside Jesse and his mother’s new apartment block. © Dave Imms for Mosaic

Alan Hedge at the Department of Design and Environmental Analysis at Cornell University tells me SBS appeared in the 1970s when, to reduce energy use in response to the oil embargo, ventilation standards were lowered. Building-related health complaints began to rise shortly after. No study ever returned definitive results or caught a single compound red-handed making people sick. Focus turned from fleecy fabrics to allergens, and for a short time it was believed that indoor carpeting was the culprit. “They [US Environmental Protection Agency] spent a fortune trying to establish that relationship and they couldn’t,” Hedge says. “But what began to happen was almost a kind of mass hysterical reaction.”

There must be a psychosocial element, some research claimed. How else to explain that women are more likely to have SBS than men? Or that employees’ well-being could be associated with floor plans and office arrangement, office noise or how much control they had over their environment? Hedge’s own work examined SBS questionnaire answers from thousands of workers in various buildings. “We didn’t find any evidence of an actual syndrome. In other words, no consistent pattern of all of the symptoms.” In the end, he says, they “don’t really know whether it’s the building or it’s the people”.

Hedge has had a long career of tackling building-related health problems and says the ‘building or people’ puzzle isn’t easy to solve. In one of his cases, people felt ill only in the mornings between 9:30 and 10. When the air was tested (later in the day), nothing unusual was detected. Hedge eventually found a cause that explained the odd timing: carbon monoxide from the morning’s arriving cars was rising into the office through elevator shafts.

In another case, a man had a tiny hole in his bed – which Hedge noted was a water bed. Water was seeping under the carpet and growing mould, causing the man to become ill. “There’s no question that there are a variety of [building] mechanisms by which people might get sick,” Hedge says. “The problem is, they’re not uniform.”

An office in Montreal with 2,000 employees was on the verge of evacuation because of a bad odour. Hedge says everyone was worried it was a ‘sick building’ and that their health had been affected. He found only a couple of mouldy oranges left in the desk of an employee on vacation. Smelly, but not dangerous. “But the reaction,” he points out, “it was a genuine reaction. You smell something, you don’t know what it is. You’ve heard there is a problem and pretty quickly you can feel bad.”

After SBS had peaked, Hedge says he started to hear about another disorder: multiple chemical sensitivity (MCS). People who claim they have it say they can be intolerant to any chemicals or materials in any building. I ask Hedge to apply his standard line of inquiry: is it caused by the buildings or the people?

“I have no doubt that they have a problem,” he says diplomatically. “The question is, how much is that problem related to their environment or how much is it related to what they think might be in the environment?”

A blue light Linda uses to sterilise her belongings. © Dave Imms for Mosaic

A blue light Linda uses to sterilise her belongings. © Dave Imms for Mosaic

The bigger problem, Hedge says, is that people who suffer from SBS or MCS often get lost in the medical system. They’re shuttled between medical doctors who can’t find anything wrong with them physically and psychiatrists who say their symptoms are imagined. Neither offer treatment. People can end up homeless, broke and feeling cynical about doctors and therapists alike, just like it has played out in Finland.

“Over time, these people will find each other,” he says. “And then when they find each other, it’s like the Flat Earth Society. They reinforce each other. These are people who are desperate for an explanation for what’s happening to them. And in the absence of that, all they have is their imagination.”

On a frigid morning at a café in downtown Helsinki, Anna* orders a hot chocolate. She tells me there are thousands of people in Finland who, like her, are sick from indoor mould exposures, who have been told they are crazy, referred to psychiatrists, have lost their jobs, left vacant furnished houses and, in some cases, destroyed their homes. True to Hedge’s advisory, she also belongs to the group of people with SBS and MCS from indoor mould who meet in Helsinki every few months.

Her own experience began when she started getting frequent coughs, colds and flu-like symptoms in the summer of 2014. At first, she attributed them to her grandkids, whom she was babysitting on the weekends. You know kids, she tells me – they always want to “puss”, she says, puckering her lips and miming kisses in the air. But her health steadily got worse. She always felt tired, her voice would disappear and she would cough all the time.

Anna is a medical doctor and worked in a hospital at the time. “We had occupational doctors, and I went and said, ‘Something strange is happening to me.’” She wondered whether her immunity had somehow been compromised? Was her thyroid damaged? Did she have HIV?

“We took all the tests I suggested and everything was clear. I started to think about very unusual things. I am a doctor, but could not understand.” When she went on sick leave for a week, her voice returned. Back at the hospital, it disappeared again and the coughing returned. That’s when she started to think it was related to the building.

Anna tells me that she had heard about mould illness before she got sick, but she didn’t consider that it was happening to her. Until, that is, her technicians found a large mushroom growing in the lab next to her office.

Her boss told her that they would renovate, and that when she returned from sick leave she would work in a different office on a different floor, away from the lab. When she went back in January 2015, her symptoms started up again. Doctors told her there was no logical explanation. “They said that I am afraid,” she says. “That I was imagining. It was so offensive.”

The refurbished laboratory. © Dave Imms for Mosaic

The refurbished laboratory. © Dave Imms for Mosaic

Her last day at work was in February 2015, when a technician pointed out how strange her breathing sounded. Anna says it was a wake-up call: “I tried with all my efforts,” she says. “I thought that I should overcome, I should stand it. And the technician said to me, ‘No, you are not breathing well.’ And then I looked at myself, and I thought, ‘This is really crazy, I will kill myself.’”

Eventually, she found herself in the position of so many people with SBS. She wanted to work, she loved her profession – but how can you have a job without being able to go into a building? Instead, she started to research mould-related illness and its after-effects and to work out her rights.

I ask her what she thinks about psychological treatment, which is often turned to in the absence of any confirmed physical cause. Even if their illness wasn’t caused by mental problems, couldn’t someone who has lost everything benefit from therapy? She is adamant in her answer: “Psychiatric therapy? No. They don’t need it. They need new apartments. A place to stay. A place where they can breathe. They are strong people, they have overcome such difficult situations. They don’t need this ‘blah blah blah’. They need real help, real support.”

Anna doesn’t strike me as an imaginative hypochondriac. She is level-headed, forceful, clear and has a seemingly perfect memory. There is no doubt in my mind not to believe her, and the debate over mould illness and SBS seems ridiculous. They found a huge mushroom in her office, how could there be any dispute?

I continued to think this about pretty much every mould sufferer I met: most had documentation to show me the proof of mould contamination found in their home or office. How could a real mould exposure be considered psychological? But I soon recognised that it wasn’t that initial exposure being contested.

It was the continuation of symptoms – the cough and breathing problems that Anna had, even after the mushroom had been removed, the lab renovated and she relocated to a ‘clean’ office. Those were the symptoms that were harder to explain and impossible, according to Anna, for doctors and insurance companies to accept were real and deserving of ‘real’ help and support instead of psychiatric help.

Anna says that one of the most upsetting parts of her illness was being disappointed by her own profession. “I was so perplexed because I am a medical doctor, I always wanted to help people,” she tells me. “I was taught I should believe what patients tell me about their illness, I should do my best. And when I was in the position of a patient, nobody really wanted to help me. Why is that?”

Eventually, though, like others in her group, she found the one doctor who would believe her symptoms were real.

Dr Ville Valtonen outside Helsinki University Central Hospital. © Dave Imms for Mosaic

Dr Ville Valtonen outside Helsinki University Central Hospital. © Dave Imms for Mosaic

Ville Valtonen, a bald 73-year-old in a pressed coat and a dark cap, waves me over to his car. We’re driving to Helsinki University Central Hospital, where he worked for over four decades. His SBS history lesson is the same as Hedge’s: the energy crisis led to a change in building practices, and the patients followed. The first ones he saw came in the late 1980s. They would be previously healthy, usually early middle-aged people who had started getting repeated infections.

Valtonen’s career then was centred on the link between strokes and infection. Now, in his retirement, he is returning to the mystery of those early patients. He is one of the few doctors in Finland who is willing to give mould patients a diagnosis, which he calls Dampness and Mould Hypersensitivity Syndrome.

Valtonen defines five stages of the disease. They’re based, he says, on the progression of the syndrome that he’s seen in the hundreds of people he’s treated. First, a history of exposure to mould in water-damaged buildings, then an increase in infections. Third comes SBS, and fourth, MCS. Finally, an enhanced scent sensitivity, meaning a person is extremely sensitive to the smell of moulds, “a hundred-fold more accurate than normal,” he says.

In Valtonen’s model, SBS is just one factor of the overall illness. He says there is still hope for a mould-exposed patient with only SBS, because their symptoms will stay away if they avoid any source of mould or chemical that triggers them. “But if the patient has gone forward to this mould and chemical sensitivity, it is almost impossible to cure completely,” he says. “And if you have electromagnetic sensitivity, it’s hopeless.”

Although he tells me that many of his patients have it, I’m sceptical of this symptom, as repeated studies have shown that participants cannot tell when they’re being exposed to electromagnetic fields. He says many of his mould patients can no longer use mobile phones. Some develop chronic fatigue syndrome, unable to walk even 10 metres; others develop epileptic seizures, but show normal electrical activity in the brain when tested.

That’s a lot of different symptoms, I venture, so what does he think is going on? Valtonen says he can’t dive into researching the mechanism as deeply as he would like. “I’m 73 and I’m too old to get any grants and do anything, so I’m only going to see those patients I have now,” he tells me. His theory is that the illness involves an immunological reaction that combines with secondary infections.

I ask him if he thinks psychology plays any part, and to my surprise he doesn’t have the defensive knee-jerk reaction that Anna does. “I’m quite sure that supportive psychotherapy will help to some degree these patients, but now it’s the opposite,” he says. “If you go to a doctor and you say, ‘I have mould disease,’ [the response is], ‘Oh, are you crazy?’ If you say that you have electromagnetic hypersensitivity, it’s quite sure that you’ll be sent to psychiatrists. These patients, they hate to go to the doctor, because they know if they tell the truth they’ll get poor treatment.”

Many of his SBS patients describe Valtonen as the doctor they were lucky to find. He was a turning point in their illness, a moment when they could finally get better, because he gave them a diagnosis. But as we talk, I’m struck by how he doesn’t really offer treatment – his advice is simply to avoid any and all triggering exposures. The most valuable thing he provides, I think, is his acceptance of the biological nature of their symptoms.

“I can’t be a doctor who doesn’t believe, what is that?” he says as we leave the hospital. “In my 45-year clinical career I’ve very seldom, very seldom seen patients who lied to me.”

But as I would soon find, it’s not always as simple as being lied to or told the truth. When I meet Kirsi Vaali, Merja Lindström and Mikko*, they excitedly tell me something that I want to believe: Mikko is a mould patient they have cured.

Lindström is a homeopath and Vaali is a biomedical researcher at the University of Helsinki. Before researching mould, Vaali studied food allergies and chronic fatigue syndrome – she has an interest in diseases that others cast off as psychological, she says. She emphatically tells me that mould illness is actually related to mitochondrial damage, and that she has a candidate gene that could predict susceptibility.

This is the moment when doubts begin to surface in my mind. It was easier to offer my belief, as Valtonen does, to the patients. Their stories weren’t focused so much on medicine or mechanism, but on life, and the ways it was taken from them when they started to feel sick.

Now, faced with the ‘science’ of this disease, I find my faith wavering. In 48 short hours, I’ve been told this illness is an innate immune system problem, an inflammation problem, an autoimmune disorder, a blood–brain barrier issue, an oxidative stress problem, and now down to mitochondrial damage and a genetic disorder? I have yet to see any data and I want details. Has Vaali taken blood samples from patients? Could they see or measure mitochondrial damage in people with SBS? What, I ask, is the connection between immune system function and mitochondria?

Vaali and Mikko start laughing, and I worry I’ve asked a stupid question. In fact, I’ve asked a fundamental one that they have no idea how to answer. Vaali shrugs: “That question is impossible to answer.”

In the course of our conversation, Vaali adds to a growing list of putative mechanisms and symptoms, telling me that women are more susceptible because of their hormones, because toxins go into fat stores and because of a lack of liver enzymes, and that mould patients have altered sleep rhythms.

Instead of going into scientific detail on these topics, Vaali and Lindström mostly want to talk about how patients could be helped. Using Mikko as a case study, they tell me that through homeopathy and natural supplements, these people can be “rescued”.

What are these miracle supplements? Vaali won’t tell me straight away, and neither will Lindström. I ask no less than four times over two hours, tolerating digressions and caveats that for each person it is a little different, or that I probably don’t have the same supplements abroad. At last, Vaali shows me Mikko’s regimen, made up of very basic vitamins and nutrients. Most are supplements that I also currently take. B vitamins, iron, omega-3, curcumin (the active ingredient in turmeric) and a few blends of fatty lipids. Vaali also advises against eating gluten, and Lindström says only organic food is allowed. Cheese and other mouldy foods are bad, because those can be triggers. Wine is OK, but only organic wines with no additives.

I begin to have a gnawing feeling, one I’d suppressed when I heard that Valtonen makes patients better without doing much of anything, or that ‘nutritional therapy’ had turned Linda’s life around. I haven’t yet doubted the illness or its symptoms, but its alleged treatment is stirring up suspicions. If SBS is purely a physiological disease, caused by something as serious as an immune disorder or mitochondrial damage, how can it be “rescued” with B vitamins?

Lindström shows me her homoeopathic pills that she takes for mould illness, which I look over with raised eyebrows. I try to keep an open mind, but I know that homoeopathic medicines have such low concentrations of active ingredients they can’t possibly have any biological effect.

I do think that healthy eating and lifestyle can help overall mental and physical health – and the treatment of chronic disease. What I question is their application as a fix-it for a specific pathology, especially one that’s unknown. We have a link between saturated fat and heart disease, but what is the link between gluten-free organic food and decreased sensitivity to chemicals? Biodynamic wine and electrical sensitivity? Homoeopathic arsenic tablets and mycotoxins?

Mikko senses my scepticism. He tells me he doesn’t believe in this stuff either. He’s a general practitioner and a child psychiatrist, and let the supplements sit in his closet for nine months before trying them. He rejected the homeopathic pills and affectionately calls Lindström a “witch doctor”. But he does believe that the supplements helped make him feel better.

Mikko bought a new house in 2003, and his symptoms began in 2007. By the autumn, he was living in a campervan on the street. He says that when all his symptoms – itching, headache, nausea, throat and nose irritation, and eczema – hit at once, it was like “burning in a hell”. He suffered for five years before finding relief with Vaali and Lindström’s treatment. He says it took one or two months to improve; at the same time, the ventilation in his house was being cleaned. He attributes his recovery to the combination of both.

Mikko has been in psychotherapy for years. He tells me he knows himself very well and is sure this isn’t a psychological disease. “I think different kinds of psychotherapy can help people to stand the hell that they are living,” he says. “But not to cure them from the biological disease that they have.”

Later, I get Linda’s list of nutritional therapies. She too is being ‘cured’ with supplements, and I want to compare her regimen. It’s a lot of the same: fatty acids, high doses of B and other vitamins, curcumin etc. It’s broken down into parts of the day: before breakfast, breakfast, after breakfast, before lunch, lunch, after lunch, before dinner… and at least three or four pills each time. Whenever you finish taking your last supplement, you begin gearing up to take the next one.

Part of me feels glad she has a solution that works for her, and the same with Mikko. But it also feels like they’re being chained to something else. Whereas the sickness used to control their lives, now it’s the diagnosis and the cure.

I take a break for lunch, appreciating the brisk air on my face. As I walk, I think about how much my attitude has changed since I arrived. I’m upset because I feel close to the mould sufferers for reasons I haven’t disclosed to them. That feeling of knowing you’re sick, but being told by doctors that you’re not – I know that feeling.

Throughout my life, I’ve regularly gone to the doctor for unexplained symptoms. I’ve gotten scans and painful tests for which, over and over, the results would come back normal. I’ve had three doctors, in different specialties, try to prescribe me antidepressants for physical symptoms. Recently, I struggled with idiopathic dysphagia, meaning I was having trouble swallowing – even choking at times – but there was no reasonable explanation. I had been diagnosed a few years earlier with laryngopharyngeal reflux, a version of acid reflux some gastroenterologists aren’t sure exists because there often isn’t any measurable acid in the throat.

I have fallen into natural remedy black holes too, hoping to find the magical supplement that cures me. I go beyond what Vaali and Lindström offer, though never to homeopathy. I add super greens powders to my smoothies, powdered liquorice to help with digestion, digestive enzymes and L-glutamine to help my stomach lining.

As a science writer and the child of scientists, I justify a lot of my actions by consulting research. Deep down though, I know that my relationship with my body and the way it feels comes both from how it ‘really’ feels and how I’ve been taught to react to it. In my childhood home, food was labelled for when it would go bad and each person had a hand towel just for them, to control the spread of germs. Going to the doctor, requesting unusual medical tests, searching for something in the body gone wrong – this was the environment I grew up in, a kind of ‘sick building’ in itself.

A specialist who observed my swallowing, and saw nothing wrong, warned me that if I kept treating my body as if my swallowing was broken, I could, in fact, break it. By not using the muscles in my throat, I could create a weakness and then have a real problem. “No need to create a real issue out of nothing,” she said.

Her advice frightened me into eating solid foods again. But I remember thinking: isn’t my issue already ‘real’?

I have always looked at my body as a potential battleground; Anna and the others in Helsinki have not. Something clearly happened to them. Could the very real exposure to a toxic mould have pushed them into seeing their body through new eyes? Shown them that this is all it takes for your health to be taken away? That it could be something invisible, growing in the walls, in the air you breathe? It’s such a violation, perhaps other walls start to break down. The wall between emotions and body, thoughts and physical feeling. Perhaps that wall was never there, but they thought it was – and that exposure, that violation, broke the illusion.

Risto Vataja, head of the neuropsychiatric clinic at Helsinki University Central Hospital, believes SBS in Finland to be a contagion of ideas rather than a disease. He tells me SBS is so well-known here that it’s common to believe that houses are dangerous, schools and hospitals are dangerous, that any place you go, your health is at risk. He says the media plays a big role in disseminating fear, and he scrutinises my intentions with this story. Later, he will email me to say, “Good luck with your article, and don’t make people sick, you journalists have the power…”

Still, he hesitates to call SBS a psychiatric or psychosomatic disorder, instead preferring the word “functional”, which is also used to describe conditions like fibromyalgia, chronic fatigue syndrome and irritable bowel syndrome. “Functional means that they are not psychiatric,” he emphasises. “Psychology is probably involved in the mechanism, and we know that in patients with functional disorders. So, they are real symptoms, but we just cannot identify any good physiological explanation.”

Vataja is an advocate for psychological help, like cognitive behavioural therapy. That advocacy probably explains the trouble he’s had reaching patient groups, who tend to reject any psychological component. “We agree that we are not able to help them enough,” he says. “We agree that the healthcare system has not thought enough about these problems, and that we don’t have enough research. We have lots of common things that we agree on and we should try to build on those.”

Vataja thinks that telling patients to avoid all buildings that make them feel sick only furthers the illness. “Some colleagues of mine can increase the burden of these patients,” he says.

I had seen Ville Valtonen’s unwavering belief as a source of relief for his patients, but was he at the same time perpetuating the disease? Did they have mould illness before they went to see him, or only after? Valtonen remains convinced that avoidance is the best available treatment – although he accepts that controlled studies to prove this theory would be beneficial.

I turn to Juha Pekkanen, head of the Department of Public Health at the University of Helsinki and a researcher at the National Institute for Health and Welfare. He tells me that, according to studies they’ve done comparing European countries, Nordic countries should be less prone to dampness and mould. There’s less humidity and very dry air during their cold winters. There might be a slight chance of more exposure because people spend more time inside, or that dry winter air could add irritation to respiratory systems, but there’s no solid reason why there is more mould illness – except for the fact that people know about it. “We know worry causes symptoms and causes disease,” he says, “so we want to build trust and reduce worry.”

He is one of the researchers assigned to set up a governmental programme to provide aid to people with SBS. How? “It’s not obvious yet, but of course we need to help these people. There are people who are living in tents and bad situations. Anybody within a bad situation we should somehow extend a hand and try to help them.”

It was encouraging to hear someone affiliated with the government saying this, because some patients had suggested there was little care for their outcomes. Pekkanen says that’s not true, but he thinks a focus on mechanism and diagnosis has clouded the issue. He hopes that whatever they design to help people will be more practical.

“I think we should try to get them back to the society, and not build separate communities somewhere in the woods with no electricity, no chemicals, no nothing. There’s no end to that,” he says. “That’s not going to help these people. If you just focus on making it cleaner and cleaner and cleaner, it stops never.”

He doesn’t think they’re “playing sick” though. Why would you pretend to have an illness that is not approved for compensation? He thinks that once a person encounters an issue with indoor air, they get real irritation and respiratory symptoms. But once they have these symptoms, some people begin to expect something more, something more sinister.

“For many people, it is likely due to some kind of nocebo effect. You’ve heard about the nocebo effect?” he asks me. “Basically, expectation. I don’t like this categorisation between physical and psychological, I think it’s been shown we’re one whole, our psyche and self are intertwined, inseparable.”

© Dave Imms for Mosaic

© Dave Imms for Mosaic

The placebo effect pervades much of the history of medicine, and explains why in the past some remedies, surgeries and treatments appeared to work despite our now knowing they are inert. More recently, attention has turned to nocebo, the reverse effect.

The two aspects of nocebo effects are negative expectations and conditioning. Negative expectations are when you assume an outcome will be bad and then perceive it to be so. This has been shown in studies where patients experience side-effects to sham treatments only because they were warned about those side-effects in advance. Conditioning can occur when you associate a certain activity, place, drug (or anything) with a feeling or symptom. Studies of positive conditioning have shown that patients can find relief from allergic rhinitis symptoms through conditioning with a flavoured drink, can have conditioned immunosuppression and conditioned growth hormone increase. It’s been speculated that some of the negative side-effects of chemotherapy can be attributed to negative conditioning.

But calling something placebo or nocebo doesn’t mean it’s not real or physical. “Neuroscientific investigations from the last 15 years have shown that the placebo effect is in fact a real biological phenomenon due to the psychosocial context of the patient and the therapy,” authors of a 2013 review wrote. Nocebo effects are associated with changes in several brain areas, neurotransmitters and hormones.

Keith Petrie, a professor of health psychology at the University of Auckland, has studied how nocebo effects can stem from the idea that the environment, medicine, architecture and technological advances in food are causes of poor health. In 2001, the New Zealand Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry had announced they would be spraying insecticide to eradicate an invasive moth species, the painted apple moth. Petrie surveyed 292 residents about their current health symptoms and any health worries they had, then followed up after spraying. Higher levels of worry were associated with a higher number of symptoms attributed to the spray programme.

“If people believe that they’re sensitive about a particular stimulus and then they’re exposed to it, then they report symptoms,” he says.

When I ask him how Finland’s mould patients could possibly feel better from natural supplements, or from seeing a doctor who doesn’t give them medicine, Petrie says: “The good thing about treatment, any kind of treatment, is it shifts your perceptions. You go to somebody with a problem and say you’ve got the flu or a cold – you’re focused on how terrible you feel and your headache and your cough. You go and see someone and they give you a treatment and the way you’re viewing your illness shifts immediately. Instead of looking at how sick you are, you look for signs of recovery.”

But it can go the other way too. Research has shown that placebo and nocebo effects can also be triggered by interactions with a doctor, even if your doctor tries to empathise with you.

A 2015 review concluded that “reassuring patients that there is nothing physically wrong with them, when they are in a great deal of pain, can leave them feeling misunderstood and delegitimised”. Another study looked at doctor–patient interactions in patients who complained of symptoms but had no diagnosis. They were assigned to two groups, one where the doctor said they didn’t know what was wrong and another where the patient was given a firm diagnosis and reassured they would be better in a few days. After two weeks, 64% of the patients in the group with a diagnosis reported getting better while only 39% of those in the group without did.

If there’s one thing common to all the mould patients, it’s being dismissed by doctors and being told their symptoms were unexplained. After reading these findings, I wonder if their true toxic exposure was to this uncertainty. It seems it can be harmful to your health to hear that what’s taking place in your body is a mystery.

There are researchers who haven’t given up on this mystery and are hunting for a biological explanation. Thomas Dantoft, at the Center for Clinical Research and Prevention in Denmark, is looking for biomarkers: differences somewhere in the body between people with MCS or other functional disorders and those without. He is also project coordinator for the Danish study of Functional Disorders (DanFunD), the first large, coordinated epidemiological study focusing exclusively on functional disorders.

The cohort includes 9,656 men and women who were surveyed for fibromyalgia, whiplash-associated disorder, MCS, irritable bowel syndrome, chronic fatigue syndrome and bodily distress syndrome. The study includes interviews and personality tests and collects plasma, DNA, urine, gut bacteria and more. Participants will be followed until 2020 and hopefully will provide some much-needed epidemiological information.

Because it isn’t just the sufferers who have numerous conflicting hypotheses about the cause of their illness. I spent weeks reading different papers – spanning decades of research – on biological causes of MCS. Several implicated the immune system, validating one of the theories I was told in Helsinki, but other work contradicted them. One of Valtonen’s stages of the disease is an increased sense of smell, but Dantoft says that his and other studies have shown that isn’t true.

What about psychological factors? Dantoft says he isn’t sure either way. He says functional disorder patients live in dire conditions and it would be incredible if they didn’t get depressed. “All studies working with MCS and other sorts of disorders, whatever you want to call them, show that there is higher risk of anxiety and depression,” he says. “But we don’t really know what comes first, and that also doesn’t mean that they are making it up. Maybe people who are at higher risk of getting depressed also have a higher risk of getting MCS? But that doesn’t mean you can cure MCS by treating the depression, necessarily.”

Dantoft thinks mental help could be offered not as a fix, but as a stand-in until more is known. “The big issue is that the patients and the clinicians aren’t being honest with each other,” he says. “Because the fact is we have absolutely no efficient treatment to offer these people.”

Is the building sick, or are the people? I’m frustrated that I’m no closer to answering this question. I also feel guilt. Guilt that my reporting led me to question the experiences of the people I met in Helsinki, and for my nagging intuition that there is more going on than just mould exposure. Faced with the option of building or people, real or not real, I still can’t settle on one.

When I ask Linus Andersson, a cognitive scientist at Umeå University in Sweden, he tells me why: it’s been the wrong question all along. He is collaborating with chemist Anna-Sara Claeson, and together they are doing the most comprehensive work that I could find on mould and toxin exposure in people who report that they have MCS. “I have felt pushed toward choosing whether or not I would follow psychological or medical/biological lines of work,” he says. “But I came to the conclusion that it’s not even a real question. Or, there is an answer: it is always both.”

For the past decade, Claeson and Andersson have been exposing people to different compounds and measuring any effects on blood flow using brain scans, inflammatory markers in the mucus from the upper airways and, recently, gene expression.

Over Skype, they show me their exposure chamber, which looks a bit like a phone booth – only with no phone. In this tiny room is where most of their experiments take place. In an experiment published in 2015, they exposed participants with MCS (along with controls) to a compound called n-butanol, which they chose because people find it hard to decide whether it smells good or bad. For the first ten minutes there was nothing, then the n-butanol increased to a set level and plateaued. MCS participants, compared with controls, reported greater perceived odour intensities, more unpleasantness from the exposure, and increasing symptoms over time.

The MCS group also reported more symptoms in the ten minutes before they were exposed to anything. Andersson thinks this could be associated with nocebo-like expectations, but he also says that to him, expectations producing symptoms doesn’t mean that an illness is imagined.

He tells me that people often have allergic reactions without a ‘real’ exposure. In a 2007 study on food allergies, it was found that children could have reactions to placebos: more than one in ten of the food challenges produced false positives. The symptoms were real: intense bodily responses like rashes, hives, diarrhoea and vomiting. Claeson and Andersson say this shows that the body is very good at predicting and defending itself from what it thinks will be damaging, which should make researchers cautious when interpreting nocebo and placebo results.

In a 2017 paper, Claeson and Andersson describe exposing people with chemical intolerance (along with controls) to the chemical acrolein. Chemicals are detected in the upper airways by the olfactory and trigeminal nerves. The olfactory nerves are involved in smell, while the trigeminal nerves can evoke irritation or pain. They found that people with MCS reported greater irritation to the eyes, nose and throat, even when acrolein’s smell was masked. Because their aggravated symptoms didn’t require them to be smelling the chemical, Andersson and Claeson think perhaps people with MCS could have altered trigeminal reactivity, and will continue to look into that.

No study they’ve done yet has offered the mechanism of MCS on a silver platter. Andersson says their goal is to find some kind of exposure that separates an MCS sufferer from a control. It doesn’t matter what it is; if they can find it, he thinks it would lead to a better understanding of how and why these patients respond differently.

What does he think about natural supplements or homoeopathy ‘curing’ MCS? “My answer to this question is basically the same as for that pertaining to explanatory theories – the claims need to be backed up with data,” he replies. “When, or if, homeopathic treatment regimens would actually fulfil scientific criteria, then I would not be against it per se. I have yet to see such studies, however. So, my question for everyone who makes theories and statements of how MCS can be treated is – where’s the structured data?”

I asked Vaali and Lindström so many times to tell me about their supplements, and their lack of data pushed me away from their cause rather than towards it. But while Andersson and Claeson’s mindset and careful research are refreshing, it’s all still exploratory. Unlike Vaali and Lindström, their work doesn’t offer an easy solution someone can take today, right now. It doesn’t allow patients to move from the world of the sick to the world of the well.

What Andersson and Claeson can provide now is relief from all those dichotomies: building or person; sick or well; organic or made up. I can’t tell you if SBS or MCS or mould illness is ‘real’, but I know now that our definition of real is flawed. The split between psychological and physical is flawed; the idea that psychological isn’t real is flawed; the notion that psychological is not inherently physiological is flawed. These divisions are what led to this health crisis in Finland, not abnormal levels of mould.

I went to Helsinki and was asked to believe. And I do. I believe that Anna’s symptoms are real. I believe that Maria was mistreated by doctors and by her employers, that Jesse and his mother felt alone, and that Linda was neglected by her housing company. I believe that they should be helped.

But I have one belief that I worry disqualifies all the others. I also believe that, after an initial mould exposure has been resolved, understanding the continuation of any symptoms must include a consideration of the mind.

It pains me to know that the people I interviewed in Helsinki, who so graciously shared their stories, time and vulnerability with me, will probably be displeased with my version of their story. This is not the exposé they were hoping for, not a condemnation of the Finnish government nor the uncovering of a plot to keep mould patients quiet to avoid the costs of rebuilding and social security. People at the hospitals and National Institute for Health and Welfare sounded seriously concerned and are implementing programmes like the one Pekkanen mentioned to try and bridge the gap between officials and patient groups who feel wronged.

Claeson says that while researchers can’t yet give people a cure, they can do their best to keep looking, keep trying to help. That in itself is a kind of belief. It’s not exactly like Valtonen’s, but it’s belief all the same.

“I think it’s important to take the people that are suffering, to take them seriously,” she says. “I think that if we do research, that means that it’s a ‘real’ problem. And I think that is something that we can offer.”

* Some names have been changed in this article.

This article first appeared on Mosaic and is republished here under a Creative Commons licence.

The Dogs Who Have OCD – and What They Can Teach Us

Could understanding canine compulsions help find new treatments for people with obsessive-compulsive disorders too?

Could understanding canine compulsions help find new treatments for people with obsessive-compulsive disorders too?

Like human OCD, which is commonly focused on washing, hoarding, counting or checking, canine compulsions fit into neat categories. Credit: emdot/ Flickr(CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Like human OCD, which is commonly focused on washing, hoarding, counting or checking, canine compulsions fit into neat categories. Credit: emdot/ Flickr(CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Curiously, and perhaps eagerly, I am looking at a bull terrier named Sputnik, searching for a resemblance.

He’s a stocky three-year-old, mostly slate grey, with a white stripe on his head and a pink splotch on his elongated, bull-terrier nose. So far, our only similarity is we’re both waiting in a trailer that’s serving as his examination room at Tufts University’s veterinary school in North Grafton, Massachusetts.

Sputnik has canine compulsive disorder (CCD) and is at Tufts for a checkup with Nicholas Dodman, a veterinarian who has been studying CCD for over two decades. I’m shadowing this visit to learn about Dodman’s work and, selfishly, to learn something about myself; I was diagnosed with obsessive – compulsive disorder (OCD) a few months ago.

When Dodman first started seeing these dogs, he realised he had been handed a potentially ideal animal model to study human OCD. But in 20 years of studying dogs, discovering genes that may be involved and new neural pathways, one problem has continually clouded his research: the debate over whether CCD can truly be compared to human OCD. “When it comes to problems of the mind, people have a mental block,” he says. “The mind is thought of as uniquely human.”

I try to see into Sputnik’s eyes. He stays close to his owner, Dan Schmuck, giving me an occasional glance. Sputnik was a tail chaser, and would spin for hours on end. At the moment, he is completely still. Like me, it seems he keeps that kind of behaviour away from the public eye.

Two years ago, after rescuing Sputnik from a shelter, Schmuck went on a business trip. His mother called him to say that their new dog had started chasing his tail, and she couldn’t get him to stop. At first, Schmuck and his wife thought it was funny. They took a video of their young puppy spinning, and you could hear them laughing in the background. But soon, the humour faded.

“It was as if I didn’t exist,” Schmuck explains. “His head will lurch all the way against his shoulder, and stare at his tail, as if his nemesis is staring right back at him. He will slowly start working up to chasing, and it will get faster and faster until his head is hitting whatever wall he bangs into. Even though he’s getting hit so hard that you think he’s getting a concussion, he will keep doing it until his teeth and his tail start hitting the wall and he’s shooting blood all over the place.”

Schmuck had to take time off work to stay home and physically restrain him. He held Sputnik’s head in one hand, and wrapped his arm around his rear until he calmed down or fell asleep. “Then he would wake up and I could just feel him… you could feel his head start lurching like he’s thinking about it. It was an unsustainable situation.”

© Clara Lacy

Schmuck drove from his home in Baltimore to see Dodman in Massachusetts. Dodman had seen this kind of spinning many times before. Tail chasing is a common compulsive behaviour for dogs, and for bull terriers specifically. Particular breeds have particular behaviours they exhibit with CCD. Bull terriers spin, Dobermans lick their limbs and suck their flanks, Labradors hold objects or chew rocks, and King Charles spaniels snap at imaginary flies.

Like human OCD, which is commonly focused on washing, hoarding, counting or checking, canine compulsions fit into neat categories. And while these behaviours may sound trivial, they are performed to the extreme. They take over eating, sleeping and all basic functioning. In some cases, they can be fatal.

Sputnik steps out from the safety of Dodman’s shadow, timidly eating treats. His tail hangs innocently between his legs, and I’m having a hard time imagining him whirling, manic, out of control in a pool of his own blood. “Over the last two years, he has gone from being a dog that was going to have to be put down, to being a normal dog,” says Schmuck. “He maybe looks at his tail once a day. It’s a miracle.”

Sputnik is on Prozac now, along with a few other medications to temper his behaviour. Could Sputnik be like me, a person with OCD? Was he thinking about his tail right now, somewhere in the recesses of his doggy mind?

“You can’t access an animal’s thoughts, so the purists call it only canine compulsive disorder, not obsessive–compulsive disorder,” Dodman says. “But it looks for all the world, when Dan is holding Sputnik back, that he’s constantly thinking about it. That’s an obsession.”

I was seven, maybe six, when I realised that my hands were dirty. I could wash them, and then they would be clean. But if I touched something – the banister, my clothes, the sofa, a door handle – they would be dirty again. That was easy enough to fix, just wash again. Until I touched something else, and the process would repeat.

At home, it wasn’t an issue. I could wash my hands whenever I felt my hands weren’t clean. But at school, snack time, field trips – there wasn’t always a place I could wash my hands. Or, the catch-22, the public bathroom at school or the cinema wasn’t clean enough. I couldn’t really be sure that my hands were clean.

I devised a whole bunch of techniques to maintain my hands’ cleanliness. When I went out for lunch on the weekends with my parents, I would wash before we left, close my fists tightly, and hide them in my sleeves until we got to the restaurant. Or I wouldn’t eat the parts of my food that I had held with my hands. I left the bottom halves of French fries and discarded the corners of sandwiches.

I invented a game that I played with my friends at the movies: bobbing for popcorn with our tongues. When the lights dimmed, they returned to eating their popcorn normally; I continued to bob.

This went on for a couple years, until the fourth grade. I still remember the first food I ate without washing my hands. They were fruit gummy snacks handed out at an after-school programme I went to. I opened the plastic bag, reached in with my fingers and put them straight into my mouth. I may have even licked the tip of my index finger a bit. I didn’t know why I was suddenly different, but I felt exhilarated. I was free, normal. I didn’t know what had kept me chained those past few years, but I was glad it was over. I had seconds that day, in my favourite flavour, grape.

In 1989, a popular science book called The Boy Who Couldn’t Stop Washing was published. Its author, Judith Rapoport, then chief of the Child Psychiatry Branch at the National Institute of Mental Health, had studied and treated all kinds of neuropsychiatric illness, but a fascination with OCD grabbed hold of her. People with OCD had to participate in detailed rituals and compulsions to assuage strange beliefs: that they had just killed someone, that everything was contaminated, that they had sinned in some way, that things had to be just right.

Before her book came out, OCD was thought to be rare. We now know it affects one to three percent of the population. Rapoport’s book was one of OCD’s first steps into the spotlight – she went on Oprah and Larry King Live. Millions of people began to understand something about their own odd behaviours, or those of their friends and family members. Soon, Rapoport started to get letters and phone calls – including some with questions she hadn’t expected.

“A whole bunch of them talked about their dogs,” she says.

People wrote that their dogs did these behaviours too, especially excessive washing. Did she think they had OCD? It was an interesting idea. “If people ask one weird question, you shrug it off,” she says. “But if 20 of them ask it, you pay attention.”

A dog owner herself, she went to her vet to ask about acral lick, a common CCD behaviour when a dog licks or sucks at its paw or leg until the fur and flesh are worn through, leading to infection, amputation and sometimes death. Her vet told her yes, acral lick was a huge problem with no good treatment options, and his dog suffered from it. She asked if he would be willing to try medication – the same medication given to people with OCD, which increases levels of the brain chemical serotonin.

“We put his dog on a dose that we guessed at, given the weight of dogs and the weight of people, and the dog had a remarkable response,” she said. “You could say this all started when I cured my vet’s dog.”

Encouraged, Rapoport designed a double-blind controlled study. Dogs with acral lick received one of two drugs for OCD that targeted serotonin, or a placebo, or an antidepressant that worked for depression but not OCD and wouldn’t alter serotonin levels. The results were “dramatic”: the only group that improved was the group that got the serotonin drugs.

Still, Rapoport took her findings with a grain of salt. As a psychiatrist, she says she usually needs to know what her patients think of their compulsions to give them a true OCD diagnosis: “Patients with OCD have insight and they say, ‘Look, this is very embarrassing, I think this is crazy what I’m doing, but I can’t stop,’” she explains. “Well, you can’t get that sort of information from animals, so animal models are often very limited for psychiatry.”

After publishing her findings, she moved back to human patients. But her work caught the attention of a veterinary anaesthesiologist with an interest in behaviour: Nicholas Dodman.

After an injection of morphine, a small black horse named Knightly Night began to repetitively paw at the ground.

It was the 1980s, and Dodman had noticed that by using different drugs he could change the way animals behaved. In horses, he could “turn on” certain repetitive disorders that in the equestrian world were called stall walking or cribbing. Together with Louis Shuster, a professor of biochemistry and pharmacology at Tufts School of Medicine, he asked the question that would launch his career in animal behaviour: if they could turn a behaviour on, could they also turn it off?

Dodman and Shuster gathered horses with severe problems, who would pace and bite at guardrails, and gave them narcotic antagonists – the opposite of morphine. They all stopped.

“This behaviour has been going on for two thousand years of horses in captivity and nobody knew why,” says Dodman. “We were able to show that somehow you can turn it on and turn it off; that it was caused by some neurotransmitter imbalance.”

Dodman and Shuster’s initial hypothesis was that the drugs were blocking the brain’s natural opiates, stopping the behaviour because the animal no longer felt good while doing it. In further experiments, that theory didn’t hold up. So then they theorised that the on-off switch they had discovered actually lay in the drugs’ effects on NMDA receptors, which interact with a brain chemical called glutamate. Dodman and Shuster thought maybe cutting the line to glutamate was somehow stopping the behaviour.

To test their theory, Shuster went to a local store and bought a bottle of Delsym, a cough suppressant containing dextromethorphan, which also blocks NMDA. They fed it to a pony named Cinnamon Bun, a severe crib biter.

“He glugged it down and it stopped his cribbing behaviour,” Shuster says. “The cough medicine made his lips all pink, he looked rather strange, but it worked.”

Dodman opened an animal behaviour clinic at Tufts to expand his research to other kinds of animals, and the patients began to crawl in. He saw all kinds of pets: more horses, cats and birds, but he began to narrow his focus to dogs.

“The reason canine genetics are so cool is one word,” Elaine Ostrander tells me. “Breeds.”

Ostrander is the chief of the Cancer Genetics and Comparative Genomics Branch at the National Human Genome Research Institute, and has been working in dog genetics for 25 years. Her lab develops dog genome databases to look for genes that could be important for animal health or translate to humans. She says they’ve explored everything from infectious disease to cancer, including diabetes, kidney failure, retinitis pigmentosa and gout.

© Clara Lacy

“If you want to understand the genetic underpinning of a complex disease, we know there’s lots of genes involved,” she says. “In human populations, there are dozens of genes that contribute. Every family is a little bit different. Some genes seem hereditary, some seem not to be, it’s a very complex mosaic. In dogs, you simplify that mosaic.”

Within breeds, dogs are genetically very similar. But also between breeds of related dogs, Ostrander can see commonalities. By looking for disease genes in sick dogs in closely related breeds, she can exclude false positives; if four similar breeds with a disease all carry the same gene, one that unaffected dogs don’t have, she knows she’s got a strong candidate.

In 1994, Dodman teamed up with Alice Moon-Fanelli, an animal-behaviour geneticist, to help him begin to explore the genetics of his dog patients. Ostrander had the genetic data and Moon-Fanelli started to gather phenotypes, the expression of those genes: including the details of each dog’s behaviour, along with its breed, pedigree, age of onset and anything else that might be useful.

Moon-Fanelli says when they started their project, the idea of CCD – not even as a model, just as a standalone disorder – wasn’t widely accepted. Animal repetitive behaviours were considered “stereotypies” – mindless actions that were a result of poor environment or boredom, like tigers pacing in a cage at the zoo. “I came into it asking, ‘Why is this any different?’” she says. “And looking at almost 400 bull terriers over the years, and all the Dobermans and cats, it became clear that it wasn’t because of a sub-optimal environment. These animals were pets, they had great lives in wonderful homes.”

The dogs’ symptoms usually started around puberty, as is often the case in people. Compulsive behaviours ran in family lines, just like people. And just as human psychology had to realise that human OCD wasn’t a result of upbringing, animal medicine was doing the same.

“One living species to another, you know that they are obsessing and that they are possessed by demons that they cannot control,” says Moon-Fanelli. “And it’s the same thing with people. It’s just that people speak the same language so they can tell us what they’re thinking. We have to develop our interpretation, and try to be objective, based on what we see in its behaviour.”

Pamela Perry, a behaviourist at Cornell University’s College of Veterinary Medicine, isn’t involved in Dodman’s work. She treats animals that have a variety of behaviour problems, and says that while stereotypies and compulsions can often overlap, she does recognise a distinction. She agrees that we don’t know for sure if animals are obsessing. But she has seen dogs who don’t just compulsively chase light and shadows: they even get up before dawn and wait for the sun to cast shadows that they can then chase. Another client had bought a new washing machine, and their dog would wait for it to turn on and spin along with the whole cycle. As soon as it stopped, he would stop.

“If they’re waiting and anticipating, personally I think we can presume that they’re obsessing to some degree,” Perry says.

Despite having one of the classic presentations of OCD, hand washing, it never occurred to me or anyone who knew me that I had OCD. I’ve always been anxious, enough so that I sought out talk therapy several years ago and considered myself a person with generalised anxiety disorder.

My anxieties were always around a common theme: cleanliness, disease, health, germs. I also have a phobia of vomiting, which I obsess about daily. I think about throwing up probably ten-14 hours out of the day, and actively avoid situations that I think will cause me to feel sick or be sick. I thought this was what anxiety was – to be concerned about a specific set of things.

In psychotherapy, we discussed the “reasons” for my anxieties. My parents are scientists and I learned about germs at a very early age. My father was also concerned with germs and cleanliness, food poisoning and food safety. I liked to be in control, and throwing up was a total loss of control, a window into vulnerability. These sessions made me feel better, and I do think my obsessions diminished a little bit as a result. I felt that knowing their origins and roots would help me manage them, help me talk them down.

Looking back, I think my inability to recognise that I had OCD was rooted in the belief that, as a human, I had control over my behaviours and thoughts. Or that, if I didn’t, it was because of deeper human thoughts – if I could just uncover them, I would regain control.

But in situations where I was challenged, I quickly saw how little control I had. When I accidentally ate something that had gone rotten, I descended into total and utter panic for days. When my boyfriend got the stomach flu, I fled our apartment, staying in a hotel for three nights. When I got home, I bought hospital-grade cleaner and bleached and cleaned our home. I didn’t feel safe for weeks; every day I thought obsessively about the germs that were still present, waiting to infect me.

Some of this may sound understandable, albeit a little over the top. But like the dogs, or others with OCD, it’s the amount of disruption of daily life that determines a disorder. I was spending hours upon hours thinking, cleaning, worrying, obsessing.

Throughout all this, I still didn’t think I had OCD, and it wasn’t until my physical compulsions returned, at the end of last year, that I finally thought it might be more than anxiety. I travelled for work from May to December of last year, and dealt with some very minor health problems. Whether through those triggers, stress, isolation, or some combination, the compulsions began to creep back up on me.

Like my childhood handwashing, I don’t know when exactly they began. Now that I’m doing them, it’s as if they’re permanent fixtures, though I can look back six months ago and recognise that I was free of them. My current rituals mostly centre on eating, swallowing and food safety.

Right now, when I eat, I have to eat completely alone, and if someone else is in the room, I cannot eat. I just… can’t. When I do eat, if the food needs to be heated in the microwave, I have to set it to an odd number, usually four minutes and 37 seconds. Then, I have to stop the microwave at 37 seconds, though 27 or 17 are acceptable also. (While doing this, I recall with an odd fondness that in my childhood the number on the microwave always had to be 29. It’s like remembering an imaginary friend.) As I’m eating, each time I swallow, I have to lightly touch or grasp the tip of my nose and look up to the far-left corner of my field of vision.

In addition to the eating rituals, my other obsessions got much worse. I started to throw away food compulsively, food I knew – logically – was okay to eat. But fears of contamination take hold: what if it’s gone bad? What if the refrigerator isn’t cold enough? What if this bag of frozen berries was in a place in the freezer where the air didn’t circulate properly?

The fear and obsession with vomiting became extreme. Anything that looked or reminded me of throw-up could cause panic. Spilled coffee, splatters of water, soup, anything creamy, the words ‘chunk’ or ‘throw’. Even writing this single paragraph, using these words, has taken me hours. Each time I write ‘throw-up’ or ‘vomit’, I have to take a break.

Last year, when I was travelling, I wasn’t having any kind of treatment, not even talk therapy. When I got back to New York in January, I enrolled in a clinical trial for people with anxiety at Columbia University. While being evaluated, my interviewers casually asked, “Do you have any phobias or anxieties that aren’t related to your OCD?”

The question stopped me in my tracks. I have OCD?

We don’t know exactly what goes wrong in the brain to cause OCD. We do know that a group of drugs known as SSRIs (like Prozac), which increase serotonin levels, seem to help – but only for some people. About half of people see a response to the SSRIs, and a “successful” response can mean as little as a 35% reduction of symptoms. As a recent review of OCD treatments said: “This means that even treatment-responsive patients may continue to have levels of symptoms in the mild-to-moderate range and spend hours daily preoccupied with their obsessions and compulsions.”

Whether you believe in a dog model or not, one thing is becoming clearer in human OCD research: serotonin is not the complete story.

As Dodman had noticed, glutamate seems to be important. Recent neuroimaging of people with OCD has shown higher blood flow and activation in the cortico-striato-thalamocortical circuits, a network that loops from the deep centres of the brain to the prefrontal cortex. This area is dominated by glutamate pathways that are believed to generate controlled movement and thought, and to modulate behavioural routines. Some OCD researchers now hypothesise that SSRIs work not because of serotonin, but because they stop the release of glutamate. Further work, testing the cerebral spinal fluid levels of people with OCD, found that they had significantly higher levels of glutamate.

Still, knowing that glutamate plays a role, in dogs or in people, doesn’t help discover the genes that cause this disorder in humans, which is where an accurate animal model could be extremely helpful.

“The problem with the large number of behavioural disorders is that we don’t really have a good clue as to what the underlying molecular change is,” says Ed Ginns, a neurologist and geneticist who works with Dodman. “If we can at least get that, we’re confident that, with further molecular and clinical studies, pathways and even potential targets for treatment can be identified.”

When he first met Dodman, Ginns had been studying diseases like bipolar disorder and depression in genetically closed populations like the Amish. For him, it was never an issue that Dodman’s sample was built of Dobermans and terriers. He says it was compelling because, like the conditions of those Amish – and unlike other animal models – the dogs’ disorder had arisen naturally.

“These are not artificial constructs,” he says. “These are patients walking into his office with a real behavioural issue. It doesn’t rely on us guessing what we think might be the gene or the change in a mouse that might model a disease.”

Ginns and Dodman’s first collaboration was a genome-wide analysis, comparing 92 flank-and blanket-sucking Doberman pinschers with 68 control Dobermans. They got one strong statistical hit in what Dodman calls a “genetic oasis” – there was only one large gene there for them to look at, called neural cadherin or CDH2. In the brain, CDH2 is involved in the development of glutamate receptors.

“It was a great gene,” Dodman says. “Everyone basically took a big breath and stepped back. This was the first behavioural gene that had ever had anything to do with OCD, and one of the few behavioural genes that have been discovered.”

The next step was to look for CDH2 in people. Dodman and Ginns took their research to the National Institutes of Health, and a group there analysed data they had from people with OCD. The results were inconclusive. They found a suggestion that some CDH2 variants might be associated with Tourette syndrome, but that picture was fuzzy as well.

“We didn’t find something earth-shattering,” says Jens Wendland, a physician and psychiatrist who co-authored the study. “But to be fair, we know now that the cohort would have needed to be much, much larger, at least an order of magnitude larger, to be properly powered to do that. And we tried the best we could with the means we had available at the time.”

Wendland thinks that sequencing has advanced enough that it’s more beneficial to study humans than to redo any dog studies. He is sceptical whether we can ever really be sure that a dog’s symptoms can correspond to humans’. “We will never really know that for sure, so you could argue why should we take this leap of faith in the first place?” he says.

“I would much rather start to work on the biology of genes identified from human studies, however challenging that may be. As opposed to starting with a gene mapped to a behaviour in nonhumans where I can never be certain that this is really affective of the condition that I want to treat.”

In 2008, Dodman decided to take the initiative and move his theories to a clinical setting. For many years, he had been discussing his work with Michael Jenike, founder of the Obsessive Compulsive Disorder Institute at McLean Hospital in Belmont, Massachusetts. Jenike enjoyed his talks with Dodman but wasn’t convinced. Like Judith Rapoport, he says that the trouble with dogs and birds and mice is that unless he can talk to them, he can’t properly diagnose OCD. Still, he was willing to try giving some of his patients memantine, a glutamate-targeting drug normally used to treat Alzheimer’s, which Dodman had started giving to dogs with severe CCD.

In a group of 44 patients, everyone got a drug to increase serotonin levels, but half were given memantine as well – and it worked. For those who also got the glutamate drug, symptoms reduced by 27 per cent on average, compared to 16.5 per cent for the others. It isn’t perfect, but Jenike continues to use this combination of drugs with patients who aren’t responding well to SSRIs. Dodman and Shuster had already patented the combination of drugs as a treatment for OCD, but their tech transfer office at Tufts couldn’t get any pharmaceutical companies interested. However, subsequent research has supported the idea that both serotonin and glutamate pathways need to be addressed when treating OCD.

In brain imaging of his compulsive Dobermans, Dodman found that they had structural abnormalities associated with OCD in humans. In February 2016, a group led by Dan Stein, head of the Department of Psychiatry and Mental Health at the University of Cape Town, published the results of a re-examination of the CDH2 gene in humans. Their sample was made of 234 people with OCD and 180 healthy controls, and their findings were more conclusive than the previous study: they found two differences in the CDH2 gene that seemed to be correlated with OCD, though Stein says more work is needed to fully understand the connection.

Dodman’s latest work, published in 2016, compares dogs that have severe and mild cases of CCD. He found two areas of interest in the genome. The first has a human counterpart that is associated with an increased risk of schizophrenia, and the other harbours serotonin receptor genes.

From these most recent findings and their connection with serotonin, Dodman has a new theory. He thinks that the CDH2 gene, which involves glutamate, is required for a dog to be genetically predisposed to CCD in the first place. A human might have a different predisposition gene, but Dodman guesses it involves glutamate too. Serotonin genes, he thinks, are modifiers that control to what degree a dog has CCD (or a person has OCD). He now hopes that someone will look for similar modifier genes in humans, or expand standard OCD treatment to include both serotonin and glutamate pathways.

© Clara Lacy

Dodman still thinks that any hesitation to accept research based on a dog model of human OCD doesn’t lie in specific doubts about the validity of the model, but in a greater philosophical problem: the difficulty in accepting that our minds might be closer than we want to believe to the minds of dogs.

“It really helps to be a veterinarian,” he says. “Because one of the things people say when you’re a vet is, they say: ‘It must be so difficult because you have to learn all these differences between the various species.’ The answer is, actually you don’t. What you learn to do is appreciate the sameness.”

As my evaluations at Columbia have continued, I’ve come face to face with another kind of sameness. It’s unsettling, almost spooky – as if someone has entered the most private, most anxious parts of my brain, written down my personal thoughts, and then put them on a questionnaire to be read out loud by a bored psychiatrist. Every worry, every obsession, the things I have to do in secret are standardised and stereotypical enough to be on these general evaluation forms.

Soon after I was officially enrolled in the clinical trial, I began cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT). It is the exact opposite of my past therapy sessions. I loved my psychodynamic therapist. We would meet once a week in her pleasant office, with bookcases and Asian artwork hanging on the wall. She was achingly smart and well read, and as we talked about my feelings and childhood, we often discussed theories and psychoanalytic texts. It felt like an intellectual exchange, something human of the highest order. Deconstructing, understanding, breaking down symbols and metaphor into meaning.

At CBT, I am meeting twice a week on a hard plastic chair in a tiny office with no windows. But we are not here for my feelings; actually the opposite. I am here to provoke my anxieties, confront them and, hopefully, neutralise them. I’m beginning exposure therapy and response prevention. We will not be discussing my dreams. CBT feels as close to dog training as any human activity can get.

We meticulously go through all my phobias, obsessions and rituals and rate them on a hierarchy. Now my job is to attempt to cease the rituals, and expose myself to increasingly upsetting stimuli for an hour a day, and 90 minutes twice a week in session.

After my first exposure session, I was stunned the whole subway ride home. It was upsetting, but more because it was the first time I realised how sick I was. I had looked at photos of spilled orange juice, something I haven’t been able to do because it reminds me of throw-up. First I looked at a cartoon, then more and more difficult photos (difficulty being based on how similar the colour and texture were to actual vomit).

I was so distressed by these photos I could barely glance at them before breaking out into my touching-and-looking swallowing ritual. There was a part of me that thought: this is ridiculous. It felt as if I was being tortured, but I was simply seeing a cup of juice overturned. How could this be making me so upset? I knew it was a cup of juice, and yet when I looked at it, the obsessions flowed in, thinking about being sick, thinking about if the image would make me sick, imagery of me or others getting sick, on and on.

Alice Moon-Fanelli said that the spinning dogs seemed like they had been taken over by demons. These were my demons. I didn’t expect them to look like spilled juice.

I picked up a copy of Rapoport’s book, now over 25-years-old, and the same Twilight Zone-esque feelings from my evaluation interviews came back. The young boy who “couldn’t stop washing” also hid his fists in his sleeves and had a complicated swallowing ritual that involved touching and blinking. If the name had been removed, I could have easily believed someone wrote it about me.

In her book, Rapoport wrote that she was amazed at the sameness of OCD behaviours. Though she remains unconvinced how much animal models will ultimately help, she did say that psychiatrists could learn from the work of ethologists, who study inborn behaviour patterns in animals. Rapoport’s collie dog turned in circles – not compulsively, but before it lay down to sleep. In the dog’s ancestors, that behaviour was conserved to trample down grass or ward off hiding snakes or insects. But in her suburban home, it remained.

“The highly selective nature of OCD behaviors is just as remarkable,” she wrote. “Washing, grooming, hoarding – any theory of this disease must account for the incredible selectivity of these behaviors, which could be action patterns from an ethologist’s field book. As psychiatrists, we need to be field observers much more often than we are.”

Forcing myself to see myself as an animal, one that could be overtaken by innate behaviours, helps me make sense of what it means to have OCD. The endless thoughts of vomiting and cleanliness, and my eating rituals, are the same as a dog spinning round and round. The spinning even provided me an apt visual metaphor to latch on to. When the thoughts or fears begin, it is like a whirlpool: swirling, spinning, gaining momentum and sucking all logic or reason into the bottom, out of sight. As a human, I am enraged when I can’t stop my obsessive thoughts. As an animal, it makes sense that I can’t talk my way out of compulsions or fears. It is easy to accept that a dog’s broken neural circuitry was causing their tail chasing. I’m working on lending myself that kind of compassion.

The day after Sputnik, I meet Bella, another bull terrier who used to spin but after treatment has stopped almost completely. Bella’s owner, Linda Rowe-Varone, has a similar tale to Sputnik’s owners: one day her sweet puppy started to spin, and nothing she could do could stop her. Like Dan Schmuck, she tells me she almost reached breaking point.

“There was a time I really thought she was spinning so much that I could not keep her in my home anymore,” she says with tears in her eyes. “And Dr Dodman just kept telling me, ‘Just wait it out, wait it out, you’ve got to give her a little more time.’ And I’m really glad I did.”

Bella is active, playing and running around the examination room. Rowe-Varone tells us that Bella is also obsessed with balls, and she has to limit what kinds of toys she is exposed to. I wonder where the vets draw the line? All dogs have a favourite toy, one they love to play with. When can they call it an obsession? (When did I go from being a person who liked to be clean, to becoming obsessed with cleanliness?) Rowe-Varone says that she has to keep balls hidden in the garage, and if Bella sees them, she will sit outside the garage door for hours.

The debate about whether dogs can truly obsess doesn’t enter this room. The consensus here is that Bella knew her balls were in the garage and couldn’t get them off her mind. I’m struck by how accepting dogs as an animal model for human OCD required two shifts in thinking: not only did we have to become more animal, but we had to grant them a bit more humanity as well.

Dodman remembers a dog that was obsessed with water. It lived mostly in New York City but when it went to the owner’s Hamptons home it would jump into the pool and do laps for seven hours a day, whining in anxiety the whole time.

Stephanie Borns-Weil, who took over from Dodman as programme director at the Animal Behavior Clinic at Tufts last year, has seen a golden retriever obsessed with water too: it would get into the bathtub with the kids, or stand in puddles on its walks and refuse to move. Another dog she saw a few months ago would go into a lake by its house, take out five rocks and put them by a tree. If the owner removed them, it would return to the lake and get the rocks back.

One Doberman needed to cover her food before she ate. When her owner fed her, she put some paper towels next to her food. The dog would take a paper towel very delicately in her mouth, cover the food and then uncover the food to eat it. If she couldn’t perform this ritual she wouldn’t eat. Dodman remembers another odd eating ritual: a dog who would take individual pellets of food and place them in the button compressions in the couch cushion in the next room. Only when he had put seven pellets into seven button holes could he eat the rest of the food out of his bowl.

I look back at Bella, who has bored of our chatting and is resting underneath a desk. The eating rituals that Dodman and Borns-Weil are describing are hitting a bit close to home, and maybe that’s why, for the first time, I do recognise a bit of myself in Bella. There is a big container of balls above her head, which we hurriedly covered when we came in. Is she thinking about them now, just like I’m thinking about my own obsessions?

When I leave Tufts that day, my boyfriend, Zach, picks me up and we head back to our hotel, tired and hungry. I don’t have a driver’s licence, and I needed Zach to drive me the three hours to rural Massachusetts. The drive up from Brooklyn was fraught with anxiety. Being in the car is one of my triggers. Obsessions about car sickness began weeks ago, when I first booked the rental. The whole drive I was tense and white-knuckled.

I know that I need to eat the moment we get back to our room. Zach jumps on the bed, settling in with a book. Nervously, I ask him: can you leave, so I can eat? The ritual needs to happen alone. He’s frustrated. Now? He will have to go sit in the lobby. Fine. Annoyed, he grabs his coat and heads towards the door.

Now I’m upset. Upset I have to do the ritual, upset he can’t be more understanding, mad at myself for having so little control. “You think I want to do this?” I yell defensively. “I just need a little time.”

“Whatever,” he says, slamming the door.

I realise I’ve made the same plea Dodman made to Rowe-Varone when she was about to give up on Bella: “You’ve got to give her a little more time.”

I’m in tears as I set up for lunch. Three napkins, an odd number, and I warm up the soup stopping on 37. I eat, with the ritualised looking and touching, trying to not think about how my soup kind of looks like throw-up.

“It’s not that they’re dogs and it’s not that we’re humans,” Ginns said to me. “It’s that both groups are suffering from this same clinical presentation that disrupts their development and lives. And it’s that description that for me defines compulsive behaviour.”

I take a deep breath. Just wait it out, wait it out, you’ve got to give yourself a little more time.

This article first appeared on Mosaic and is republished here under a Creative Commons licence.

Bad Press? Why You Shouldn’t Blame Journalists Alone for Exaggerated Health News

Studies have found that bloated claims in news reports are often simply carried over from university and journal press releases, which are approved by scientists.

Studies have found that bloated claims in news reports are often simply carried over from university and journal press releases, which are approved by scientists.

Scientists, university press officers, journal editors, journalists and their editors all have a role to play in ensuring that, in all stages of this 'information cycle', the precept of primum non nocere is always upheld. Credit: derekgavey/Flickr, CC BY 2.0

Scientists, university press officers, journal editors, journalists and their editors all have a role to play in ensuring that, in all stages of this ‘information cycle’, the precept of primum non nocere is always upheld. Credit: derekgavey/Flickr, CC BY 2.0

Flip open any tabloidish newspaper and you’re likely to see an article or two about what coffee, wine or chocolate does to the heart when its intake is hiked – typically printed under a banner that says ‘Science’. And if you wait long enough, which is often a week, you’ll see the exact same claims being made but this time if the intake is reduced. This article (the one you’re reading right now) doesn’t have advice for people who craft their diets based on the suggestions of such newspapers. Instead, it’s about who could be to blame for publishing flip-flopping claims.

The answer is typically that a journalist somewhere picked up a press release or a minor study and took it too seriously, ignoring one of the cornerstones of modern science: that it progresses in gentle increments more often than it does in loud leaps. But at the same time, it’s not just the journalist who’s to blame. The publish-or-perish paradigm affects another species, too: the scientists. Having a study receive favourable coverage in the media can draw attention to a scientist or her lab, which in turn can draw investment and appreciation. To improve the odds of this happening, institutions and research journals often hype their results in press releases, at times making the findings seem more notable than they actually are (or, in one case, more unreal).

The impact of such practices is quite real when it comes to health news – especially if a press release or a news article provides advice. And while there’s the kind that asks you to eat fewer or more chocolates over ten days, there’s also the kind that asks you to think twice, or not at all, before popping statins to stave off a faraway heart attack – while clumsy reports in the news about its side-effects muddle the waters further. Scientists, university press officers, journal editors, journalists and their editors all have a role to play in ensuring that, in all stages of this ‘information cycle’, the precept of primum non nocere is always upheld.

As Ranjana Srivastava, an oncologist, wrote in The Guardian, “It is up to journal editors to … spell out the difference between interesting research and findings that transform patient care” to clinicians – and later: “In a free society, patients are allowed to make poor choices but the media shouldn’t facilitate it.” Seen this way, everyone is to blame if something goes wrong because everyone has opportunities to anticipate and prevent ‘defects’: scientists for not being as precise or accurate as they need to be; journal editors not facilitating access to all the information – including conversations between journalists and scientists – in the right ways; and journalists not being rigorous or nuanced enough with their coverage.

Extended accountability

But for better or worse, things aren’t always this straightforward. One of the conclusions of a new study conducted by researchers from Cardiff University, UK, and the University of Wollongong, Australia, is that there is “no evidence that exaggeration in press releases is associated with increased news uptake” – or that the prevalence of caveats is associated with a reduction. To arrive at this result, the researchers analysed 534 press releases issued by high-profile health and biomedical journals for 534 peer-reviewed papers and the 582 news articles that were subsequently published about them. In the paper’s conclusion, they write, rightly so, that the “findings should be encouraging for press officers and scientists who wish to minimise exaggeration and include caveats in their press releases.”

Could they have added that their finding is also indicative of journalists being more diligent on average? Not really; another result from the same study seems to take away from such an impression: Even if exaggerations and caveats didn’t affect news uptake, their incidence in press releases was mirrored in news articles directly based on those releases. (In 2014, the same group of researchers had arrived at similar conclusions when comparing news reports with press releases issued by universities.) Anyway, this implies a journalist’s act of choosing what to print is based less on the strength of a reported observation and more on what the observation is about. This likely won’t surprise a newspaper’s editors, but it will hearten press officers because it provides some insights into how journalists decide what to write on.

However, it’s still not clear if exaggeration in press releases directly causes news reports derived from them to be exaggerated, too. “Because we looked at retrospective (existing) data, we can only draw conclusions about the association between exaggeration in press releases with exaggeration in science. We therefore can’t conclude that exaggeration in press releases causes exaggeration in science news,” Christopher Chambers, a cognitive neuroscientist at Cardiff University and one of the paper’s authors, told me on Twitter. “To draw a causal conclusion, you would need to run a randomised control trial where you alter press releases and test the effect on news, which we are doing at the moment.”

In sum: it may be difficult to apportion blame when it comes to tracking down the origins of bad health advice presented by the media but it wouldn’t be fair to call only journalists irresponsible. As Chambers’s paper shows, the problem often takes shape beforehand. In fact, press releases crafted by university press officers and journals’ outreach groups are publicised only after the scientist whose study is being discussed has approved the document. So either there’s something amiss in the sign-off stage or the scientists violate primum non nocere – though it may not be binding – right there. The British physician and writer Ben Goldacre, in an editorial accompanying the Cardiff group’s 2014 study, wrote:

At present, researchers who exaggerate in an academic paper are publicly corrected—and held to account—in commentaries and letters to the publishing journal, through the process of post-publication peer review. This could be extended. Press releases are a key part of the publication of the science: journals should reflect this and publish commentary and letters about misrepresentations in the press release, just as they publish commentary on the academic paper itself.

Looking for authority

To call for a body to regulate the drafting of press releases would be misguided: besides the sheer volume of dubious claims being published, it is the fourth estate’s responsibility to be responsible in its choice of what to cover as well as to knock back against those being reckless about it. For example, a study published in January 2014 noted that “newspapers were more likely to cover observational studies and less likely to cover [randomised control trials] than high impact journals”; the newspapers in question were the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, USA Today, Los Angeles Times and the San Jose Mercury Times.

Then again, what universities and journals try to do with press releases is more benign when compared what Big Pharma can afford to do with markets, and when it can become much harder for the readers of health news to decide what is good or bad for them.

An infamous example is that of statins, as briefly discussed earlier. According to Deepak Natarajan, a Delhi-based cardiologist, the ten drug companies on the Fortune 500 together spent $67 billion on ‘marketing and administration’ activities just in 2002 – with some estimating that over $50 billion was spent on marketing alone (this Canadian study from 2003 highlights one impact). At the time, statins made the most money for these companies. Club these details with the fact that 66-75% of clinical trials “published in the major journals are funded by the drug industry”, and you have a crisis of reliability that threatens to undermine the authority of journals like NEJM and JAMA staring back at you. Where then does one look for reliable authority?

Ultimately, that likely rests with a scientist-friend of yours, a member of your social or professional network who has advised you on covering health, biomedical and bio-ethics research before, whose guidance you trust. And cultivating such relationships often requires the same attitude and skills as we’ve come to expect from scientists and mediapersons alike: being fair to the other’s profession, being sensitive to the other’s constraints, and always deferring to the public interest (especially when it is compelling). As Daniel Sarewitz wrote in his controversial essay on saving science, “Only through direct engagement with the real world can science free itself to rediscover the path toward truth.”

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