On August 23, 2023, 82-year-old Congress leader Aziz Qureshi stirred controversy with his statement asserting that Muslims within the Congress party should not be treated as slaves or taken for granted.
Addressing a gathering of Muslim leaders on former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi’s birth anniversary, Qureshi highlighted the lack of employment opportunities for Muslims in sectors like the police, defence forces, and banks. He challenged political parties, including the Congress, to recognise that Muslims are not bound to thoughtlessly follow commands. Qureshi emphasised the pressing issues faced by the Muslim community, including attacks on their businesses, places of worship, and homes, leaving their children orphaned.
Ahead of the upcoming state election, Qureshi’s words have fuelled concerns among Muslim leaders and the general Muslim workers within the Congress. Sensing that their aspirations to contest elections have become unattainable, many feel excluded from party discussions amid Hindutva’s growing influence and the Congress’s perceived alignment with at least a so-called soft version of it. This sentiment of disillusionment and alienation underscores the complex political landscape in the state.
A local Congress worker from Rajogarh, Raja Mian, voiced his frustration, stating that Muslim party workers are not even invited to party meetings. This exclusion has led them to feel undervalued, akin to the approach of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which also appears indifferent to securing Muslim votes.
“Let’s abandon the idea of contesting elections, we grasp that we stand no chance amidst the Hindutva surge and the Congress party’s inclination to align with it before the polls. But what’s disheartening is that we aren’t even welcomed to the party meetings or election gatherings. It’s as if we hold no value for the party. Much like the BJP, they disregard Muslim votes, assuming we will naturally gravitate toward them,” Raja said.
The sentiments underscore a broader discontent within the Muslim community, raising critical questions about their representation and recognition within political spheres, particularly as the state gears up for an electoral battle.
Congress flags. Photo: Bazil Ashrafi
According to the 2011 census, Muslims constitute approximately 6.57% of the total population in Madhya Pradesh. The state is home to about 5 million Muslims, with over a million residing in more than 19 districts. Additionally, Muslims play a significant role in nearly two dozen assembly constituencies, including key ones, like Indore-1, Indore-3, Ujjain, Jabalpur, Khandwa, Ratlam, Javara, Gwalior, Shajapur, Mandla, Neemuch, Mahidpur, Mandsaur, Indore-5, Nasrullaganj, Ichhawar, Ashta, and Ujjain South, owing to their substantial presence. This demographic factor underscores their political influence in these regions.
Nonetheless, Muslim political representation in the state has experienced a substantial decline over the years. At its peak, Muslim representation was at 7% in 1962 when leaders like Shakir Ali Khan from the Communist Party of India (CPI) were also elected. Currently, there are only two Muslim MLAs in the Madhya Pradesh Assembly: Arif Aqueel from Bhopal North and Arif Masood from Bhopal Central.
While Congress is yet to release its list of candidates ahead of the polls, the BJP has not included a single Muslim name in its lists so far.
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However, not every Muslim leader within the Congress is on the same page. Abbas Hafeez, vice chairman of the Congress’s media department in the state, believes that this debate around representation is not going to take Muslims anywhere and, at a moment like this, when the country is going through unprecedented challenges, Muslim leaders should take off their blinkers.
“See tickets are distributed based on the winnability chances of the candidates on the basis of surveys conducted by the party. The party doesn’t look at Muslim and Hindu names, it looks at the winnability of a candidate. But it ensures that the candidate is secular and will take everyone along. Also, the Muslim leaders who are complaining now should introspect on what they did while holding portfolios in the government,” Abbas said.
He also asserted that Muslim leaders should focus on defeating communal forces in the state rather than placing vague demands of representation.
In the past, BJP leader Rajneesh Agarwal, on the question of Muslim representation, was quoted as saying, “Our party distributes tickets based on the winning ability of a candidate and majoritarian views. And Muslim candidates hardly get in with the majoritarian view.”
Disillusionment of Muslim voters
The current situation has not only affected Muslim political leaders and workers but there is also a growing disenchantment among Muslim voters regarding the elections.
In the Jahangirpura locality of Bhopal, which is predominantly a Muslim area, there is an eerie silence and lack of electoral activity, unlike in the past. Showkat Ali Jahan, a 44-year-old food joint owner, believes that Muslims are getting disillusioned by the election process owing to the increasing isolation and sidelining of the community.
“There was a time when these streets were filled with party flags, posters, and banners ahead of any elections. But now, our interest in the elections is waning, especially in Madhya Pradesh. Congress and BJP seem to be two sides of the same coin. While BJP has always been a pro-Hindutva party, now Congress is also trying to catch up with it here. In this situation, who cares about us when the entire political discourse is against us? The challenge for us is survival now, on socio-economic fronts,” Showkat told The Wire.
The living conditions in the Jahangirabad locality mirror those of other Muslim ghettos in the country, marked by a lack of civic amenities, insufficient infrastructure, limited educational institutions, and gross municipal negligence.
Rafiqa Bano, a 61-year-old resident who has always lived in Jahangirpura, believes that her vote is not significant to anyone. Nevertheless, she hopes for a Congress victory.
“There was a time when prominent leaders used to visit our neighbourhoods, make promises, and seek votes. But over the years, all that seems to have disappeared. Nobody comes to ask for votes except the local candidates. Despite this, I wish for the Congress party to win because it would give the community breathing space unlike the current situation,” she said.
Madhya Pradesh CM Shivraj Singh and Congress leader Chouhan Kamal Nath in Bhopal. Photo: Twitter/@ChouhanShivraj
Residents here see this as a stark reflection of the broader socio-economic challenges faced by Muslims in the state. They attribute these circumstances to the neglect exhibited by civic authorities.
Shakir Ahmed, a 28-year-old employed in a private company, points to the absence of political leadership as a significant factor contributing to the poor civic conditions in these Muslim localities. “We are literally living next to piles of garbage and open drains, devoid of basic civic amenities and government facilities. Municipal authorities display sheer negligence in these areas; their garbage collection vehicles seldom make an appearance for weeks. But the question remains: who will address these pressing issues? Unfortunately, we lack leaders who are genuinely concerned about the daily challenges faced by the Muslim community. The existing leaders seem more preoccupied with matters related to the identity of the Muslim community, neglecting the essential needs of their constituents,” he said.
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Referring to the marginalisation of Muslims in Bhopal, the state capital, social scientists Christopher Jaffrelot and Shazia Aziz Wilbers state in their book Muslims in Indian Cities that before 1947, Bhopal was a significant Muslim state, second only to Hyderabad.
Hindu-Muslim relations were complex, but the city remained peaceful. Post-independence, the Muslim elite struggled with changing political dynamics. The city modernised without their full participation, leading to social withdrawal. The 1992 riots and the rise of the BJP exacerbated tensions.
Experts point out that Muslims face similar ghettoisation and marginalisation in other cities of Madhya Pradesh.
“This pattern of marginalisation within the city is not confined to Bhopal but is present in other parts of the state too, such as Indore, Burhanpur, or elsewhere. Muslims continue to live within pockets of the cities and are deprived of basic infrastructure and civic facilities,” Shamshur Rahman Alvi, a veteran journalist and keen observer of minority issues, pointed out.
According to Alvi, the recent upsurge in hate crimes against Muslims in the state, such as communal violence in Khargone, the demolition of houses, and numerous instances of lynchings, has not only exposed the vulnerability of Muslim leadership but has also highlighted the desire among the youth to exercise political agency at a time when Congress is leaning towards appeasing the majority.
“Youth from the Muslim community are becoming disenchanted with secular parties because they are not addressing their concerns and aspirations. These young people expect the leadership of the Congress party to speak out against hate crimes targeting the Muslim community. Unfortunately, in recent years, leaders from secular parties have maintained strategic silence on these issues, fearing it might upset the sentiments of the majority. This trend has sparked debates about representation and political agency,” Alvi added.
A photo of district authorities demolishing 12 shops belonging to Talab Chowk Masjid committee, a day after the riots in Khargone. Photo: Author provided
Two main reasons behind poor Muslim representation
Political stakeholders and activists in the state believe that poor Muslim representation in Madhya Pradesh can be attributed to two significant factors: the polarisation of votes after the Babri Mosque demolition in 1992 and the division of the Muslim population due to the delimitation of constituencies in 2002 during the Congress rule.
Mohammad Mahir, who runs Muslim Vikas Parishad points out that historically there has always been a two-party game in the state, BJP vs Congress, and this has played a crucial role in enabling majoritarian politics and ensuring upper caste domination in electoral politics, unlike states where politics of social justice unfolded.
“In Madhya Pradesh, politics has traditionally revolved around communalism and secularism, with little emphasis on representation,” Mahir stated. “This lack of focus on representation allowed dominant groups to maintain their participation. Another significant factor is the trend among secular parties, particularly in the Congress in MP, where non-Muslim leaders vie for tickets in Muslim-dominated constituencies. They perceive it as an easy win as Muslims are considered their natural voters. This trend is evident in the fact that despite the influence Muslims hold in at least 20 seats, only two tickets were allocated to Muslim candidates in the last election, both from Bhopal,” he added.
Mahir’s Muslim Vikas Parishad has submitted a 15-point memorandum, to both the Congress and the BJP, addressing concerns related to the Muslim community. They have demanded that these parties include these points in their respective manifestos. Some of these demands include allowing students to seek education in their mother tongue, implementing the recommendations of the Ranganathan Misra Commission pertaining to the community, and starting an AMU campus in the state among others.
Meanwhile, Alvi pointed out that the delimitation exercise carried out in the state has also impacted electoral demography and made things very tricky for Muslims politically.
Delimitation is a process in which the Boundary Committee redraws the boundaries of various assembly and Lok Sabha constituencies and converts seats based on the recent census. The present delimitation of constituencies was done in 2002 on the basis of the 2001 census. Constituencies such as Bhopal, Satna, Rewa, Narela, and Jabalpur were divided into different constituencies in 2002 by the commission with the help of the erstwhile Congress government.
As far as the 2023 elections are concerned, many of the Muslims whom The Wire spoke to found themselves with no viable choice apart from the Congress to rely on, despite the party’s recent shift toward majoritarian politics in the state.
“Presently, I prefer to think as a common voter of the state, not just as a Muslim. It is clear to me, as a regular voter, that the BJP has failed the state comprehensively, be it in healthcare, infrastructure, women’s security, or malnutrition. It is pertinent to mention that 78,000 children were found to be malnourished in Madhya Pradesh in the first three months of this calendar year, the state government had said in the Legislative Assembly,” remarked Anas Ali, President of Barkatullah Youth Forum.
Anas also emphasised that there is a concerning perception that Muslims are being deemed irrelevant and, as a result, taken for granted. However, he emphasised that political parties should be mindful that Muslim votes are pivotal in forming a government. In the state, a swing of just 1 or 2% of votes can significantly alter the political landscape and change the fate of parties.
“In 2018, Congress had a vote share of 40.89%, whereas BJP had a vote share of 41.02%. Opinion polls indicate a difference of 1% in vote share between the two parties this time as well. Now, consider that Muslims constitute 7% of the total population. If they decide not to vote or choose the NOTA option, what will the outcome be?” Anas remarked.
Asad Ashraf is an independent journalist based in Bhopal.
