Next Round of Military Talks Between India and China Likely to Be Held on Friday

The border standoff between the Indian and Chinese militaries erupted on May 5 last following a violent clash in the Pangong lake areas and both sides gradually enhanced their deployment by rushing in tens of thousands of soldiers as well as heavy weaponry.

New Delhi: India and China are likely to hold the next round of corps commander level talks on Friday and they are expected to focus on disengagement of troops in remaining friction points in eastern Ladakh, people familiar with the development said.

They said India will insist on early disengagement of troops in Gogra and Hot Springs besides pressing for resolution of pending issues in Depsang plains.

The people said the two sides had an exchange of views on holding the 11th round of military talks on Friday.

The border standoff between the Indian and Chinese militaries erupted on May 5 last following a violent clash in the Pangong lake areas and both sides gradually enhanced their deployment by rushing in tens of thousands of soldiers as well as heavy weaponry.

As a result of a series of military and diplomatic talks, the two sides completed withdrawal of troops and weapons from the North and South banks of Pangong lake in February in line with an agreement on disengagement.

In the subsequent military talks on February 20, India insisted on the resolution of outstanding issues including in Depsang, Hot Springs and Gogra.

India has been insisting that peace and tranquility along the border is essential for overall ties between the two countries.

Last week, India hoped that China will work with it to ensure disengagement of troops in the remaining areas of eastern Ladakh at the earliest. It said de-escalation of tension alone will lead to restoration of peace and tranquility in border areas and provide conditions for the progress of bilateral ties.

In late March, Army chief General M.M. Naravane said that the threat to India has only “abated” following the disengagement in Pangong lake areas, but it has not gone away altogether.

(PTI)

India-China Border Tension: Times Now Airs Old Visuals Unrelated to Recent Conflict

On a recent broadcast, Times Now attempted to pass off file footage as recently acquired, an Alt News fact-check found.

Tensions between India and China escalated after Chinese troops moved into sensitive areas along the Eastern Ladakh border. Times Now aired a broadcast on the skirmish on May 26.

“The biggest concern for the Indian army has been the Chinese troops around several key points including the post of KM120 along with the Galwan valley. Times Now accesses the visuals,” read the description of the broadcast on YouTube.

The complete broadcast is below. At 49 seconds, the anchor says, “And in fact, these are the visuals we are getting for you.”

During the close to 15-minute show, the channel played three “visuals” of the stand-off on a loop. As it turned out, each of these videos was old and unrelated to the recent border tensions.

Video 1

Below is a screengrab of a video that was played multiple times during the show while the ticker on television screens read – “China’s belligerence caught on camera.” The video which made the first appearance at 6 seconds into the report was claimed to have been shot at Pangong lake, Ladakh.

However, at a later part, Times Now flashed the word “file” which suggested that the clip does not represent recent events.

A reverse-search of the screengrab after cropping out the texts led us to the same video posted by India Today journalist Shiv Aroor on August 19, 2017. His description also said that the video was shot in Pangong Tso, Ladakh. However, Times Now did not mention that the clip is not recent.

Video 2

The video below was aired for the first time at 54 seconds into the broadcast with “Times Now Exclusive” written in bold. However, ironically, the video also carried a ticker which said that that the channel does not vouch for its authenticity.

The same clip was used by Times Now, with the exact tickers, on July 31, 2017 when Chinese soldiers had transgressed into Uttarakhand’s Barahoti.

We found an older link to the video — July 26, 2017 — on YouTube channel Polimer News which also reported on border skirmish between Indian and Chinese soldiers.

Video 3

The third video aired by Times Now made the first appearance at 1:05 minutes. The word “file” is written on the top right corner. This video was debunked by Alt News almost a week before it was picked up by the channel. The clip was viral on social media as the recent stand-off between India and China.

We had traced back a link from January 2020 which said, “Chinese army arguing with Indo Tibetan Border Police (I.T.B.P.) in Border of Arunachal Pradesh.”

Therefore, all the three videos played by Times Now during a broadcast on India-China tensions were old. While the anchor said that the channel “brings these visuals” for viewers and the YouTube description read the same, disclaimers during the show suggested that all the three videos were file footage.

This article first appeared on Alt News. Read the original here.

Army Red Flags Home Ministry’s Proposal to Take Full Control of Assam Rifles

At present, the home ministry has administrative authority over the paramilitary force while the Army has operational control.

New Delhi: The Army has red-flagged the home ministry’s proposal to take operational control of the Assam Rifles, saying that it would have serious national security implications including adversely impacting vigil over India’s disputed border with China.

Strongly opposing the move, the Army has instead sought overall responsibilities of guarding the entire Sino-India border in the Eastern sector to effectively deal with any Chinese transgression, top military sources told PTI. At present, the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) patrols several segments of the border.

The sources, concerned over the proposal by the home ministry to take operational control of the nearly 185 years old Assam Rifles, said that the Army has taken up the issue with the defence ministry last week seeking its immediate intervention in the matter. At present, the home ministry has the administrative authority over the paramilitary force Assam Rifles while the Army has its operational control.

The Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS), headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is likely to examine the home ministry’s proposal to merge the Assam Rifles with the ITBP and bring overall operational control under it. “Shifting the operational control of the Assam Rifles from the Army to the home ministry will severely jeopardise the surveillance along the Line of Actual Control with China,” a top military official told PTI on condition of anonymity.

The sources said that the views of the Army’s top commanders on the matter have already been conveyed to the defence and security brass of the government.

The nearly 55,000-strong Assam Rifles has been guarding India’s 1,640-km long border with Myanmar besides providing operational and logistics support to the Army in keeping a strict vigil in several key sectors along the Sino-India boundary in Arunachal Pradesh. The Assam Rifles, which was raised in 1835, has also been carrying out counter-insurgency operations in militancy-infested states in the Northeastern region.

Sources said that the home ministry has already prepared a draft note to be presented at the CCS seeking total control of the Assam Rifles.

The Army feels that the Assam Rifles provides significant assistance in keeping strict surveillance over the border with China as it frees up Army units from “static defensive” role. Moreover, 70-80% personnel of the Assam Rifles are deployed in conventional military roles.

Also read: Separate Flag, Constitution Key for ‘Honourable’ Peace Solution: Naga Group

“The Assam Rifles fills the void when Army units carry forward the battle to the enemy territory. This is the only genuine paramilitary force which actively participated in all the wars since Independence including the 1962 and 1971 wars,” said a senior Army official.

The Assam Rifles, at present, has a total of 46 battalions, and most of its units are headed by Army officers since 1884. The Assam Rifles was put under the complete operational control of the Army in 1965.

The two-thirds of the overall composition of the training imparted to the Assam Rifles personnel are based on conventional warfare so that they can help the Army in times of war, the official said.

The Army has also questioned the timing of the proposal to bring the paramilitary force under the home ministry when the security scenario in the Northeastern region has been fragile due to the issue of National Register of Citizens (NRC).

“The ongoing peace talks with Naga insurgent groups is at an advanced stage. There is a growing apprehension among people of Manipur and Assam regarding the possible impact of any agreement between the Centre and the NSCN(IM). The NRC updating process is also likely to cause some turbulence,” said the official.

Arunachal Politicians Proved Right by Satellite Images About Chinese Incursion

The Indian Army has denied that the Chinese army built a two-km-long road in the border state’s Bishing village.

New Delhi: Exactly two months after a set of political leaders in Arunachal Pradesh claimed that the Chinese army had intruded into India and built a two-km-long road in Bishing village of Arunachal Pradesh’s Anjaw district, satellite images procured through open source intelligence handles have supported it.

In July, BJP state president and Lok Sabha MP Tapir Gao, and Gisho Kabak, the state president of the Nationalist People’s Party (NPP), told local media that the road was constructed by the Chinese in the village in the Tuting sub-division of Upper Siang district. Being an MP from the area, Kabak urged Gao to raise the issue in parliament.

In a press statement issued by NPP on July 6, it said, “It is a matter of serious concern that no official from either the state or the central government visited Bishing village to assess the incident till date. Their timely visit would have boosted the morale of the villagers who reside close to the international border.”

On September 4, Gao also shared on social media a video clip that featured a newly-constructed wooden bridge built over a steam, identified as Kiomru Nallah in the district’s remote Chagalam area. Gao claimed it was built by the Chinese army after entering about 25 km inside India, and some local youth noticed it on September 3.

Also read: BJP Arunachal MP Claims Chinese Army Intrusion

The state BJP leader told reporters, “As a representative of the state, I have requested the Centre for development of infrastructure along the Sino-Indo border in Arunachal Pradesh, like construction of a road between Hayuliang, the district headquarters of Anjaw, and Chaglagam and beyond.”

However, on being contacted by TV channels and other media, the army categorically denied it. A press statement said, “There has been no such incursion. The area being referred to in the media report on ‘some electronic channels’, is the area of Fish Tail. There is differing perception of the alignment of the Line of Control, as in many other areas. The terrain is thickly vegetated and all movements are undertaken on foot along Nalas and stream. During monsoons whenever the Nalas are in spate, temporary bridges are constructed by the patrols for their movement.”

It further said, “Being an area of differing claims, troops routinely from either side patrol the area. In addition, civilian hunters and herb collectors also frequent here during summer months. It is reiterated that there is no permanent presence of either Chinese soldiers or civilians in the area and surveillance is maintained by our troops.” 

On September 7, Abjijit Iyer-Mitra, an expert on security issues, in an article in The Print, backed Gao and Kabak’s claims with the help of independently acquired satellite images.

Though Iyer-Mitra said he found “no discernible evidence of intrusion in the Chaglagam region of the state”, however, based on help from various open-source intelligence, or OSINT, handles, “what we ended up detecting is far more serious: not only have the Chinese intruded in the northern region at Bishing about 175 km from Chaglagam, but they have also built a road approximately 1 kilometre deep into the Indian side of the Line of Actual Control. This road enters from the east where the border runs north-south, and runs parallel to the east-west orientation of the border.” 

The Wire has written to the office of the defence PRO for eastern region at Kohima for a response, which will be added if or when it comes.

Meanwhile, Gao told The Wire that he felt vindicated about what he has been saying. “My question is, if the Chinese didn’t build that wooden bridge in Chaglagam, then who did it? There are no Arunachalee villagers there. If it didn’t build that road in Bishing, then who did it? The bigger point I am making is, let’s not just take it lightly. We have seen 1962 and recently Doklam too. There should not be any Doklam in Arunachal.”

Iyer-Mitra said in his article that there was “a high probability that the road construction project is about creating facts on the ground”.

Also read: India-China Special Representative-Level Talks on Boundary Question Delayed

He pointed out, “What are ‘facts on the ground’? Basically when a border is disputed, the creation of population centres or infrastructure essentially forces a border to be redrawn. Assume for example that China agreed in 2015 that the LAC as is was the border, the fact that they have created infrastructure 1km west and 300 meters south into Indian territory, while India has nothing in the region, would mean that China will essentially insist the LAC be moved south of its constructed infrastructure. This is how Israel also lays claim to much of the West Bank — by creating infrastructure (and population centres) to muddy the border.” 

In June 2017, there was a standoff between the Indian and Chinese armies in Doklam in Sikkim along the tri-junction between India, China and Bhutan over a construction of a road by the Chinese. Tension escalated between the two nations for over a month of stalemate. In August, both governments announced that they would withdraw their forces from the site.   

BJP Arunachal MP Claims Chinese Army Intrusion

Tapir Gao, the BJP MP from Arunachal Pradesh, alleged that the Chinese army intruded into the Anjaw district and constructed a bridge over a stream.

Itanagar: Tapir Gao, the BJP MP from Arunachal Pradesh, alleged that the Chinese army intruded into the Anjaw district and constructed a bridge over a stream. The local MP claimed that the Chinese troops made an incursion into the Indian territory last month and built a bridge over Kiomru Nullah in Chaglagam circle.

“The area is approximately 25 km northeast of Chaglagam and is very much inside the Indian territory,” Gao said. Some local youth noticed the bridge on Tuesday.

Also read: India-China Special Representative-Level Talks on Boundary Question Delayed

No official of the Indian Army or civilian administration in Arunachal Pradesh was immediately available for comments.

In October last year, an Indian Army patrol had come across Chinese troops in the area, Gao claimed. “As a representative of the state, I have requested the Centre for development of infrastructure along the Sino-Indo border in Arunachal Pradesh like construction of a road between Hayuliang, the district headquarters of Anjaw, and Chaglagam and beyond,” Gao told journalists. He said it was necessary to stop such incidents. He added that the condition of the road between Hayuliang and Chaglagam is very poor and virtually no road exists beyond that point.

India and China share a nearly 4,000 km border, which is not clearly demarcated, leading to incursions by the two sides into each other’s territory. China claims Arunachal Pradesh is part of south Tibet, which it took over in 1950.

Nepalis are Sick of Living Under India’s Shadow

Being anti-Indian has become one of the ways to exude national pride in Nepal. Both countries need to fix that.

If you’re Nepali (or Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Afghan or Bhutani), then being confused for an Indian can be one of the most infuriating experiences of your life. This anger is a reaction to the confusion born out of India’s hijacking of the entire subcontinent’s post-colonial search for identity.

By ‘India’ I don’t mean Indian people, instead I’m referring to the cultural and political forces that have dominated South Asian nations, including Nepal for years now. I’m speaking, in particular, of the Indian media and government – whose domination of Nepal has been successful partly due to the fact that it shares its religion, culture, cuisines and even societal vices with most of north India.

How people practice their religions – Christianity, Islam or Hinduism – is similar in both countries. Indians and Nepalis also share a common love for mangoes. Both participate in the ijjat (respectability) economy with a single-minded determination that seems to have no parallel anywhere else in the world.

In Nepal, just like in India, the Brahminical reverence for collecting knowledge for its own sake cuts across political boundaries and thrives on both sides of the border. The middle-class aspirational project – of wanting their children to be the best scienc-ey professional. Additionally, these same kids are expected to be the caretakers and propagators of traditional Nepali/Indian culture – which has somehow, at least in the minds of Hindu-middle-class-aunties, escaped centuries of colonisation completed unscathed.

Although Nepal was never directly colonised, it has still subscribed to the post-colonial development project pushed by NGOs and governments alike. The kind of development that creates slums for every high-rise erected isn’t just an often-ignored truth in Mumbai, but in urban Nepal too.

I’m telling you all of this because once, when a white man asked me what exactly is the difference between Nepal and India, I couldn’t give him a satisfying answer. There has to be some difference though, right?

Pakistan separated from India; Bangladesh from Pakistan; Indians of Nepali descent who live in Darjeeling have been demanding a separate state for years now. It’s been over 50 years and Tibetans who were born and raised in exile are keeping up the fight to free Tibet. All of this points to the fact that there are identities and markers that separate us from India, the regional supremo. But none came to mind when that question was pointed at me like a gun.

Growing up with television meant that I learned Indian ad jingles before I knew the contours of my native tongue. Shah Rukh Khan gave many middle class Nepalis the access to dream about romance and dubbed versions of Japanese anime and Hollywood sci-fi movies exposed us to a world that, at the time, seemed as distant as the concept of mortality.

In short, a ‘Nepali’ identity was never really forged. But symbols and identities are crucial for holding nations and people together. For a while, there was a monarch to look up to. ‘Nepal is the only Hindu kingdom in the world’, students regurgitated proudly in social studies classes. Apart from the king, people held onto Mount Everest as a symbol of national pride. Then there was the Buddha, because he happened to be born in a region that just happened to fall in modern-day Nepal. Almost every other eatery in Kathmandu is named after Everest or Buddha – testifying to the fact that Nepalis no longer have a story to rally behind.

Consequently, we’ve developed a reactionary nationalism.

Being anti-Indian has become one of the ways to exude national pride in Nepal.

It’s not one-sided either. In 2000, Hrithik Roshan allegedly made an insulting remark about Nepalis and sparked real riots. In 2008’s Chandani Chowk to China, Akshay Kumar’s character falsely claimed that Buddha was born in India, causing much grumbling. More recently, an Indian politician’s inappropriate tweet angered some Nepali youths who vandalised an Indian establishment as revenge, all the while shouting insults in Hindi that they probably picked up from Bollywood films.

Since India’s shadow looms large over every aspects of Nepali lives, the hegemon has created a large cultural vacuum in Nepal. But anti-India sentiments aren’t just about cultural influence.

Given its landlocked position, especially with the Himalayas in the way, Nepal needs to import everything, and most things are routed through India. However, almost six months after the devastating 2015 earthquakes, the Indian government instituted an unofficial blockade. First places ran out of cooking gas and restaurants had to come up with blockade menus. Soon enough the country came to a standstill due to a lack of amenities. Ultimately, the rich slipped by, but the poor (it is always the poor!) suffered heavily.

India behaved like a step parent, being mean only because the child did not belong to them. Even for those who had been sympathetic to India, it was clear that Nepal was in an abusive relationship with India, the grand old matriarch of the sub-continent.

Spurred by this resentment, Nepal united to vote in a nationalist leader who proposed turning to China as a solution.

In the midst of all this hatred and the tussles between the two governments (and both countries’ media), these two nations – Bade Miyan and Chhote Miyan – might just lose sight of the common problems they need to solve.

To recover from this animosity, India and Nepal need to make an effort to know each other better. For that, the Indian government needs to allow Nepal the space to forge its own identity, one not cooked under Indian pressure. One way to make that happen is to encourage more exchanges, and make use of our open borders.

Oye, Garmi Se Behal, Chalo Nepal!

Sandesh Ghimire live in Kathmandu, Nepal. He tweets as @nepalichimney.

Featured image credit: Anti-India protests in Nepal, in 2017/Reuters