The politically volatile state of Punjab once again sits on a tinderbox. The series of events in both the political and public domain have led to the emergence of a complex situation that is gradually spinning out of control. This is something the country cannot afford, given the dark era of militancy the state witnessed till the mid-90s.
The state continues to witness cyclical religious violence, of which the recent grenade attack at Nirankari Bhawan in Rajasansi village of Amritsar is another addition. The real issues are pushed to the back burner and lastly, the most dangerous aspect is that religion is taking centre stage in politics. Punjab is different from other states of India. It is a border state where a national minority community is in the majority, which makes matters more precarious.
There is a clear picture that comes forth as a major cause of concern. Over the last three years, there have been instances of religious violence at repeated intervals. The major instances to be recalled are: shooting of Naresh Kumar, a mukhya shikshak of an RSS shakha in Ludhiana on January 18, 2016; assassination of Mata Chand Kaur, the wife of a former head of Namdhari sect Sadguru Jagjit Singh, at Bhaini Sahib near Ludhiana on April 4, 2016; murderous assault on preacher Ranjit Singh Dhadrianwale in Ludhiana in which his aide was killed on May 17, 2016; shooting of top RSS functionary Brigadier (retired) Jagdish Gagneja in Jalandhar on August 6, 2016; shooting of a Hindu organisation functionary Amit Sharma in Ludhiana on January 14, 2017; killing of Christian priest Sultan Masih on July 15, 2017 in Ludhiana.
The latest instance is the attack at the Nirankari Bhawan at Amritsar, where three persons died.
Also Read: Three Killed, Several Injured in Grenade Attack on ‘Nirankaris’ in Amritsar
Religion has now taken centre stage in politics. With Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) crumbling after the 2017 assembly poll debacle, the political turf is once again left with the two major players – the Congress and the Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal). While the Congress has always projected itself as a secular party, the Akali stand has wavered.
There have been occasions when the Akalis have projected themselves as a party for Punjabiyat and on others, they claim to be true representatives of the Panth. At the same time, the Congress has not refrained from dabbling in the socio-religious issues of the Sikhs and indulging in Panthic politics.
Punjab chief minister Parkash Singh Badal and deputy chief minister Sukhbir Singh Badal. Credit: PTI
Rise of hardline elements
Observers feel that of late, a third force is emerging led by hardline elements among the Sikh community, with the ongoing agitation at Bargari in Faridkot district at its core. The Sant Samaj’s agitation is against the government’s failure to bring to book those responsible for a series of instances of sacrilege of holy texts since 2015. They also demand that those responsible for the police firing on peaceful protestors at Kotkapura and Behbal Kalan that led to two deaths be punished.
They also want institutions like Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) and Akal Takht to be free from the influence of Akali leaders Parkash Singh Badal and his son Sukhbir Badal. Whether this evolves into a political force remains to be seen, but the Bargari Morcha has received tremendous public support.
The politics around Dera Sacha Sauda is also playing out on the side. The Akalis are in the dock for the mercy granted by the Akal Takht to the now jailed Dera chief Baba Ram Rahim in 2015 for blasphemy. It was withdrawn after a public outcry. After several Dera supporters were nabbed for desecration of holy texts and the Akali indictment by the Ranjit Singh Commission probing the instances, they have not been able to convince the people of being true representatives of the Panth. The Congress has exploited this to the maximum.
“This is the continuation of the British doctrine of ‘divide and rule’ by exploiting religious sentiments. Time and again, Punjab has been divided on religious issues and it has been Akali leaders like Gurcharan Singh Tohra and Badal who have raised issues like Panth being in danger,” says former director general of police Shashikant, who is a keen political observer.
He says that today Punjab has three political forces – the Akalis who can be seen as moderates, the Congress and the hard line Bargari Morcha.
Sources say that the role of Pakistani agency ISI and pro-Khalistani elements sitting abroad cannot be ruled out when it comes to creating sparks of religious violence.
The Bargari Morcha has received tremendous public support. Credit: YouTube
Addressing real issues
Shashikant further said, “The police stand politically divided and polarised. This cycle of violence will continue.” He said all the political parties have connections with hardline elements and just choose to be a silent witness to it.
Senior political analyst Jagtar Singh underlines that Punjab has had a history of cyclical movements every few decades. “Things will not change till the issues emerging from the previous movement are resolved,” he said.
Ironically, it was the Akali Dal under Badal that promised in 1996 and 1997 to conduct a probe by a commission comprising Supreme Court judges into the factors that had led to the Punjab militancy of the 1980s and the role of the Congress in encouraging secessionist tendencies. But nothing came of it despite the Akalis completing three full terms in office afterwards.
Also Read: Punjab CM Declines Pak Invite for Kartarpur Corridor Foundation Stone-Laying Ceremony
Referring to the present scenario, Jagtar said, “The governance is zero. Nobody is talking about it. On the other hand, the Akalis have failed to revive.”
Meanwhile, real issues have vanished into the back drop. Today, nobody is talking about the drug menace, nobody is raking up the issue of farm distress, spiraling crime graph or rampant unemployment. The political narrative has completely moved towards religious issues.
Those like Shashikant feel that the situation is gradually going out of hands, though it can still be controlled. But just ahead of the high stake Lok Sabha polls, it could be a tricky issue to tackle. The necessary interventions in Punjab will continue to sit on a tinderbox.
Rajeev Khanna has been a reporter for the last 23 years, with a special interest in Punjab, Haryana and Gujarat politics, and has worked in print, radio, TV and online media