Tag: Pakistan

In 24 Hours, Two Conversations Between Indian and Pakistani Foreign Ministers in Islamabad

External affairs minister S. Jaishankar’s visit passed without the typical verbal clashes that have marked bilateral relations in recent years.

Islamabad: In the last 24 hours, external affairs minister S. Jaishankar had at least two conversations with his Pakistani counterpart, foreign minister M. Ishaq Dar – once during dinner on Tuesday and again in a more detailed discussion over lunch on Wednesday afternoon, after the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit concluded, according to Pakistani officials.

Pakistani officials were visibly relieved, not only because their largest diplomatic event in 27 years – a meeting of the SCO council of heads of government – went smoothly, but also because Jaishankar’s visit passed without the typical verbal clashes that have marked bilateral relations in recent years.

It was the first visit by an Indian foreign minister to Pakistan in nine years.

Just as Jaishankar left Islamabad, he posted on his X account: “Departing from Islamabad. Thank PM @CMShehbaz, DPM & FM @MIshaqDar50 and the Government of Pakistan for the hospitality and courtesies”.

The post capped a visit that ended on an unusually positive note.

Jaishankar arrived in Islamabad aboard a special flight at 3:30 pm local time on Tuesday (October 15) and, as per the summit’s schedule, attended an informal dinner at Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s residence for SCO participants.

It had been reported that Jaishankar sat at the table with the heads of other delegations, including Sharif, though there was no conversation between them as other guests were seated in between.

Pakistani sources claimed that there was a brief “pull-aside” between Jaishankar and foreign minister Dar lasting around five or ten minutes during the dinner.

They were joined by Pakistan’s interior minister, Mohsin Naqvi, who also chairs the Pakistan Cricket Board, steering the conversation towards cricket – a mutual interest, as Jaishankar is known to be a keen cricket enthusiast.

According to Pakistani officials, it was suggested during the discussion that restoring cricketing ties could be a potential step toward improving relations.

The next morning, Sharif’s national statement remained strictly focused on the SCO’s agenda. While bilateral disputes are not typically addressed at the SCO, there were also no veiled or indirect references to India regarding unrest within Pakistan or the Kashmir issue in his remarks.

In his speech, Jaishankar emphasised the importance of implementing the SCO’s charter, which addresses combating terrorism, extremism and separatism. He stressed that peace and stability were essential to fostering regional economic integration across borders.

Pakistani sources told The Wire that they did not perceive Jaishankar’s speech as a rebuke, noting that the implementation of the SCO charter is non-controversial and not directed at any single country.

Jaishankar published a post that described the SCO meeting as “productive” and listed eight takeaways from it.

Similarly, Sharif’s speech was positively received across the border, with sources highlighting that both countries refrained from attacking each other, instead making “balanced” statements.

After the summit’s outcome documents were signed, participants were hosted for lunch. Jaishankar and Dar engaged in another extended conversation, initially in the waiting lounge and later during the luncheon.

Officials, however, did not describe this as a “pull-aside”, noting that they were not speaking privately but in the presence of other summit participants. Diplomatic sources indicated that they sat together during lunch, which was significant as this was a change from the original seating arrangement.

Observers noted that expectations are so low that any India-Pakistan encounter that avoids devolving into verbal sparring is viewed as a positive outcome.

Relations between the two countries are currently in a deep freeze, especially after India’s August 2019 constitutional amendment that revoked the autonomous status of Jammu and Kashmir. An outraged Pakistan downgraded diplomatic ties and snapped trade links in response.

However, ties were already deteriorating prior to that.

The relief over the absence of such clashes was a stark contrast to last year’s SCO foreign ministers’ meeting in Goa, where then-Pakistani foreign minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s visit was overshadowed by tensions.

At that event, Jaishankar raised the issue of “cross-border terrorism”, prompting Zardari to respond by calling for countries to move beyond “weaponising terrorism for diplomatic point-scoring”.

However, officials from both India and Pakistan have not characterised the visit as a thaw in ties, as relations have deteriorated to the extent that several more steps are needed for normalisation.

Pakistani officials said that the next multilateral event that the Indian and Pakistani leadership will attend together is the COP29 summit in Baku, Azerbaijan later this year.

Jaishankar in Pakistan: A Handshake, Bharatanatyam at Dinner But No Prospects of Bilateral Thaw

Pakistan wants India to reverse its actions of August 5, 2019 and on the Indian side too, the space for diplomacy has shrunk says Sharat Sabharwal, a former Indian high commissioner to Islamabad.

Islamabad: External affairs minister S. Jaishankar arrived at Rawalpindi’s Nur Khan Air Base on Tuesday, October 15, to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) meeting, marking the first visit by an Indian foreign minister to Pakistan in nine years.

His special flight landed at the air base at 3.30 pm local time. He was greeted by the senior Pakistani foreign ministry official in charge for South Asia, Ilyas Nizami, and the Indian high commission’s charge d’affaires, Geetika Srivastava.

The Indian minister is scheduled to be in Pakistan for 24 hours, but there is no sign of any bilateral meeting between the two sides.

After his arrival, Jaishankar’s first port of call was at Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s residence to attend an informal dinner for the participants of Wednesday’s SCO council of heads of government meet.

A screen at the SCO meeting venue displays visuals of Jaishankar landing in Pakistan today, October 15. Photo: Devirupa Mitra.

Jaishankar was seen briefly shaking hands with Sharif – who was waiting at his residence to greet attendees – and appeared to offer pleasantries to the Pakistan prime minister, who in turn seemed to nod in agreement. After the handshake, Jaishankar went inside, while Sharif awaited the next guest.

At the dinner, all the main guests – the top representatives of the SCO member states – were seated at the table with the Pakistan prime minister. But there was no opportunity for a tete-e-tete as Jaishankar, in line with his rank, was seated some distance away. Sharif was flanked immediately by Chinese premier Li Qiang on one side and Kazakh Prime Minister Oljas Bektenov on the other side.

The cultural event at the dinner featured distinctive performances from the member states. Representing India, two Pakistani dancers performed the south Indian classical dance, Bharatanatyam.

Ahead of the visit, both Indian and Pakistani ministers firmly denied any bilateral component to Jaishankar’s time in Islamabad. However, an exchange of courtesies during the dinner and arrival ceremony took place as expected.

A senior Pakistan government minister ruled out any bilateral meeting unless it was sought by India.

“We are the hosts, so we cannot propose it. We have to go by the guest. If the guest wants a bilateral meeting, we will be happy to oblige. But as hosts, we cannot press anyone to hold a bilateral meeting,” Pakistan’s Minister of Planning, Development, and Special Initiatives, Ahsan Iqbal Chaudhary, told a group of Indian journalists.

Jaishankar had stated prior to the visit that he was going to Islamabad solely to attend the SCO meet and not discuss India-Pakistan issues.

In answer to The Wire’s question on whether trade ties can be restored, Chaudhary said, “I think we need to go back to the spirit of the Lahore Declaration. That was a high point between the leaderships of both countries, achieved by Nawaz Sharif and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. That is the spirit for both countries to move forward. If we return to the Lahore Declaration, there is no problem we cannot solve together”.

He ruled out the restoration of road and rail links unilaterally by Pakistan. “There has to be reciprocity. If both Pakistan and India can talk and start a process of dialogue, as I said, in the spirit of the Lahore Declaration, it could move things forward. Unfortunately, events after the Lahore Declaration did not favour it, but we still need to return to that”.

The February 1999 Lahore Declaration is unlikely to find favour with Indian today as its first point — that the two sides “shall intensify their efforts to resolve all issues, including the issue of Jammu and Kashmir” – is considered by the Modi government to be no longer relevant.

Chaudhary reiterated that both India and Pakistan have “enough ammunition to blame each other”. “I think we need to move beyond that and consider the more than 1.5 billion people who live in this region. What is their future? Are they destined to live in conflicts and poverty, or can they also benefit from regional integration and cooperation?”

At Wednesday’s SCO meeting, both Pakistan and India are expected to raise their respective concerns over terrorism, though without direct accusations, as the SCO typically discourages the discussion of bilateral disputes.

Relations between the two countries are in deep freeze right now, especially after India’s August 2019 constitutional amendment that changed the autonomous status of Jammu and Kashmir. An outraged Pakistan had downgraded diplomatic ties and snapped trade links.

However, relations had already been deteriorating prior to that. The last visit by an Indian foreign minister to Pakistan was in December 2015, when Sushma Swaraj attended the Heart of Asia meeting. Three weeks later, four terrorists infiltrated India’s Pathankot air force base, a significant event that further deepened the decline in relations.

Besides Jaishankar, the leaders attending the SCO summit from member states include Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, Chinese premier Li Qiang, Belarus Prime Minister Roman Golovchenko, Kazakhstan Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov, Tajik Prime Minister Kohir Rasulzoda, Uzbek Prime Minister Abdulla Aripov, Kyrgyzstan’s Chairman of Ministers Cabinet Akylbek Zhaparov and Iran’s First Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref.

Speaking to The Wire, former caretaker prime minister of Pakistan Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar said that Pakistan is happy to host the multilateral event, as it portrays the country as a “confident player with a stable political order”.

“Domestically, this boosts the government’s self-confidence,” he said.

Jaishankar’s visit has not raised expectations of any breakthrough, but Kakar said that the SCO meet does at least allow both India and Pakistan to have a chance for contact, which is rare in these strained times.

Last year, when Pakistani foreign minister Bilawal Bhutto was in Goa for the SCO foreign ministers’ meeting, it was the first visit by a Pakistani official in 12 years.

Asked by The Wire if there was interest in Pakistan for an improvement in ties with India, Kakar said, “I’ll be honest. I see a deep appetite on our part – in the military, security apparatus, political parties and even among the mullahs and liberals.”

Kakar, who had close relations with the Pakistan military, also said that the Pakistan government was not going to propose a bilateral meeting to India when Jaishankar was in town due to political reasons. “In this polarised environment, conceding could lead to massive protests by the PTI, who might lack the capacity to handle the outcome,” said Kakar, who was prime minister from August 2023 to March 2024.

India’s former high commissioner to Pakistan, Sharat Sabharwal, said that the atmospherics ahead of the Indian minister’s visit had not indicated any easing of strain.

“The juncture is not conducive for any major bilateral development because Pakistan is so engrossed internally, and then Sharif [made] cutting remarks at the UNGA. After that, the minister [Jaishankar] responded. This is not what you do if, in 15 to 20 days, you are planning to have something big or significant,” he told The Wire.

Pakistan has also not climbed down from its demand that India has to reverse its actions of August 5, 2019.

“On our side, the space for diplomacy has shrunk. The government’s core constituency may be driving this, this is political posturing as well as maintaining the narrative of terror and talks … So that narrows the options,” he said.

Kakar, a serving member of Pakistan’s Senate, the upper house of parliament, also felt there was not much of an appetite for India to engage with Pakistan. “I often hear from my Indian friends in the diaspora and multilateral forums that India has renewed its focus on the Indo-Pacific, leaving Pakistan behind, stuck in its economic and security crises.”

But ignoring Pakistan would not be wise, he asserted. “We supply energy through the Chinese corridors, but India remains deprived of this cheap energy, whether from Iran, the North Caucasus or Central Asia, all because of us. If we’re not facilitating, then we’re obstructing, and India must explore whether that’s in its economic interest or not,” said Kakar.

 

As a Decked up Islamabad Waits, Here’s Why Pakistan Is Putting So Much Store in the SCO Meet

The meet comes as Pakistan seeks to reclaim its role on the global stage and amid its pressing need for economic relief.

Islamabad: With Islamabad dressed up to the nines and under heavy security cover, the red carpet has been rolled out for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), with Pakistan eager to demonstrate that it remains a significant geopolitical player.

Amid the watchful presence of 10,000 security personnel, delegations from across the region have arrived in Islamabad, where flower-lined streets and decorative lights brighten the city. Flags of SCO member states flutter along prominent roads, freshly painted and lined with manicured topiaries.

Following a whirlwind 40-day renovation costing $7.2 million, the Jinnah Convention Centre is now ready to host the 23rd meeting of the SCO’s council of heads of government on Wednesday (October 16).

The last time that Pakistan had hosted a diplomatic event of this stature was 27 years ago, as per the Pakistan foreign minister M. Ishaq Dar, who termed it as Pakistan’s “return to the international stage”.

In 1997, Pakistan had hosted the first Extraordinary summit of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation on the occasion of its 50th year of independence.

Speaking to The Wire, Farzana Shaikh, associate fellow at Chatham House’s Asia-Pacific Program, remarked that Pakistan rolling out the red carpet for the SCO meeting “signifies a country eager – some might say desperate – to reclaim its former role as a player on the global stage.”

“Pakistan is keen to show that it is still a serious player on the global stage. But more importantly, it wants to demonstrate that it knows how to clear up security and make the country safe for foreign investors, which is crucial for a cash-strapped and economically hard-hit nation,” she said.

Similarly, Elizabeth Threlkeld, senior fellow and director of the South Asia program at the Stimson Center, also noted that Pakistan is “keen to use the SCO summit to frame itself as a key regional player, signalling its geopolitical importance and investment potential amid concerns over security and stability”.

The SCO meeting is also taking place against the backdrop of the Shehbaz Sharif government’s domestic political challenges, especially from the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).

Independent candidates backed by former Prime Minister Imran Khan secured the most seats in the February general elections but fell short of a majority. While the government remains firmly in place, questions persist regarding its level of popular support.

The PTI had planned a protest rally on Tuesday, ahead of the SCO summit, demanding access to their jailed leader Khan, held at Adiala Jail. A ban on prisoner visits had been imposed due to the diplomatic event.

However, late Monday night, the PTI called off the protest, stating that authorities had assured them that doctors would be allowed to visit Khan.

Domestically, the joint Pakistan Muslim League (N)-Pakistan People’s Party government continues to face political challenges from the PTI, which had not been allowed to stand in the parliamentary elections under its own name and symbol.

The Sharif government has also witnessed an increase of terror attacks, most of which are blamed on the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and have triggered a worsening of ties with Afghanistan.

“Pakistan’s government has faced criticism from the opposition over its perceived international isolation, which it will seek to counter through this summit. The recent finalisation of Pakistan’s latest IMF agreement was a key success for the government, and one it’s seeking to build on through the successful hosting of the SCO meeting in order to attract additional investment,” said Threlkeld, who is a former US diplomat posted in Pakistan.

In the economically weaker provinces, new civil society activism regarding alleged human rights violations has gained increased traction. A new generation of young, educated activists has revitalised civil society efforts in Balochistan. After being included in the TIME100 Next 2024 list, activist Mahrang Baloch was stopped from going abroad.

Just days before the SCO summit, authorities banned the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement, a group advocating for the rights of Pashtuns affected by Pakistan’s counter-terrorism actions, citing “security concerns”.

“These movements can cause enough political disturbance to show the outside world that all is not well in Pakistan, and that political instability remains a significant concern,” said Shaikh.

Pakistan’s full-scale efforts for the SCO meeting, led by Russia and China, also require a delicate balancing act as the Sharif government strengthens ties with the US and the West to secure much-needed funding from multilateral institutions for the economy.

“From Pakistan’s perspective, they deeply resent any suggestion that they must choose between regional powers like China or Russia – the dominant forces in the SCO – and Western creditor nations,” said Shaikh of Chatham House.

She pointed out that Pakistan has long been frustrated by what it sees as “double standards”, noting that “this perception doesn’t apply to Pakistan’s neighbour, India, which has successfully balanced its SCO membership with extremely close relations with the United States”.

“There’s always a hint of innuendo at play here,” she added.

Threlkeld pointed out that Washington will be watching the SCO meeting and the four-day visit of Chinese premier Li Qiang. “Both are likely to be seen in the context of Pakistan’s growing ties with both Beijing and Moscow, though more important than the meetings themselves will be any agreements reached, especially in the security domain,” she said.

For Pakistan, and India, engagement with the SCO is also related to Afghanistan, which has become a major headache for Islamabad due to the Taliban not listening to Islamabad over the TTP. 

“Additionally, as Afghanistan remains a source of regional instability following the Taliban takeover, Pakistan has an opportunity to coordinate with other SCO members on managing the security fallout from the situation,” wrote Maria Jawad Khan in the Pakistani newspaper Dawn.

However, the SCO heads of government forum, unlike the higher-level council of heads of state, focuses primarily on trade and economic matters – aligning with Pakistan’s pressing need for economic relief at this time.

“Another point worth mentioning is that Pakistan has, in recent years, wanted to transform its image from a geopolitical hub to what it calls a geo-economic hub. This would expand its network of trade and economic relations with its neighbours, including its Central Asian neighbours. Pakistan’s aspirations remain in place for that, and it hopes that through the SCO, these relationships can be strengthened,” said Shaikh.

Maria Khan also highlighted that Pakistan had “urgent needs for new economic partnerships”.

“This is where the SCO’s economic dimension comes into play. By deepening its ties with member states, Pakistan stands to benefit from regional markets, infrastructure investments and increased trade flows, particularly through China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI),” she said.

India and Pakistan both joined the SCO in 2017, primarily to gain a foothold in Central Asia and engage in the region’s evolving security architecture. However, there remains uncertainty over whether the SCO has acted as a catalyst for connectivity networks, many of which are linked to the BRI. The SCO joint statement endorses the BRI, with India being the sole exception.

Indian officials point to the International North-South Transport Corridor, spanning Russia, Central Asia, Iran and India, as an example of a major connectivity project in the region.

However, its implementation, which is still limited, cannot be attributed to the SCO as it has its separate coordination mechanism.

“It [the SCO] started with the intention of acting as an alternative regional framework to Western-sponsored arrangements like the Quad. But it has not yet delivered. It may still, but there are too many internal tensions within the organisation to forge a viable alternative. We’re not seeing that yet, but these are early days,” said Shaikh.

Stimson’s Threlkeld noted that Pakistan’s efforts to enhance connectivity with Central Asia, both through bilateral channels and the SCO, have been severely hampered since the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan and the deterioration of relations across the Durand Line.

“Cross-border terrorism remains a major point of contention between Pakistan and Afghanistan, with no resolution in sight, and Afghanistan’s observer status in the SCO has been effectively suspended since 2021, preventing its participation in the summit,” she said.

Jaishankar Expected to Reach Pakistan on October 15 for SCO Summit, Rules Out Bilateral Meeting

Jaishankar is set to arrive in Islamabad on Tuesday (Oct 15), marking the first visit by an Indian foreign minister in nine years.

New Delhi: Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar is anticipated to reach the Pakistani capital on Tuesday (October 15) afternoon, a day ahead of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit, though both India and Pakistan have clearly ruled out any possibility of a bilateral meeting.

Jaishankar is set to arrive in Islamabad on Tuesday (Oct 15), marking the first visit by an Indian foreign minister in nine years. As of now, he is expected to attend the summit dinner that evening. The main meeting will take place on Wednesday (October 16).

The last Indian external affairs minister to visit Pakistan was Sushma Swaraj in December 2015. Just weeks later, on New Year’s Day 2016, terrorists attacked the Indian Air Force base in Pathankot, causing a sharp deterioration in relations.

The gathering, which is the second-tier meeting following the heads of state summit, will see the attendance of prime ministers from seven of the nine member states. Iran’s first vice president will also participate.

The Indian Prime Minister has never participated in the annual meeting of the Council of Heads of Government since India became a member in 2017, so Jaishankar’s attendance comes as no surprise.

During a press event highlighting preparations for the summit on Sunday (October 13) evening, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister M Ishaq Dar stated that the country was “ready to extend a warm welcome to the summit participants, including the Indian foreign minister.”

He also confirmed that there is no request for a bilateral meeting. “The Indian foreign minister is visiting Pakistan as the SCO member. We have received no request from the Indian foreign minister for holding the bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif”.

He added only matters related to SCO framework would be discussed by the SCO member states at the multilateral forum.

This echoed the Indian minister’s remarks last week that “he was not going there to discuss India-Pakistan relations”.

“I do want to say it will be for a multilateral event. I mean, I’m not going there to discuss India-Pakistan relations, I’m going there to be a good member of the SCO. But, you, know, because I’m a courteous and civil person, I will behave myself accordingly,” said Jaishankar.

Jaishankar also stated that he expected there would be much media interest in his visit as “the very nature of the [bilateral] relationship is such”.

Two days later, Pakistan foreign office spokesperson had also referred to Jaishankar’s remarks to illustrate that there will be no bilateral meeting.

“Regarding your question about bilateral meetings, I would like you to refer to the remarks made by the Indian Minister for External Affairs on 5th of October, in which he maintained that his visit was meant for a multilateral event, and not for discussing Pakistan-India relations. These remarks are self-explanatory,” she said.

‘Watershed Moment’: Interpreting the New Phase in Baloch Activism

Baloch activism appears to have evolved from its traditionally tribal focus, to find an anchor amongst urban, educated youth.

Earlier this year, while addressing one of the largest public rallies in Quetta’s history, Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) leader, Dr. Mahrang Baloch, had warned that  a “revolution” was brewing in Balochistan.

The ongoing movement aga­inst enforced disappearance, extrajudicial killings and military operations in Pakistan’s restive province of Balochistan is indeed at a “watershed moment”. Since the long march from Turbat to Islamabad in December 2023, the momentum of the Baloch protests has refused to dissipate.

The custodial killing of 24 year old Balach Mola Bakhsh by the Co­unter Terrorism Department (CTD) in November 2023 and his family’s refusal to bury him in silence precipitated the present course of the Baloch movement. Since the ‘Rajee Muchi’ or national gathering in Gwadar, the movement has witnessed a flare up that marks a new phase in Baloch activism.

New phase in Balochistan’s movement

This new phase in Balochistan’s movement manifests a broad consensus, including among traditionally pro-establishment sections, that the state’s security-focused approach that has militarised the province must end. While tendering his resignation  from the National Assembly, senior politician and leader of the Balochistan National Party (BNP) Akhtar Mengal said, “I say Balochistan has not just slipped; it’s already gone. Many lives have been lost in Balochistan. Everyone should have come together on this issue”.

Diverse protests over missing persons, resource distribution, lack of access to water, discontent over CPEC, and militarisation  are beginning to coalesce under a single umbrella. Even amidst the internet shutdowns, several Baloch activists have started to raise their voices through social media in order to expose the extremes of the state.

Internationally the silence around the situation in Balochistan might also be changing, with rights organisations increasingly advocating for an end to the brutal crackdown on the Baloch. Dr. Mahrang’s inclusion in the TIME100 Next 2024 list is an indication that the Baloch movement is receiving global traction. However, Pakistan authorities have forestalled the possibility of her participation at the upcoming event.

Particularly noticeable about this phase of Baloch protests is the active participation of women, in addition to poli­tical workers and students. With women like Dr. Mahrang Baloch, 25-year old Sammi Deen or Dr. Sabiha Baloch, spearheading the movement hundreds of Baloch women have joined marches to Islamabad to protest the extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances.

Their activism is borne from the harassment and despair that comes from years of seeking answers about their missing fathers, brothers and sons. This marks a significant mindset shift for Balochistan where the ‘Sardari Nizam’ that perpetuates feudalism, tribalism, and inequality is still prevalent.

Baloch activism appears to have evolved from its traditionally tribal focus, to find an anchor amongst urban, educated youth. Organisations like the  Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) are now at the core of the resistance. Formulated by Mahrang following the abduction of her brother, and formed in 2020, after a four year old girl Bramsh was injured during a violent incident in Turbat that resulted in her mother’s death, the BYC has always been a rather horizontal tanzeem, broadly structuring itself around human rights abuses in Balochistan.

BYC’s campaigns have put the spotlight on extrajudicial killings, the murder of Karima Baloch in Canada, detention of Mahal Baloch, and on the use of state sponsored ‘death squads’ that act upon religious accusations to suppress secularism salient to Baloch political consciousness.

Tragic reality for Baloch families

The ‘Rajee Muchi’ at Gwadar brought together an intersection of Balochis protesting not just enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, but also those objecting the extractive resource capture in the mineral rich province, voices against CPEC which has led to large scale displacement and Balochis demanding basic rights.

The tragic reality for Baloch families, is that none remains unaffected by enforced disappearances, a disturbingly regular feature in Balochistan. Terrorist rendition programs are adopted heavily in US supported regimes, and Pakistan’s military, inflated by American funds has reproduced this model to serve its interests.

Several commissions have taken stock of the problems and yet successive governments have failed to implement key recommendations that could have empowered Balochistan politically and economically.

‘Human Rights Watch’ which has documented ‘Enforced disappearances by Pakistan security forces in Balochistan,’ cites how an official responded to  septuagenarian and secretary-general of the Baloch Republican Party, Bashir Azeem during his detention, “Even if the president or chief justice tells us to release you, we won’t. We can torture you, or kill you, or keep you for years at our will. It is only the Army chief and the [intelligence] chief that we obey.”

Rather than curtailing the continued securitisation of Balochistan which makes up less than 6% of the total population of Pakistan, Islamabad has unleashed a new military operation ‘Azm-i-Istehkam,’ choosing to continue securitisation, in context of which disappearances occur.

Negligible support from mainstream political parties

The grievances of the Baloch people have never been addressed by Pakistan in the way a welfare state should. Any talk about improving the socio-economic backwardness of the province or addressing the issue of enforced disappearances is eclipsed by the overwhelming precedence to securitisation. The racial profiling of the Baloch as patriarchal, ‘R&AW funded’ ‘traitors’ and of Pashtuns, a majority in North Balochistan as ‘terrorists’ crystallises this attitude.

Mainstream parties rarely engage with the Baloch dissenters. During the tenure of Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Maryam Nawaz met the families of the Baloch missing persons and assured them justice, but has not addressed the issue since the PML-N has been in power.  Even now the issue of missing persons has been brought into focus because of the intense crackdown on PTI involving abductions and unlawful detentions.

Political parties for all intents and purposes have outsourced Baloch issues to the military establishment, which has characteristically responded to the non-violent constitutional demands of Baloch activists with force, perpetuating the cycle of repression.

Vaishali Basu Sharma is a strategic and economic affairs analyst.

 

Pakistan: Explosion at Karachi Airport, China says ‘Terrorist Attack’ Killed 2 Chinese Nationals

Reuters news agency reported that the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) claimed responsibility for the attack.

Two people were killed and several others were injured in a massive blast outside Karachi Airport in southern Pakistan on Sunday night, local media reported.

The casualties were confirmed by broadcaster Geo News and Dawn newspaper, citing officials.

China says ‘terrorist attack’ killed nationals

In a statement, Chinese embassy in Pakistan confirmed that two Chinese nationals were killed and one injured in the explosion near the airport. It also said there were local casualties.

According to the statement, the “terrorist attack” on a convoy carrying Chinese staff of the Port Qasim Electric Power Company (Private) Limited occurred around 11 pm.

Earlier, an Interior Ministry official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told the Associated Press that the attack was targeted at Chinese nationals.

Thousands of Chinese workers are in Pakistan, primarily engaged in Beijing’s multibillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative, which aims to link South and Central Asia with China.

IED behind cause of the blast

Initially, police and the provincial government had said a tanker exploded outside Jinnah International Airport, which is Pakistan’s biggest airport.

The provincial home minister, Zia Ul Hassan, contradicted this account, telling Geo News that it was an attack on foreign nationals.

Hassan said he suspected the blast was from an improvised explosive device (IED).

A local emergency official told Dawn that one body and the injured had been transferred to a local hospital.

Ten vehicles were damaged, including four that were destroyed, the emergency official added.

BLA claims responsibility – report 

Reuters news agency reported that the Pakistani militant group Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) had claimed responsibility for the attack, in a statement.

The BLA seeks independence for the province of Balochistan, located in Pakistan’s southwest and bordering on Afghanistan and Iran.

In August, the BLA launched coordinated attacks in the province, in which more than 70 people were killed.

Blast heard for several kilometres

t heard for several kilometresLocal media reported that the explosion could be heard over large areas of Karachi, the largest city in Pakistan, with a population of over 20 million.

Videos showed flames engulfing cars and a thick column of smoke rising from the scene.

Police surgeon Dr. Sumayya Tariq said one of the casualties was in critical condition and that four of them were security guards.

A spokesperson for Pakistan’s Civil Aviation Authority told Dawn in a statement that the blast had taken place on the airport road and that the “airport’s building and assets were safe.”

The spokesperson added that flights were arriving and departing to schedule.

This article was originally published on DW.

Not Going to Pakistan to Discuss Bilateral Ties: Jaishankar on SCO Summit in Islamabad

‘I’m going there to be a good member of the SCO,’ the external affairs minister added.

New Delhi: Addressing his scheduled to visit Pakistan for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)’s heads of government meeting later this month, external affairs minister S. Jaishankar clarified that he was “not going there to discuss India-Pakistan relations”.

“I do want to say it will be for a multilateral event. I mean, I’m not going there to discuss India-Pakistan relations, I’m going there to be a good member of the SCO. But, you, know, because I’m a courteous and civil person, I will behave myself accordingly,” Jaishankar said.

Speaking to the media after delivering a lecture on governance in Delhi on Saturday (October 5), Jaishankar also stated that he expected there would be much media interest in his visit as “the very nature of the [bilateral] relationship is such”.

Apart from India, the SCO comprises Russia, China, Pakistan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Belarus.

India had joined the SCO in 2017 with two aims in mind: expanding interaction with central Asian countries and influencing regional security policies.

Traditionally, while the prime minister has always attended the SCO’s annual heads of state summit, a senior minister or the vice president have represented the country at the SCO’s heads of government summit.

But as Prime Minister Narendra Modi skipped the heads of state summit in Kazakhstan this year and India convened last year’s summit virtually, India has little choice but to participate in the Pakistan summit, as another absence on its part would be seen as a snub to Russia.

Jaishankar will be the first external affairs minister to go to Pakistan – with whom bilateral relations have been at a standstill – since Sushma Swaraj’s visit in December 2015.

Last year, Pakistani foreign minister Bilawal Bhutto visited Goa for the SCO’s foreign ministers’ summit. The visit was marked by tension, culminating in a sharp exchange of words between Bhutto and Jaishankar.

The Pakistan summit is scheduled to take place in the capital city of Islamabad on October 15 and 16.

When asked yesterday what Jaishankar’s participation would involve, external affairs ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said he did not “have a clear idea at this point in time”.

Jaiswal also said that India’s focus during the visit “is on the SCO; this visit is for the SCO meeting. Please do not think about it beyond this.”

‘Disappointing, Condemnable’: MEA on Zakir Naik Being Welcomed in Pakistan

‘At the same time, as I said, it’s not surprising,’ the MEA spokesperson added.

New Delhi: That Islamic preacher Zakir Naik, who is a wanted man in India, was “warmly welcomed” in Pakistan is “disappointing” and “condemnable” but “not surprising”, the external affairs ministry said on Friday (October 4).

“He has been warmly welcomed there. It is not surprising for us that an Indian fugitive, a fugitive from Indian law, justice has received a high level welcome in Pakistan,” Randhir Jaiswal, the ministry’s spokesperson, said at the regular media briefing.

Jaiswal added: “It is something which is disappointing, let me say, condemnable; but at the same time, as I said, it’s not surprising.”

Naik, who is accused of money laundering and hate speech in India, fled to Malaysia in 2016.

That year the home ministry banned his Islamic Research Foundation under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, alleging that it partook in activities prejudicial to India’s security and having the potential to disturb peace and communal harmony.

On Tuesday Naik arrived in Pakistan for a visit scheduled to span close to a month, the Dawn newspaper reported, adding that sources in the religious affairs ministry said he had come to the country at the Pakistani government’s invitation.

Upon his arrival in Islamabad, Naik was received by officials in the religious affairs ministry and an aide of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Dawn also reported. Sharif and Naik met on Wednesday.

Jaiswal, the Indian external affairs ministry spokesperson, said he “was not very clear on what papers he [Naik] went there”.

A day after his meeting with the preacher, Sharif welcomed Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in Islamabad.

India formally asked Malaysia to extradite Naik for inciting terrorism after he fled to that country, but Kuala Lumpur had demurred.

When Ibrahim visited New Delhi earlier this year, he said, “We are open to any ideas and if evidence is submitted … we will not condone terrorism, but one has to produce a compelling case to support.”

Jaiswal noted at Friday’s press briefing that “there is an extradition which is pending” and that “we are pursuing that matter of extradition with the Malaysian government”.

Unprecedented Protests in Sindh After ‘Encounter’ of Blasphemy-Accused; Fear Still Stalks Family

A police inquiry the previous week found that the accused, a doctor in Sindh, was killed by police in a staged encounter.

Umarkot: “Had there been a well, we would have laid his body there. That would have spared it from being burned by fanatics,” says Dr Shahnawaz Kanbhar’s mother Rehmat.

On September 19, Kanbhar was killed by police. On September 26, an investigation ordered by Sindh’s home ministry found that the encounter was staged by local police, who had alleged that he committed blasphemy.

The Wire has previously reported on Kanbhar’s killing, which came after he made an allegedly blasphemous post on Facebook on September 17. He had denied the allegations. There had been violent protests in Umarkot after news of Kanbhar’s post spread.

Two days later, local police had claimed that Kanbhar was killed in a shootout after a failed traffic stop.

Rehmat said that although the family had received her Kanbhar’s dead body, the police should have stepped in to protect them from religious extremists who were intent on burning it.

Rehmat added that her family – who changed routes multiple times while carrying Kanbhar’s body in order to throw the extremists off their trail – were left high and dry, abandoned to face the extremists alone.

Umarkot, formerly known as Amarkot, still has a Hindu majority, followed by a sizeable Muslim population. Kanbhar’s killing shocked the Sindh province as it had not witnessed such an incident with direct police involvement before.

While such religiously motivated incidents are more commonly reported in Punjab, followed by Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, they have now begun to emerge in Balochistan as well.

In most cases, crowds have lynched, burned or killed those accused of blasphemy. However, in recent times, police officers have also been responsible for these killings – according to the Centre for Social Justice, eight accused were killed extrajudicially by police in 2024.

Kanbhar’s widow, Naimat (40) told The Wire that she continued to live in fear, uncertain of when or where religious extremists might rear their head to attack them.

She asked why the police did not follow the law when her family and her husband had done so and cooperated with them. “We handed … over [all the necessary information] in the hope that he would be protected, but instead, the police killed him.”

Police, religious extremists tied to burning of Kanbhar’s body

Junaid (28), Kanbhar’s cousin, alleged that senior superintendent of police (SSP) Asif Raza Baloch – who is among those implicated by the police inquiry committee and named in the FIR in the case – declared at a protest led by the Pir Sarhandi shrine, “My heart says that I must punish him [Kanbhar] severely.”

He also alleged that the medical superintendent at the civil hospital where Kanbhar worked quickly removed Kanbhar after the latter allegedly posted the blasphemous content, even though he was not in the city and unaware of the situation, and yet everyone reacted against him without an investigation being held.

He recounted how his family members carried Kanbhar’s body to their private land for burial after local cemeteries refused to bury it. He was baffled by how religious extremists seemed to track their every move, even as they repeatedly changed routes to throw them off. “There’s no way they could have known where we were,” he said, implying that the police may have helped the extremists track them.

Junaid added that a local religious cleric named Haji Ahmed Shahani led the mob that burned Kanbhar’s body – a painful irony given that Shahani had once taught the Quran to Kanbhar.

He also noted that once the extremists set fire to the body, the police arrived in the blink of an eye.

The family was not surprised by the police’s swift appearance after the burning, but they were left wondering why the police had not stopped it from happening.

Rehmat Kanbhar speaks to this reporter about her son. Photo: By arrangement.

In the FIR filed on September 27, the family is cited as alleging that the police were involved in burning Kanbhar’s body in order to eliminate evidence of the torture wounds they alleged were present on his body.

Naimat, Kanbhar’s widow, burst into tears saying, “They wanted to kill my Shahnawaz and they did.” With a lump in her throat, she added, “When they were not satisfied with the killing, then they burned his body.”

Her daughter sat beside her, her face filled with sorrow, while everyone in the room was engulfed in sadness. The blasphemy allegation not only changed the family’s lives but also burdened them with blame for a lifetime.

Kanbhar’s daughter accuses officials of killing him in viral video

Hareem (12), Kanbhar’s eldest daughter, recorded a viral video where she blamed police officials for her father’s killing. Speaking to The Wire, she said she did not want to name anyone, but did not deny the fact that officials – such as SSPs Baloch and Asad Chaudhary, deputy inspector general of police for Mirpurkhas Javed Jiskani as well as Crime Investigation Agency in-charge officer Khalil Khanbar, all of whom are named in the FIR in the case – ought to be investigated.

In contrast, after the video became viral, Khalil Kanbhar posted a message on social media denying all allegations against him and demanding an investigation into the case.

Naimat, Kanbhar’s widow, remained worried. “My daughter has come to the media and I am concerned about her safety,” she said. Hareem jumped into the conversation, asking, “If anyone is not involved, then let [an] investigation be held.” “I want justice for my father,” Hareem said loudly and confidently.

Sindh refuses to yield to fanatics

The Sindh province did not remain silent after Kanbhar’s killing. The protests led by common people in Sindh in response to Kanbhar’s killing were unusual as far as pushback to blasphemy allegations in Pakistan is concerned.

Maanjhi Faqeer, a folk singer, announced he would offer funerary prayers for Kanbhar and pay tribute to him through folk music – an unprecedented act in a country where those accused of blasphemy rarely receive condolences after being killed.

Despite risks, some Sindhis continue to protest, express condolences and stand against his killing – courageous acts given the deeply conservative state they live in.

While protests have erupted across Sindh, Kanbhar’s family and other citizens in Umarkot remain gripped by fear.

A friend

Prem Kohli (26), a Hindu man and the driver for Kanbhar’s family, struggled to protect his body from the fanatics. Although he understood the gravity of the situation, especially after the Kanbhar community distanced itself from Shahnawaz’s family, Kohli decided to stand with them anyway.

When this reporter met Kohli at a local dhaba, he recounted what had happened on the day Kanbhar’s body was burned, saying he still did not understand how the extremists found them and arrived swiftly even though he had taken the body to a remote area.

Kohli also recalled that when he refused to hand over Kanbhar’s body to the extremists, they threatened to burn him first and the body next. When they began to advance to burn him, he was forced to hand over the body to them, he said.

However, he did not flee the scene – he hid nearby and returned to extinguish the fire as soon as the extremists left after burning the body, he said.

As Kohli narrated his account, a molvi (religious cleric) suddenly appeared, seemingly having been informed of our whereabouts.

Kohli said he was unafraid. He stands by Kanbhar’s family. “I buried a kind person with my own hands,” he added.

No arrests made even as Sindh government finds police killed him

The committee formed by the Sindh government to probe Kanbhar’s killing has concluded that local police killed him in a staged encounter. However, it is yet to clarify on whose orders the killing was carried out. People in Sindh continue to demand a judicial inquiry and a fair investigation.

Despite these demands, the government has not yet arrested the police officers or the religious cleric named in the FIR.

Naimat expressed doubts about the investigation, fearing that evidence may be tampered with as the police did not return any of her husband’s belongings, including his phone.

Religious groups support Kanbhar’s killing

Religious groups continue to celebrate Kanbhar’s killing despite the Sindh government committee’s report. Some have even planned political gatherings in Mirpurkhas and Umarkot in support of the blasphemy accusations against Kanbhar.

Rehmat, Kanbhar’s mother, said she could not see her son’s face one last time. “What did they gain by inflicting such anguish on us? Even Hindus and Christians wouldn’t commit such brutality as the police and fanatics did to him,” she said.

South Asia Roundup: Leaders’ UN Adventures, Dissanayake’s First Week

This is the second edition of The Wire’s weekly briefing on key developments across the six South Asian nations shaping India’s regional interests.

New Delhi: In his first week as Sri Lanka’s new president, Anura Dissanayake followed the familiar routine of changing the guard and consolidating power in a weakened economy – all while most of South Asia’s leadership was away at the UN’s annual gathering in New York.

This edition of the South Asia Roundup will explore Sri Lanka’s political dynamics as it adjusts to a president from outside the two major parties, move across the continental expanse of the United States where South Asian leaders made a beeline, and return to the devastating floods in Nepal and Bangladesh.

Shortly after 55-year-old Anura Dissanayake was sworn in on September 23, he swiftly made several symbolic gestures. On his first day in office, he met with Sri Lanka’s top religious leaders, including senior Buddhist clergy, maulvis at the Dawatagaha mosque in Colombo, and Archbishop Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith.

That evening, Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha was the first foreign official to meet him, followed by Chinese envoy Qi Zhenhong. These meetings underscored the geopolitical tug of war that Sri Lanka’s new leader will need to navigate in shaping the country’s foreign policy. While Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had tweeted his congratulations on Sep 22, the Chinese President Xi Jinping sent a congratulatory message a day later.

He appointed his fellow party parliamentarian and academic, Harini Amarasuriya, the third woman premier of Sri Lanka, as part of a three-member cabinet that includes Dissanayake. This is the smallest cabinet in Sri Lanka’s history.

A few hours later, Dissanayake dissolved the parliament, with elections set for November 14. Some analysts note that the ruling alliance, the NPP, secured only 42% of the vote in the presidential elections, suggesting it may struggle to achieve a full majority in the 225-member parliament.

However, others argue that the NPP’s well-organised structure, demonstrated by its election results, gives it a significant advantage over other political parties and could quickly propel it to a strong lead.

While efforts are being made to bring UNP and SJB to fight parliamentary elections together, it seemed to have been shot down by SJB’s Sajith Premadasa. 

According to Prime Minister Amarasuriya, the priority of the next six weeks till the new parliament is elected is “stability, changes to governance and to political culture, and getting the required systems in place”. She pointed out that Sri Lanka’s transition had been extremely peaceful, with “no drama” by anyone.

On September 25, Dissanayake appointed new governors for all nine provinces. A particularly notable appointment was that of businessman Hanif Yusuf as governor of the Western Province. Originally from Gujarat, India, Yusuf belongs to Sri Lanka’s Memon community, which settled in the country from India following the Partition riots.

Three days into his presidency, Dissanayake took a widely supported decision of reinstating the previous system for issuing visas to foreign nationals. In April, the Sri Lankan government under Ranil Wickremesinghe had introduced a new visa system that nearly doubled visa fees, sparking backlash from the tourism industry concerned about its effect on the crisis-stricken economy.

The new system had been outsourced to Indian firms GBS Technology, IVS Global FZCO, and VFS Global, which had been also suspended by the Sri Lankan Supreme Court. Sri Lanka’s newly appointed public security minister, Vijitha Herath, announced that a forensic audit had been ordered to “investigate irregularities.”

The JVP-NPP government also scrapped the previous administration’s plan to divest from the cash-strapped national carrier, SriLankan Airlines. NPP’s Economic Council Chairman, Anil Jayantha, stated that the airline’s role in boosting tourism made state ownership essential, and a new management model would be explored instead.

A key move that grabbed headlines was reclaiming the official vehicles of the presidential secretariat. With no space to park the flood of returned vehicles, they were left outside government premises “under police protection.”

Out of 833 luxury vehicles owned by the secretariat, 29 were reportedly “missing,” sparking a Criminal Investigation Department (CID) probe.

On September 30, the secretariat released a list of 107 vehicles previously handed out by the former president to his personal staff. Despite earlier claims that the returned vehicles wouldn’t be “put on display,” they were swiftly reassigned to essential services on the new president’s orders.

The Sunday Times highlighted that the handover of luxury vehicles took centre stage during power transitions in 1994, 2015, and 2019.

On more serious note, the NPP had promised during the election campaign to re-negotiate some of the “social protection and governance” terms of the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) agreement with the International Monetary Fund. This agreement had provided a bailout when Sri Lanka’s economy collapsed under a debt crisis. With an IMF delegation arriving in Sri Lanka this week, it will be the first real test of whether this renegotiation is feasible.

South Asia’s leadership flocked to New York

Last week, Dissanayake appeared to be the only leader who stayed in his capital, while nearly every other head of state or head of government travelled to the United States for the annual gathering alongside the UN General Assembly. The sole exception was Afghanistan’s Taliban leadership, still in their fourth year without international recognition.

In his debut UNGA speech, Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu did a show and tell, holding graphic of the map of the world drenched in red. “While the alarms are ringing, the band is still playing the same old tunes, as the whole ship descends deeper and deeper into unchartered waters. We need Nations United in harmony not a United Nations in misery”. Muizzu also emphasised the urgency of UN reform and addressing the climate crisis.

He described Israel’s actions in Gaza as “genocide,” calling it “a travesty of justice and the international system.”

With the Maldives on the verge of a severe external debt crisis, Muizzu appealed to “multilateral development funds, banks, and bilateral donors” to treat the country as a partner. He urged them to “reduce the cost of borrowing,” make their terms “flexible,” and ensure lending is “targeted, affordable, and responsible”. 

Last month, Fitch downgraded Maldives’ credit ratings due to “increased Risk of Default”. This year, Maldives was supposed to service external debt of around $50 million in debt servicing obligations, which will balloon to $557 million in 2025 and again double to $1.06 billion in 2026.

Notably, Muizzu became the first president of the Maldives to address the UN Security Council since the country joined the UN 59 years ago, where he called for the abolition of the veto power. 

Bhutan’s Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay, elected for a second term in January, used his speech to showcase the kingdom’s flagship initiative, the Gelephu Mindfulness City, which spans over 2,600 square kilometres near the Indian border. “We invite thought leaders, innovators, and investors to join us in creating this groundbreaking city, contributing to a model of peace, harmony, and progress that others can emulate,” he stated in New York on September 27.

He mentioned India twice in his speech – first, to commend it for being a steadfast development partner, and second, to advocate for India and Japan as candidates for permanent membership in a reformed UN Security Council.

The prime minister of Bhutan’s neighbouring Himalayan state, Nepal, K.P. Oli, shared a familiar theme in his UNGA speech, warning that the world is on a path toward instability due to climate catastrophes, geopolitical flashpoints, and the looming threat of nuclear conflict.

The Pakistan prime minister Shehbaz Sharif treaded traditional lines, expressing anguish over the Gaza conflict and lambasting India over Kashmir.

Both Oli and Sharif specifically endorsed the UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres’ description of the international financial system as “morally bankrupt”.

“With nearly 100 developing countries trapped in a vicious cycle of debt and liquidity crises, I refer to this as a ‘death trap’ rather than a ‘debt trap.’ Under these circumstances, achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) remains a distant mirage,” said Sharif at the UN General Assembly.

Just two days before his UNGA speech, the International Monetary Fund’s Executive Board approved a $7 billion bailout package for Pakistan on September 25, set to last for 37 months. The first tranche of $1.1 billion is expected to be received by the end of September.

Yunus’s US odyssey

While US President Joe Biden hosted the Indian Prime Minister at his residence during the Quad summit side events, he had a brief encounter with the other South Asian leaders, with one notable exception. 

The only regional leader to receive special attention was Muhammad Yunus, the chief adviser of Bangladesh’s interim government. Photos released by the Nobel laureate’s office capture Biden affectionately hugging Yunus.

Additionally, Yunus, on his first foreign visit since taking leadership in Bangladesh after Sheikh Hasina’s ouster during a popular uprising, met with several US officials. Alongside his meeting with President Biden, he held separate discussions with Secretary of State Antony Blinken, US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu, and USAID Administrator Samantha Power. 

He also participated in an event with former President Bill Clinton, which Bangladesh media saw as slightly controversial due to the presence of an ‘intruder’ on stage.

Yunus also met with Pakistan’s Shehbaz Sharif and Nepal’s Oli, as well as Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi.

During his meeting with Sharif, Yunus called for revitalising the dormant South Asian regional organisation. “Reviving SAARC could be a good way to start and seek Pakistan’s support,” he told the Pakistani premier.

Yunus’s push for SAARC underscores the dramatic shift in Dhaka’s approach following Hasina’s departure. Eight years ago, Bangladesh, along with Bhutan, Afghanistan, and India, withdrew from the SAARC summit in Islamabad, causing the regional body’s collapse.

Although Yunus did not meet with any Indian officials during his time in the United States, his foreign affairs adviser, Md. Touhid Hossain, held talks with Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar in New York. This marked the first high-level contact between the two countries, though few details of their discussions were made public. Both also participated in a BIMSTEC foreign ministers’ meeting.

While Taliban government is unable to be join the international community, Afghanistan was nevertheless not totally overlooked in New York.

The foreign ministers of Pakistan, China, Russia and Iran met on the sidelines of UNGA. A Russian readout of the meeting emphasised that the quartet had “underscored that there was no alternative to establishing mutually respectful dialogue and partnership relations with the current authorities of Afghanistan”.

The Pakistani media highlighted that the joint statement urged the Taliban “to fight terrorism, dismantle, and eliminate all terrorist groups equally and non-discriminatory and prevent the use of Afghan territory against its neighbours, the region, and beyond”.

Pakistan’s relations with Kabul have deteriorated due to a surge in terror attacks by Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) since the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan.

In his UNGA speech, Shehbaz Sharif stressed that Kabul “must take effective action to neutralise all terrorist groups operating within Afghanistan, particularly those involved in cross-border terrorism against neighbouring countries,” specifically naming Daesh, TTP, ETIM, IMU, and Ansarullah.

The Taliban government rejected Sharif’s claims. “Afghanistan does not pose a threat or danger to any country. We do not permit foreign groups to operate in Afghanistan, nor do we allow anyone to use Afghan soil as a threat to others,” said Islamic Emirate deputy spokesperson, Hamidullah Fetrat.

The situation in Afghanistan was also addressed in speeches at the UN and featured in bilateral discussions on the sidelines.

More notable news from across the region

On September 28, the Bangladesh interim government dissolved a committee tasked with revising textbooks. This move followed demands from Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islam and Islami Andolon Bangladesh to include Islamic scholars on the panel. There had also been criticism on social media regarding the inclusion of two teachers, labelled as “anti-religion.” On September 30, Dhaka University students held a rally protesting both the dissolution of the committee and the branding of a DU sociology professor as “anti-Islam.” In an open letter, 122 civil society members called for the committee’s reinstatement, warning that “Awami fascism” was being replaced by the growing influence of a particular religious group. Transparency International Bangladesh stated that dissolving the committee undermined the vision of a non-discriminatory and non-communal “New Bangladesh.”

Floods and landslides in Nepal, which began on November 26, have resulted in a death toll of 217 within four days, according to Nepal Police. The heavy rains caused widespread devastation across several provinces, with the most significant damage occurring in the Kathmandu Valley. While Oli was in New York when the floods started, concerns were raised about disaster preparedness, with calls for him to have curtailed his visit and returned to the country. Additionally, the floods led to a decrease in production at Nepal’s hydropower plants, prompting the country to purchase 300 megawatts of electricity from India.

In Bangladesh, the Water Development Board reported that heavy rainfall along the upstream Teesta River in India caused the river to overflow, forcing more than 60,000 people to flee their homes and become stranded. On September 27, following two days of continuous rain, all 44 gates of the Teesta Barrage were opened due to rising water levels. The river crossed the danger level, washing away roads and bridge culverts, and destroying standing paddy crops and fishing enclosures. Although floodwaters began to recede on September 30, concerns remain over potential damage to the winter vegetable crops.

Pakistan’s higher judiciary witnessed its internal tensions come out openly, when a Supreme Court judge refused to sit in a hearing of a five-judge bench for a review of a 2022 verdict that ruled votes of defecting lawmakers will not be counted. In a letter, Justice Munib Akhtar stated that his absence should not be interpreted as a recusal. His decision came in the context of Chief Justice of Pakistan Qazi Faez Isa justifying his exclusion of Justice Akhtar from a three-member committee of the Supreme Court, citing Akhtar’s unavailability to address pending work during the vacation, among other reasons.

Meanwhile, the Pakistan government is expected to attempt again to pass a ‘package’ of constitutional amendments after earlier having embarrassingly failed to secure enough support in both houses of parliament. The JUI-F chief, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, who is the main target of the outreach effort, stated that his party opposes any amendments designed to benefit specific individuals or enhance the power of security forces at the expense of fundamental rights. “We want constitutional amendments to be made with consensus, ensuring they do not lead to political unrest in the country,” he said on September 29.

Bhutan’s finance ministry warned that the Himalayan kingdom could not rely on hydropower to be the primary source to earn foreign exchange through exports in the coming years. According to latest projection of Finance ministry, Bhutan’s domestic electric demand is expected to increase by 232 percent in 2026, which will far exceed export demand. Currently, Bhutan sees a surge in demand during the winter months, when it must even import electricity from India. After new hydropower projects are finished, Bhutan’s total electricity generation would be around 5500 MW in five years.

Read the previous South Asia Roundup here.