Economic Survey Flags Issues in Medical Education, But Makes Debatable Claims of Health Sector

At a 1.84% health expenditure-to-GDP ratio, the goal to increase it to 2.5% by 2025 remains elusive.

New Delhi: The Economic Survey 2024-25 tabled in parliament on Friday (January 31) highlights many achievements of the Union government in the health sector. Although some of those achievements can be questioned, the biggest problem in the health sector that the Survey has been upfront in focusing on is the lack of quality medical education and the skewed distribution of doctors in the country.

In a rare instance, an Economic Survey has touched upon this issue. It states that despite several measures that were aimed at regulating the fees charged by private medical colleges, one may have to cough up Rs 60 lakh to Rs 1 crore for an MBBS course.

This is significant because 48% of all MBBS seats are in the private sector. No wonder every year a number of seats are left vacant.

The Survey also does not hesitate from stating that despite several measures the National Medical Commission has taken to ensure that medical colleges impart quality education, gaps continue to exist.

“Despite the elaborate regulations and monitoring, issues like shortage of faculty, ghost faculty, low patient load in hospitals continue to affect the quality of training,” the Survey said.

Low patient loads deprive budding doctors of ample exposure to a range of illnesses.

On the other hand, exorbitant fees lead to a situation where every year, thousands of students go abroad to around 50 countries, especially those with lower fees such as China, Russia, Ukraine, the Philippines and Bangladesh.

When these foreign medical graduates return to India, they face difficulties in getting their skills standardised so they can receive permission to practise medicine. Often, this results in court battles, says the government in this document.

The Survey also highlights that though India has nearly attained the patient-to-doctor ratio prescribed by WHO standards, some distance still needs to be covered.

As many as 1,263 patients are dependent on one doctor, while the WHO prescribes that there should not be more than 1,000 patients per doctor.

There are 13.86 lakh practitioners of modern medicine registered as of July 2024, according to the Survey.

However, what is problematic is the skewed distribution of doctors and health centres. The Survey estimates that 75% of dispensaries and 60% of hospitals are in urban areas, where 80% of doctors serve. This leaves rural areas severely deprived of good-quality healthcare.

For every 3.8 doctors present in urban areas, there is only one in rural areas – where more than the 70% population of the country lives, according to the Survey.

However, what compounds the problem – which is often not discussed in official documents – is the absenteeism of doctors.

So on the one hand, the number of doctors serving in rural areas is fewer than necessary, but even those deployed there are on many occasions not found serving.

This worrying trend adversely impacts the achievement of the government when it claims that it has built more than 1.75 lakh health and wellness centres.

The onus of ensuring the availability and presence of doctors is largely on the state governments.

Health expenditure and infrastructure

The Economic Survey gives various figures in absolute numbers to state that spending in the health sector has gone up and that out-of-pocket expenditure has come down.

The key indicator to assessing health funding is its percentage in the total GDP. Referring to the last edition of the ‘National Health Accounts (NHA), which is for 2021-22, the Survey states that 1.84% of the GDP is spent in the health sector. The corresponding figure for 2020-21 was 1.6%, per the NHA released for that year.

The NHA for 2021-22 were released this year. These reports are usually delayed because of the procedure involved in making them.

In this year’s Economic Survey, the government while presenting the health spending-to-GDP ratio has departed from a practice it used to follow in Economic Surveys presented for the previous years. In them, the health budget allocation also included some of the allocations made to the water and sanitation department. Critics often questioned this move as it masked the government’s real expenditure on healthcare.

This year, however, the government has made a correction and sourced its data from the NHA, which excludes the money spent on water and sanitation, thereby revealing the actual expenditure solely on healthcare.

Therefore, it would not be prudent to compare the health spending-to-GDP ratio in this year’s Survey with previous ones.

The National Health Policy 2017 had stated that expenditure on health must rise to 2.5% of GDP – a goal which seems clearly elusive now.

The government made several claims about improving health infrastructure in the Economic Survey.

One of its key flagship schemes for this purpose is the PM-Ayushman Bharat Health Infrastructure Mission (PM-ABHIM). This was launched in 2022 with an outlay of more than Rs 60,000 crore and with the aim of strengthening multiple pillars of healthcare.

These pillars are urban health and wellness centres, critical care blocks, integrated public health labs, block public health units and building-less sub centre-health and wellness centres.

PM-ABHIM is a ‘centrally sponsored scheme’ (CSS). Therefore 60% of its funding is given by the Union government, while the rest comes from the state governments. For the northeastern states, the Union-state funding ratio is 90:10.

Its target was to build a certain number of these pillars. This was to be achieved by 2026.

The Union government has already achieved the deadline by approving the construction of the number of units that were aimed for, indicates the Survey.

However, at least two parliamentary reports in the last two years have indicated that state governments failed to fully utilise their budgets under the PM-ABHIM scheme due to the long ‘gestation period’ taken in making these units functional.

“Utilisation/expenditure under the scheme was low in FY 2022-23 as components under the scheme primarily pertain to infrastructure/capital works which require long gestation period before grounding due to challenges on account of encumbrance free site identification/selection, multi-locational nature of sites/units under the scheme, delays in finalisation of implementation agency etc,” the 2024 report stated.

The 2023 parliamentary report had flagged almost the same issues with the implementation of the scheme.

Another important step that the Union government had taken was to create 157 new medical colleges in the country to improve its health infrastructure. However, this CSS scheme doesn’t find a mention in the Economic Survey.

The 2024 parliamentary report stated that only 94 medical colleges under this scheme were functional as of February 2024. The primary bottleneck with these schemes is the same as what is true about other CSS schemes — underspending or not utilising the money that they get from the Union government.

The 2024 committee report noted that the Union government had ensured the disbursal of funds in a timely manner, but that state governments were not able to do their bit adequately. For example, some delayed submitting detailed project reports and/or did not properly utilise funds.

Lifestyle disease and mental health

Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) also find an elaborate presentation in the Economic Survey.

Common NCDs that are loosely referred to as ‘lifestyle diseases’  are cardiovascular disease, hypertension, diabetes, cancers and chronic respiratory disease.

The government in the latest Survey claimed that its National Programme for Prevention and Control of NCDs “has significantly strengthened healthcare infrastructure, decentralising services and ensuring quality care reaches rural and remote areas”.

However, a recent study in The Lancet reported that less than one-third of Indian men and women suffering from diabetes had received treatment. It also said that treatment coverage had barely improved in the last 44 years.

India has been the diabetes capital of the world for a very long period now and 30% of untreated cases also come from it.

Like in the previous Economic Survey, mental health has been given special attention this year, too. As many as four pages have been devoted to it this year.

A day after the Economic Survey was presented last year, the government decreased the allocation to the ‘National Tele Mental Health Programme’ – a key intervention – in the budget presented for FY 2024-25. The outlay for this programme for 2024-25 was Rs 90 crore. This was Rs 40 crore less than the outlay in the budget presented in FY 2023-24.

It would be interesting to see if the budget for the next FY matches the urgency to provide mental healthcare services which the latest Economic Survey displayed.

One reason for the reduction last year could have been that this Union government scheme in FY 22-23 could utilise only half of the amount allocated to it.

The Survey has also spoken about the air pollution that kills millions every year and is responsible for a number of diseases that affect the body from head to toe.

The government has simply named the various initiatives it has taken to combat air pollution. However, it stopped there and presented no forward-looking recommendations to address this worsening annual problem.

AI-Powered Politics: How Political Parties Are Leveraging Social Media to Win Delhi Polls

The EC has issued an advisory to mandate the labelling of all AI-generated content used in election campaigns.

The current political scene in India demonstrates Andrew Chadwick’s idea of hybrid media systems, where traditional media and new media not only coexist but also interact and influence one another in shaping political communication. This hybrid model significantly transforms how political parties design and implement their mobilisation strategies, combining in-person activities with digital engagement to ensure their movements are impactful both offline and online. It also reflects the shift in how political mobilisation has developed from conventional methods.

Sociologist Manisha Tripathy Pandey argues that “digital spaces represent a new form of a deterritorialised networked public sphere marking a shift from Habermas’s (1991) conceptualisation of a traditional bourgeois public sphere (coffee houses, salons, etc.) to virtual platforms leading to the creation of a technologically mediated lifeworld.”

Chadwick’s idea of hybrid media systems can be now observed in Delhi as the election campaign for the upcoming assembly polls has reached its peak. Notably, this time political parties have shifted their focus from traditional banners, posters, and flags to social media. The parties are selective in term of choosing their campaign strategies and they’ve made a significant move towards digital campaigns such as Instagram, Facebook, You Tube and X.

These media platforms have become the playing ground for political parties and crores of rupees is being invested on political advertisements. According to a report published on ABP News on January 18, political parties have spent over Rs 8 crore in the last one month on campaigning for Delhi elections;  more than Rs 4.74 crore on election campaign in Delhi on Google, while more than Rs 3.81 crore have been spent on Facebook for Delhi elections.

Also read: A Delhi Divided: The 2025 Polls Show the Rich Are Now Openly Contemptuous of the Poor

According to Google data, in the last month, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has spent Rs 3.82 crore on Google ads for the Delhi assembly elections while Meta reports that the party allocated Rs 1.73 crore to Facebook ads during the same period. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has also made a significant digital push, spending over Rs 2 crore on Facebook ads and Rs 64 lakh on Google ads.

Compared to elections in states like Maharashtra and Haryana, political parties in Delhi are spending three to four times more on digital advertisements, highlighting a major shift from traditional methods. This shift demonstrates how AI-powered digital platforms are effectively helping to promote political agendas and engage a broader audience, ensuring campaigns reach the masses more efficiently. An analysis by India Today reveals that over Rs 35.4 lakh was spent on online political ads in Maharashtra while more than Rs 28.6 lakh was spent in Haryana.

India Today reported that Congress leader Deepender Hooda launched the “Haryana Maange Hisaab” padayatra and spent more than Rs 13.3 lakh on Facebook and Instagram ads in July, as per data from the Meta Ad Library and Google Ads Transparency Centre. 

 Vote bank through media ads

During the Jharkhand assembly elections, the BJP’s media team circulated an ad that mocked the Muslim community, showing Muslim men and women entering a Hindu household, where they began taking over and occupying spaces. This sparked controversy in the state, leading Congress and the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) to approach the Election Commission of India (ECI). The commission instructed the BJP to remove the video ad from public circulation. Such videos were seen as polarising and violative of the ECI’s code of conduct.

Similarly, an ad, which was shared on platforms like YouTube and X with the slogan “Roti Beti Mati ki Pukar, Jharkhand main Bhajpa Sarkar (The plea for bread, sister, and soil calls for BJP’s government in Jharkhand)” promoted communal tensions. 

Now, in an attempt to sway public opinion ahead of Delhi assembly polls, the BJP, AAP and the Congress are leveraging their social media handles to create influential content. Numerous reels, shorts, and short videos with politically motivated agendas are circulating on various media platforms.

AI-generated videos

 Cybersecurity expert Amit Dubey believes that digital campaigning has made it easier for parties to promote themselves, while also making it easier for the ECI to monitor spending on social media and digital platforms. However, this shift has also led to challenges like deepfake and AI-generated videos during the election campaign. For instance, voters had witnessed deepfake videos being circulated of numerous leaders like Narendra Modi (BJP), Shivraj Singh Chauhan (BJP), Kailash Vijayvargiya (BJP) and Kamal Nath (Congress) during the last Lok Sabha elections.

The Congress had even complained to the EC against BJP’s advertisement campaign, alleging it was maligning Opposition parties through the use of cropped and distorted videos, and urged the poll body to take immediate action and issue instructions for recall. The Congress also filed a complaint against what it called the BJP’s “malicious attempts” to link the Congress campaign to billionaire financier George Soros. 

On January 16, the EC has issued an advisory to mandate the labelling of all AI-generated content used in election campaigns. This move aims to enhance transparency, combat misinformation, and ensure a fair electoral process on the face of rapidly advancing AI technologies. This advisory builds on the commission’s earlier guidelines issued during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, where political parties were directed to refrain from using AI-generated distorted content, deepfakes, or any material that could disrupt a level playing field. The latest directive expands this mandate by emphasising the need for prominent labelling of AI-generated content to foster transparency and accountability. 

As political parties continue to use AI for designing videos in an attempt to attack opponents, the blame game will continue for a while, but what about the future of Delhi’s people who aspire for a better life? How will AI play a role in transforming the lives of Delhiites? How much the idea of Chadwick will help the APP, BJP and Congress in Delhi elections? However, as political parties make numerous promises to individuals, doubts and uncertainty still persist in the minds of the people.

Haider Ali did his Masters in Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.

Tamil Nadu’s Iron Legacy Dates Back Over 5,000 Years, Suggest Archaeological Findings

While iron artifacts from other regions of India, like Uttar Pradesh and Telangana, have been dated to around 2,200 BCE, the discoveries in Tamil Nadu appear to predate these, offering a new perspective on the region’s historical role in metallurgy.

Chennai: Iron has shaped Tamil civilisation for over five millennia – far longer than recorded history suggests. Recent archaeological discoveries in Tamil Nadu, particularly from Adichanallur and Sivakalai, push the region’s mastery of iron-smelting as far back as 3,345 BCE. This places Tamil Nadu among the world’s earliest hubs of iron technology, predating even the cultural memory embedded in Sangam-era poetry. The resonance of this legacy is evident in verses like those of Ponmudiyar in Puranaanooru, where iron is more than just metal – it is history, war, and survival.

Eendru purantharuthal en thalai kadane, saandron aakuthal thanthaikku kadane, velvaditu koduthal kollarku kadane.”

(“It is my bounden duty to give birth to and nurture the child, the duty of the father to make him an accomplished human being, and the duty of the blacksmith to give him instruments for warfare.”)

The poem not only demonstrates the social significance of iron but also corroborates the region’s ancient expertise in metallurgy, now affirmed by groundbreaking scientific evidence.

It is no surprise, then, that Tamil Nadu chief minister M.K. Stalin shared this discovery on January 23 with immense pride, stating:

“The introduction of iron is one of the most significant technological advancements of human civilisation! It laid the foundation for transforming forests into settlements, advancing agricultural growth, and shaping societal structures. The use of iron, as celebrated in Sangam literature, like Narrinai – Irumbusei Kollan Vevvulai Thelitha Thoimadal Silneer Pola!’ – dates back 5,300 years. With great joy, I announced to the world that this era began right here in Tamil Nadu, as confirmed by recent research findings.”

These findings mark a groundbreaking revelation by the Tamil Nadu Department of Archaeology, confirming that the region’s use of iron dates back more than 5,300 years. Excavations in Adichanallur and Sivakalai, located in Thoothukudi district, have revealed that iron smelting in the region occurred between 2,600 BCE and 3,345 BCE, making Tamil Nadu one of the earliest places globally to utilise iron.

“The recent scientific findings that indicate the antiquity of the use of iron in the Tamil region back to as early as 3,345 BCE is truly phenomenal. It has opened a new window of understanding and fresh debates on the subject. I am particularly happy that the claim is being endorsed by many acclaimed researchers, scholars in the field. I appreciate the efforts taken by the Archaeology department of the government of Tamil Nadu,” says R. Balakrishnan, former IAS officer, writer and researcher of Indus Valley Civilisation (IVC). 

“I consider this announcement augurs well for the civilisational claim being made by Tamil Nadu which extends much beyond the political boundaries of present day Tamil Nadu spatially and much deeper temporally than the timelines generally known as “Sangam Age”. As a researcher in the field of Indus Valley Civilisation I have been persistently positioning the Sangam corpus as a pan Indian literature par excellence. This corpus through its deeply embedded ‘carried forward memories’ holds the key to unravel the riddles of Indus,” Balakrishnan adds.

Further, he underlined that “the new radiometric dates that push back the antiquity of the use of iron in Tamil land” indeed strengthens “the Dravidian hypothesis of the linguistic affiliation of IVC.” 

Also read: The Enduring Legacy of Tiruvalluvar

Drawing parallels with the Harappan civilisation, Balakrishnan says, “The suggestion that Iron Age of South India co-existed with the bronze /copper Age of Harappan Civilisation does not indicate any conflict with the Dravidian Hypothesis of IVBC. Dravidian Hypothesis is not merely an archaeological construct. The civilisational links that connect the populations that lived in the north west and the western parts of India and in the southern India must be approached through transdisciplinary lenses. There are plenty of evidence that vouch for the continuity. I feel the traditional Three Age system of Stone, Bronze and Iron Ages needs to be revisited.”

Globally, the oldest iron artifacts were discovered in 1911 at Al-Gerzeh, northern Egypt, in tombs dating between 3,400 BCE and 3,100 BCE. However, these artifacts were made from meteoric iron rather than being smelted from ore. The technology for smelting iron ore is believed to have originated around 1,300 BCE in Anatolia (modern-day Turkey) before spreading to other regions.

In India, it was once believed that iron smelting technology began around 1,000 BCE. However, recent archaeological findings have confirmed earlier usage. For example, iron artifacts from Aktha in Uttar Pradesh have been dated to between 1,800 BCE and 1,450 BCE, while those from Kachiguda in Telangana date back to 2,200 BCE.

And archaeological discoveries can keep throwing unexpected surprises. Balakrishnan points to a parallel case study of Pot Route that he had presented in the book Journey of a Civilisation in the chapter “The Dravidian Red.”

“In the traditional archaeological approach, the south Indian pottery which is predominantly Black and Red Ware, has been generally characterised as the neolithic /megalithic pottery and dealt with in isolation as if it had no connection with the BRW pottery found elsewhere and had no connection with the probable Harappan continuity. But when we take an ‘aerial view’ and do a spatial mapping of the spread of BRW pottery it offers a different clue. BRW turns out to be pan-Indian pottery in comparative terms particularly when we take the limited zone of occurrence of the Painted Grey Ware. It is relevant to note that PGW had no presence in the entire south India and also in eastern India. It is also relevant to note that the Graffiti signs that show similarity with the signs of Harappan are not found at all in the PGW pottery and mostly found in the BRW pottery. The traditional approach to archaeology does not give any weightage to such factors. Hence, a fresh look is required.”

When discussing possible trade links with Egypt, Balakrishnan remains cautious: “I am not sure about the Egyptian trade links at that point of time. And, it is too early to speculate now.”

The discovery about Tamil Nadu comes from carbon dating conducted on organic materials found alongside iron artifacts in Adichanallur and Sivakalai. At Adichanallur, samples from a depth of 220 cm indicated an average age of 2,613 BCE. Meanwhile, at Sivakalai, organic materials from burial urns were dated to as early as 3,345 BCE. These dates suggest that Tamil Nadu’s expertise in smelting and using iron predates many civilisations.

The Tamil Nadu chief minister, while releasing the report titled “The Antiquity of Iron,” stated that the findings position Tamil Nadu as a potential pioneer in iron-smelting technology. “This suggests that the global development of iron-smelting technology may have originated here,” he said.

The excitement surrounding these discoveries reached new heights following earlier finds, including an iron sword uncovered at Mangadu in Salem, which was dated to 1,604 BCE. This sword was just one of the many examples of iron artefacts found across Tamil Nadu, each further confirming the region’s expertise in metallurgy. 

Subsequent excavations in Tiruvannamalai and Krishnagiri districts have only reinforced the claim that Tamil Nadu was a hub for ancient ironworking, with numerous artifacts suggesting a rich tradition of metallurgical knowledge. Tools such as axes, knives, and agricultural implements have been found, and their design reveals a high degree of sophistication that reflects an advanced understanding of metalworking.

R. Sivanandam, deputy director of the Tamil Nadu Archaeology Department, emphasised the revolutionary nature of these findings. He noted:

“These discoveries are significant because they challenge the established narrative of ancient metallurgy. The evidence suggests that iron smelting and the use of iron tools began in Tamil Nadu long before it appeared in other parts of India, including the Harappan civilisation, which was still using copper when Tamil Nadu had already begun working with iron.”

One of the key findings is that Tamil Nadu lacked the significant copper deposits found in the northern parts of the subcontinent, which may have played a crucial role in the region’s early adoption of iron. Without easy access to copper, Tamil societies were likely pushed to explore alternative materials, and this may have led to the early mastery of iron smelting techniques.

The discovery of high-quality bronze artifacts from the 15th century BCE further supports this theory, as it shows that metalworking, particularly in iron and bronze, was already highly advanced in the region. These artifacts, however, are not accompanied by large-scale bronze production centers, suggesting that the focus was predominantly on iron from the outset.

But Balakrishnan argues that Sangam also mentions bronze. “Sangam texts attest the use of iron and smelting process multiple times and give a clear understanding about the use of iron implements mostly in agriculture and in warfare. The corpus also simultaneously celebrates copper/bronze as not only a ‘prestige metal’ but also indicates the use of bronze/copper like materials in the urban infrastructures such as ‘copper like brick made walls’ etc.”

“To me Sangam literature at once stands witness to the flourishing of bronze and iron within the geographies of the Indian subcontinent. For the Indus civilisation, iron was unknown. For Rig Veda, copper/ bronze was unknown. In Sanskrit the first reference to bronze appears in Yajur Veda and Taitriya Brahmanas only. The only classical text that talks about bronze in the context of urban infrastructures is Sangam corpus. There exists a general view that the Tamil region skipped the bronze age altogether and entered the iron age directly. And I am of the view that this notion needs to be revisited. There are few shortsighted, ‘fly-by-night historians’ who try to paint a picture as if bronze and iron were involved in a tug of war. It is hilarious to put it mildly,” he adds.

Interestingly, the use of iron in Tamil Nadu appears to have extended beyond merely utilitarian functions. Iron artifacts found in burial sites, including urns, suggest a strong connection between metallurgy and ritual practices. These findings indicate that iron had a symbolic significance, playing a role in religious ceremonies or in marking important cultural milestones. The burial urns, many of which are exquisitely crafted, reflect an advanced understanding of both ironworking and its role in shaping cultural and spiritual practices.

While iron artifacts from other regions of India, like Uttar Pradesh and Telangana, have been dated to around 2,200 BCE, the discoveries in Tamil Nadu appear to predate these, offering a new perspective on the region’s historical role in metallurgy. These earlier dates have sparked renewed interest in the role Tamil Nadu played in the broader development of metalworking across the Indian subcontinent and beyond. Researchers now believe that the technology for smelting and working with iron might have spread from Tamil Nadu to neighbouring regions, influencing the development of ironworking in other parts of India and even in Southeast Asia.

Also read: 100 Years of Vaikom Satyagraha: Remembering Periyar’s Role in the Anti-caste Struggle

The findings in Tamil Nadu have had a profound impact on global archaeological and historical scholarship. Scholars across the world are now rethinking the spread of iron technology, with Tamil Nadu emerging as a key origin point for this critical technology. As Sivanandam explains, “These discoveries provide invaluable insights into how metallurgy developed in ancient India and how it may have spread across the globe. As research continues, we expect to find more evidence that will further refine our understanding of the spread of iron technology.”

For Tamil Nadu, these revelations are not merely academic – they serve as a reminder of the region’s long standing contributions to the world’s technological and cultural heritage. The state’s rich archaeological past is now firmly established as a key chapter in the history of human progress. Iron, as a foundational material in both technological and social advancements, played a central role in Tamil Nadu’s development long before the rest of the world caught up.

As the Tamil Nadu Archaeology Department continues its research, the future holds promise for even more exciting discoveries. Experts are hopeful that ongoing excavations in Tamil Nadu and around the world will provide further clues that could reshape the historical narrative regarding the origins of iron technology.

As Balakrishnan says, this is not the end after all. “I consider the point at which Indus spread ended, the Sangam texts took off. The intervening geography is what I have called “Dravidian Gujarat” and “Dravidian Maharashtra” in my book Journey of a Civilization: Indus to Vaigai. I would like to state that the recent findings further strengthen this viewpoint. The flourishing of bronze and beginning of iron technology within the Indian subcontinent are two important milestones in the journey of our civilisation which I consider fundamentally plural in nature. While negating the idea of melting pot pluralism and Salad bowl pluralism to propose the metaphor of Rain Forest Pluralism. And ancient Tamil texts are the legacy holders of both antiquity and continuity involving two great metals namely copper/ bronze and iron.”

Meanwhile, the recent revelations offer a glimpse into a time when Tamil Nadu was a beacon of technological progress, standing at the forefront of one of humanity’s most significant advancements – the mastery of iron. 

Kavitha Muralidharan is an independent journalist

Kumbh Diary: Silence after a Stampede

I could not verify the number of deaths or injured, but many shopkeepers and locals believe that overall deaths are much more than the current official number.

Prayagraj: It was a foggy morning with hardly any wind, the grey sky hid the sun. It was Martyrs Day, January 30. My memory was fresh with scenes from the recent stampede. 

The government death toll stands at 30 for now. I wonder how many more deaths are to be announced as injured devotees – many elderly and women – are fighting for their lives in hospitals across the city. If we believe news reports and videos flashing on national television, the official death toll doesn’t add up. We, the public at the Maha Kumbh Mela, have not been given any details of the injured either. 

So I decided to walk around and find out for myself. I decided to follow the rumours. I travelled to sector 17, 20 and 21 – all had been sites of stampedes. Various people told me that a stampede not only took place at the Sangam nose point but separately, situations like stampedes also took place in all these sectors. The general consensus was that many stampede-like incidents have been happening in various parts of the Mela for the two or three days leading up to Mauni Amavasya. There is yet no clarity from the government on this.

I could not verify the number of deaths or injured, but many shopkeepers and locals believe that overall deaths are much more than the current official number.

A report on the media noted that clothes were being carted away in a tractor trolley. This footage has again raised questions on the official death toll. 

Irate sadhus clashed with police in sector 9, I overhead.

The Maha Kumbh Mela before the stampede. Photo: Indra Shekhar Singh.

At the Sangam nose area, which was site of the major stampede, people were bathing as if nothing had happened. But sanitation workers had a grim look. When I asked about the deaths, a sanitation worker Subhash, who was reticent at first, later said, “There were so many bodies here just last night,” gesturing around him.

Although a lot of money is being spent on the Maha Kumbh, the infrastructure is grand but has not been able to prevent the tragedy. No heads have rolled yet from among administrators.

Around the Sangam area, I met Jitender  from Jaunpur who had visited a local AIIMS Rai Bareilly camp-ICU with 30 beds. It was called the Kendriya Upchikitsa Kendra. He was still looking for relative who went missing in one of the stampedes. “They were shifting ICU patients in Boleros, I overheard that one of them was a heart patient. There were no medicines and no ambulances at the the health centre. The doctors and staff told me that ambulances had been getting dead bodies. Doctors have been on 24-hour duty for the past three days,” he said. 

It was a heart-wrenching account to listen to listen to. I started my walk back to sector 18. Walking alongside the Ganga, I got a call from Harsh Sinha, working in a foreign MNC, who was trying to catch a train to Delhi. “We were lucky to find a bike to give us a ride to the station. I had to pay Rs 1,200. Other people were paying Rs 1,600 for an e-rickshaw ride if they are lucky. When we reached the station, we weren’t allowed to enter. I saw hordes of people sleeping on plastic sheets outside the station, helpless. This is not the Kumbh management I imagined,” he said. 

As evening fell, I heard music. It was a lively scene with foreign devotees grooving to a fusion of dubstep and bhajans. A male spiritual leader on stage, along with his police escort and foreign disciples, was dancing. Locals were watching. The day was not over.

The Political Weight of the Kumbh Stampede Will Weigh Heavy on Yogi – Especially in Poll Season

In his election rallies – in Milkipur as well as in Delhi – Adityanath has tried to market the Kumbh Mela as the successful achievement of the “double-engine” governments.

New Delhi: Ever since 42 persons were killed in a stampede at the Allahabad Railway station during the 2013 Maha Kumbh Mela, Mohammad Azam Khan, the senior Muslim leader of the Samajwadi Party, has been widely projected by the Bharatiya Janata Party as the villain behind the tragedy.

Khan, who was the state’s urban development minister in 2013, when Uttar Pradesh was ruled by the Samajwadi Party, was the head of the Mela organising committee that year. ‘A person who had no knowledge of Sanatan culture – a Muslim – was handed the responsibility of the biggest mass gathering of Hindus,’ was the line of attack used by the BJP, including chief minister Adityanath, to communalise the stampede of 2013.

As recently as November 2024, UP deputy chief minister Keshav Prasad Maurya, referred to Khan to target the previous government for the stampede that occurred 12 years ago. “The SP government, busy with the Saifai Mahotsav, left the Kumbh in the hands of Mohammad Azam Khan, due to which many pilgrims lost their lives in accidents and the devotees had to face great difficulties,” said Maurya.

Forty-two persons were killed and at least 45 were injured in a stampede that broke out after a railing on a footbridge collapsed at the Allahabad Railway junction, some 7-8 kms west of the Mela site, in February 2013. The incident took place when the railway station was teeming with thousands of pilgrims who were making their journey home after a dip on the occasion of Mauni Amavasya, the main bathing event of the Kumbh.

Taking “moral responsibility” for the deaths, Khan resigned from the post of the head of the Mela organising committee, even though the stampede took place outside the Mela area. “The responsibility of the railway station was technically not mine. But if people die and the matter is related to religion then it is a matter of even more grief,” he said then.

Switch back to 2025, and the political administrators of UP face a similar situation.

Milkipur ahead, whither scapegoat?

Although the Adityanath government has announced a judicial probe into the deaths of at least 30 persons in the stampede in the Maha Kumbh Mela area on Mauni Amavasya earlier this week, no resignations have been forthcoming. The ruling BJP, which has since 2013 used Khan’s Muslim identity as a punching bag to target the Samajwadi Party for mismanaging the crowds during the last Maha Kumbh, has evaded direct responsibility and so far, not taken any punitive action except for the corrective measure of cancelling VVIP passes. But that does not shield it from political accountability of the stampede within the precincts of the Mela.

The human tragedy of January 29, 2025 not only attested to the mismanagement of crowds at the Mela but has also come as a massive blow to the Adityanath-led BJP propaganda-driven campaign to showcase the festival as the epitome of meticulous management and planning and dedication to the cause of Hindutva. The government claimed that it estimated that around 40-45 crore people would attend the Mela in Prayagraj. With no scapegoat in sight, as both the governments are run the saffron party, the Adityanath government is struggling to find a logical response to explain the crisis, with public anger clearly directed towards its misguided priorities of entertaining VVIPs at the cost of ensuring a smooth entry and exit for the common devotees.

The political weight of the Kumbh stampede weighs heavy on Adityanath, who has heavily politicised the festival and was leading his government’s propaganda campaign.

He faces an awkward situation both in the short and the long term. The timing of the stampede could not have been worse for Adityanath.

Milkipur, a high-value assembly seat in Ayodhya, is set to vote in the bypolls next week. So is Delhi, where Adityanath has promoted the management of Kumbh Mela and the cleanliness of the Sangam – the confluence of the Ganga and the Yamuna – as a major electoral issue. The Kumbh deaths have derailed Adityanath’s narrative and blunted his narrative against the Opposition who he has accused of not paying attention to the Hindu faith and its festivals during their tenure.

Also read: Milkipur Bypolls: In Prestige Seat For Both BJP and SP, Concerns Remain About Free and Fair Voting

Over-the-top political advertisement

In his election rallies – in Milkipur as well as in Delhi – Adityanath has tried to market the Kumbh Mela as the successful achievement of the “double-engine” governments. Addressing a rally in Rajendra Nagar, Adityanath dared Aam Aadmi Party’s national convenor and former Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal, to take a dip in the Yamuna along with colleagues just like Adityanath had taken a dip at the Sangam with members of his ministerial cabinet. Kejriwal did not have the “moral courage” to do so, said Adityanath, who also presided over a special cabinet meeting of the UP government held in the Mela premises. Cabinet meetings in UP are usually held in Lucknow, the state capital.

Adityanath started the trend of conducting cabinet meetings in the Mela during the Ardh Kumbh Mela in 2019. He also renamed the Ardh Kumbh (occurs once in six years) as the Kumbh Mela.

In Vikaspuri, Delhi, Adityanath recently said that previous governments in UP did not give any respect to the “faith” of the common people, pilgrims and Hindu seers. “What was the result? The event would become a victim of chaos, disorder and anarchy,” said Adityanath. These words truly ring loud today, as we watch footage of hapless pilgrims searching for their loved ones after the tragedy in the Mela.

In Mangolpuri, Adityanath again stressed that the Maha Kumbh was being successfully organised with “splendour and divinity” due to the double-engine government.

It is true that organising the Kumbh Mela successfully is a logistical feat requiring multiple agencies and pain-staking coordination. Chances of mishaps are always alive due the sheer size of the event and the flow of lakhs of people on any given day. But the Adityanath government upped the stakes through its own over-the-top political advertisement of the festival, with scant regard to last-mile management of the crowds and the welfare of the pilgrims, who had to face physical as well as emotional inconvenience.

Also read: Let Us Not Overdo this ‘Triumph of Faith’

Poll fulcrums

In the long term, too, the stampede and the deaths of innocent pilgrims is bound to play in public memory for years to come. The incident, on one of Hinduism’s holiest festivals, is an indelible stain on Adityanath’s tall claims of being an efficient event manager. It stands stark especially given the relentless attacks the BJP and Adityanath have directed at previous governments. The outrage over the deaths is heard louder than the entire propaganda machinery put in place to absolve the government of the responsibility.

The Kumbh tragedy happened a week after the government celebrated the first anniversary of the opening of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, at the site where the Babri Masjid stood for four centuries before it was razed by a mob of politically-motivated extremists. The much-publicised Ram Mandir was billed to be the BJP’s playing card in the 2024 Lok Sabha election. Although the party just managed to return to power at the Union government with the support of allies, the election would be remembered for years to come as the campaign where the saffron party lost in the land of the Ram Mandir, the Faizabad Lok Sabha seat. The defeat in Faizabad bust the BJP’s game of projecting the temple as a legitimate approval of public sentiment.

A similar scenario has emerged in regard to the Kumbh Mela. Adityanath may recover from the immediate impact of the stampede with the help of a pliant mainstream media and friendly social media influencers. However, the deaths have permanently stained his record as the CM, not to mention, the head priest of a prominent temple, under whose watch at least 30 Hindu pilgrims died on one of the holiest festivals of Hinduism. All eyes should be on how Adityanath tries to wriggle out of the situation in his remaining public meetings in Ayodhya and Delhi.

Indians Becoming Less Hopeful About Quality of Life Under Modi Govt: C-Voter Pre-Budget Survey

Nearly two thirds of the respondents felt inflation had remained unchecked and prices had gone up since 2014, while more than 50% of respondents said that the inflation had “adversely” affected their quality of life.

New Delhi: More Indians are becoming less hopeful about their quality of life as stagnant wages and higher living costs cloud future prospects, a pre-budget survey by C-Voter showed Wednesday.

Notably, the government is set to present the Union budget on February 1, Saturday.

More than 37% of respondents said they expect the overall quality of life for ordinary people to deteriorate over the next year, according to the survey, as reported by news agency Reuters.

This is the highest such response since 2013, in what does not speak highly of the Modi government’s treatment of the Indian economy.

A total of 5,269 adults across Indian states were interviewed for the survey.

Nearly two thirds of the respondents, the report stated, felt inflation had remained unchecked and prices had gone up since Modi became prime minister in 2014. More than 50% of respondents said that the rate of inflation had “adversely” affected their quality of life.

Nearly half of respondents said their personal income had remained the same over the last year but expenses rose. Nearly two thirds said rising expenses had become difficult to manage, according to the survey.

Continuous food inflation with little to no respite has crippled the spending power of most Indian households. The annual growth is forecast to be around 6.4%, the slowest growth pace in four years.

Also read: Budget 2025: A Chance to Acknowledge and Address India’s Growing Debt Burden

The middle-class, traditionally seen as the engine of growth, is facing the brunt of it and expects the issues to be addressed in the upcoming budget session.

In 2024, questions were raised about India’s job market having a large youthful population struggling for sufficient opportunities to earn regular wages even as the country climbs on the global economic growth scale.

In the previous budget, finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman had announced an allocation of Rs 2 lakh crore for a ‘PM package’ of various employment-related schemes, to be spent over five years.

However, the programmes have not yet been implemented, the Reuters report stated.

NDA Ally JD(U) Raises Concerns Over ‘One Nation One Election’ Bill

This development came at an all-party meeting convened by the BJP-led NDA government ahead of the Budget session of parliament.

New Delhi: Key National Democratic Alliance (NDA) ally Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) has expressed concerns over the Centre’s ‘One Nation One Election’ Bill, urging the government not to rush through the legislation and instead undertake wider consultations.

This development came at an all-party meeting convened by the BJP-led NDA government ahead of the Budget session of parliament, The New Indian Express reported.

The meeting, chaired by Union ministers Rajnath Singh, Kiren Rijiju, J.P. Nadda, Arjun Ram Meghwal, and L. Murugan, saw JD(U) MP Sanjay Kumar Jha emphasise the need for caution in implementing the Bill. The proposed legislation, which aims to synchronise polls to Lok Sabha and state assemblies, has been referred to a 39-member Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) for further scrutiny.

Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha MPs all party meeting

Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha MPs attending the all party meeting ahead of the Budget session. Photo: X/@SanjayJhaBihar

Leaders from various political parties, including Congress, Left, and Trinamool Congress (TMC), attended the meeting.

Notably, Jha and another ally Telugu Desam Party (TDP) raised concerns about the seating arrangement in the new Lok Sabha, echoing concerns first raised by Congress MP Gaurav Gogoi. The MPs contended that the seating arrangements were made unilaterally.

The meeting sets the stage for a potentially contentious session, with several Opposition MPs poised to challenge the government on issues such as mismanagement and VVIP culture that contributed to the stampede at Maha Kumbh and procedural lapses in the Waqf JPC’s functioning.

Economic Survey 2024-25 Calls For Deregulation, Predicts 6.3%-6.8% Growth in FY26

It claims that India’s GDP at constant (2011-12) prices grew by 6.7% and 5.4% in Q1 and Q2 FY25, respectively, and that this implied a real GDP growth of 6% in the first half of the current fiscal.

New Delhi: The Economic Survey for 2024-25 was tabled in parliament today, January 31, ahead of the presentation of the Union Budget tomorrow.

There are upsides and downsides to domestic investment, output growth and disinflation in FY26, says this survey. “Nonetheless, the fundamentals of the domestic economy remain robust, with a strong external account, calibrated fiscal consolidation and stable private consumption,” it says, before noting that growth in FY26 would be between 6.3 and 6.8%.

The survey was presented by Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman after President Droupadi Murmu’s address. This survey comes within six months of the last, which was presented after the new government under the National Democratic Alliance came to power, in July 2024.

As is tradition, the survey was prepared by the economic division of the Department of Economic Affairs (DEA) under chief economic advisor V. Anantha Nageswaran. One of Nageswaran’s predecessors has told The Wire a day ago that the government’s DNA vis-a-vis economic policies needs to change for improvement to occur.

The survey this year is a 482-page document.

GDP, inflation and jobs

It claims that India’s GDP at constant (2011-12) prices grew by 6.7% and 5.4% in Q1 and Q2 FY25, respectively, and that this implied a real GDP growth of 6% in the first half of the current fiscal.

On the supply side, real gross value added (GVA) is also estimated to grow by 6.4%. The agriculture sector is expected to rebound to a growth of 3.8% in FY25. The industrial sector is estimated to grow by 6.2% in FY25. “Strong growth rates in construction activities and electricity, gas, water supply and other utility services are expected to support industrial expansion,” it says.

Growth in the services sector is expected to remain robust at 7.2%, “driven by healthy activity in financial, real estate, professional services, public administration, defence, and other services.”

The survey claims inflation is coming under control. Retail headline inflation, as measured by the change in the Consumer Price Index (CPI), has softened from 5.4% in FY24 to 4.9% in April-December 2024, it says.

It attributes the decline to a 0.9 percentage point reduction in core (non-food, nonfuel) inflation between FY24 and April-December 2024. While the average inflation in FY25 has trended downward, monthly volatility in food prices and a select few commodities have been responsible for CPI inflation printing towards the upper side of the tolerance band of 4 (+/-) 2%, in conceded.

The ES did not note how the package of five key schemes aimed at benefiting 4.1 crore youth over five years with a central outlay of Rs 2 lakh crore to promote employment and skilling, introduced in the Union Budget 2024-25, was being unfurled.

FPI, trade

Foreign portfolio investment (FPI) flows have been volatile in the second half of 2024, primarily on account of global geopolitical and monetary policy developments, the survey claims.

“Net FPI inflows slowed to USD 10.6 billion in April-December 2024 from USD 31.7 billion during the same period the previous year. The inclusion of India’s sovereign government securities (G-secs) of certain tenors in the JP Morgan EM Bond Index induced heightened activity within the debt segment of the FPIs,” it said.

It also said that India’s foreign exchange reserves increased from USD 616.7 billion at the end of January 2024 to USD 704.9 billion in September 2024 before moderating to USD 634.6 billion on January 3, 2025. It will cover 90% of external debt, the survey claimed.

The survey also calls for deregulation. The introduction acknowledges that “every chapter of the Economic Survey makes a case for simplification and deregulation wherever possible and necessary,” but that it also acknowledges areas where more or appropriate regulatory intervention may be necessary.

“Overall, India will need to improve its global competitiveness through grassroots-level structural reforms and deregulation to reinforce its medium-term growth potential,” it says.

Greenland is the New Congo of the 21st Century

Will Greenland succumb to the cycles of exploitation that have marked other resource-rich territories, or will it chart a path of resilience and autonomy?

“There is a touch of death about a warehouse full of goods, piled high in the gloom, with a flabby, dusty air about it as though the faith and the honour, the courage and the love of the men who had gone out into the wide world to toil and die, had left only a heap of corrupted bones smothered under a mass of rubbish to rot in the dark.”

                                                                 — Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness, 1899.

 

The impunity with which occupation, systemic violence and genocide are normalised in the world today is staggering. When Donald Trump repeated his 2019 call to “buy Greenland,” he wasn’t just reviving imperialistic fantasies – he was rebranding exploitation as the next great adventure of conquest. Instead, it is the impetus of impunity that gets normalised.

On January 24, the US president had a “fiery call” with Danish prime minister Mette Frederiksen as reported by Financial Times. A critical NATO ally, Denmark is “utterly freaked out” despite Frederiksen’s offer “to increase Greenland-US cooperation on military bases and natural resource exploitation” to blunt the aggressive take over of the arctic island.

Greenland, a land of high silence in the Arctic, where the air is crystalline and time seems to congeal in the long night, holds a wealth the world has only just begun to covet. Its vast, ice-choked expanse, glacial yet breathing with hidden heat beneath its frosty mantle, is not merely a frozen monolith but a region of deep historical and geopolitical significance. If Joseph Conrad chronicled the moral ruin of colonialism in the tropical mists of Africa’s dark heart, then surely the Arctic fog swirling above Greenland is the veil of a new reckoning, steeped in the historical parallels of the Congo’s exploitation.

In this tale of imperialistic desire and colonial dominion, Greenland emerges as the Congo of the 21st century, not for rubber or ivory but for cobalt, rare earth elements, and lithium. These elements, the veins of modernity’s unrelenting appetite for the digital and green revolutions, carry immense geopolitical implications. The skeletons of colonial ambition stir beneath the permafrost, drawing not only venture capitalists but also nation-states that, like King Leopold II in his lust for the Congo, see not land but the shimmering mirage of endless profit. The unfolding interest in Greenland’s mineral wealth is a story that is both compelling and deeply concerning.

The Trumpian resurgence of a colonial fantasy

Donald Trump’s current proposal to buy Greenland – brash, surreal, and initially dismissed as geopolitical theatre – has proven less a farce and more a harbinger. Trump argued that his plan was not absurd, citing precedent in American history. In 1946, the Truman administration proposed a secret purchase of Greenland from Denmark, as revealed decades later in documents uncovered by The Associated Press. Truman’s Cold War-era overture, though lacking the spectacle of Trump’s public bid, underscored the same motives: Greenland’s strategic importance and untapped mineral wealth. While Truman’s proposal remained sealed in Cold War secrecy, Trump’s attempt was met with open rejection, a public rebuke that laid bare enduring tensions between sovereignty and neo-colonial aspirations.

The question of sovereignty and ownership, so blatantly revived by Trump’s clumsy overture, is not new to Greenland. It has long existed under the shadow of external powers, first as a colony of Denmark and later as a semi-autonomous territory navigating the complex interplay of self-rule and foreign dependence. Trump’s desire to “buy” Greenland was thus more than an anachronistic throwback to 19th-century imperialism; it was a modern manifestation of resource-driven geopolitics cloaked in the rhetoric of opportunity.

Greenland’s history is deeply entwined with Denmark, whose formal colonisation began in 1721 with the arrival of Danish missionary Hans Egede. In the Greenlandic language of Kalaallisut, the island is called Kalaallit Nunaat. The Danes, firm in their conviction of stewardship, kept the island’s borders sealed for centuries, their colonial dominion extending until 1953. That year marked a turning point: Greenland, once a mere colony, was redefined as a recognised territory of Denmark, heralding a new epoch of administrative attention. The ensuing decades saw a slow but determined ascent toward autonomy, with Indigenous Greenlanders securing home rule in 1979. Yet it was only in 2009 that full self-government was realised, as the reins of governance – save for defence and foreign affairs – were passed from Copenhagen to Nuuk. Greenland continues to aim for complete independence in the long term, though Copenhagen retains leadership in Arctic policy and NATO affairs. While the relationship is not tension-free, Greenland and Denmark have established a political framework  to guide this journey.

Long before the 2010 mining boom, Greenland’s economy was rooted in its mineral wealth. The island’s unique geology, teeming with rare metals and minerals, had long piqued the interest of outsiders. From 1854 to 1962, the Ivittuut mine extracted cryolite, a mineral indispensable to aluminium production, securing Greenland’s strategic importance during World War II. During this time, the United States, recognizing the vital role of Greenland’s resources, took control of its defence. Greenland’s mines yielded copper, zinc, lead, coal, and uranium for nearly a century. Yet by 1990, with resources dwindling, the industry that had once driven the island’s economy faltered and collapsed.

The lure of critical minerals

The world’s gaze has since turned to Greenland’s rare earth elements (REEs) – 17 elusive metals that power the pulse of modern technology. These elements are the lifeblood of electronics, hybrid vehicles, and renewable energy infrastructure. As global demand for these materials spiralled, the spectre of supply interruptions loomed ever larger. For two decades, China reigned unchallenged as the dominant supplier of REEs, controlling over 90% of global production. When environmental concerns forced the United States to abandon its own production, China’s monopolistic hold on vital resources became even more pronounced. This dependence set the stage for a dramatic geopolitical shift as nations – particularly the US and the EU – scrambled to secure alternative sources. Greenland’s untouched mineral reserves now glimmer as a beacon of opportunity.

For Greenland’s leaders, mining offers a tantalising path to autonomya means to fortify the island’s economic independence. However, this prospect is fraught with moral and ecological dilemmas. Proponents of mining hail it as a solution to chronic unemployment and a key to unlocking economic prosperity. Opponents, however, warn of the potential devastation to the island’s fragile environment and burgeoning tourism sector. After fierce debates, the Greenlandic government voted by a narrow margin in October 2013 to lift a long-standing ban on uranium mining. This decision symbolised Greenland’s pursuit of self-sufficiency, yet the matter remains contentious. Denmark retains control over Greenland’s radioactive materials, leaving the future of mining mired in uncertainty.

Beneath Greenland’s icy crust lies a treasure trove of resources critical to the 21st-century economy. The Biden administration’s push to secure rare earth supply chains and reduce dependence on China underscores the island’s strategic importance. Greenland’s potential reserves of graphite, cobalt, and neodymium – essential for electric vehicles, wind turbines, and advanced electronics – are immense. For instance, estimates suggest that Greenland’s graphite reserves alone could exceed global electric vehicle demand by 2040, positioning the island as a key player in countering Chinese mineral supremacy.

Recognition of this security risk has driven G7 nations to adopt “friend-shoring”a policy that promotes mineral extraction and processing within politically aligned states. The United States and its allies hope to insulate supply chains from Chinese influence through initiatives like the Minerals Security Partnership. Yet this aspiration is fraught with challenges. Greenland’s harsh climate, limited infrastructure, and sparse workforce complicate efforts to scale mining operations sustainably.

More significantly, Greenland’s mineral wealth includes rare earth elements that rival China’s reserves, making it a critical focal point in the West’s bid to challenge Beijing’s dominance. In 2023, China imposed graphite export restrictions in retaliation for US semiconductor sanctions, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of mineral dependence. Greenland, with its potential to host the world’s second-largest reserves of rare earth elements, has become a strategic chess piece in this unfolding drama.

Echoes of the Congo

To liken Greenland to the Congo is to evoke an uncomfortable parallel between the past exploitation of colonial territories and its modern reinvention. The Congo, plundered for rubber, copper, and coltan, bore the brunt of European imperialism at the cost of untold human suffering. King Leopold II’s Congo Free State epitomized the brutal transformation of natural wealth into foreign profit, leaving behind a legacy of violence and environmental degradation.

As the recent documentary The Soundtrack to a Coup d’État explores the story of Patrice Lumumba, the Congo’s first democratically elected leader, offers a cautionary tale for resource-rich nations like Greenland. Lumumba’s vision of sovereignty over the Congo’s resources – a defiance of the exploitative systems that had enriched European powers – led to his assassination in 1961. His tragic fate underscored the geopolitical stakes of resource wealth, as Western powers acted to maintain control over the Congo’s minerals during the Cold War. Greenland’s burgeoning role in the global economy raises the question: can it avoid becoming a 21st-century Congo, a territory whose resources are extracted to fuel the ambitions of distant powers?

Greenland faces competing pressures from the West and China. Beijing’s ambitions in the Arctic are well-documented, with Greenland playing a key role in its Polar Silk Road strategy. While many Chinese mining projects in Greenland have stalled, the geopolitical stakes are clear. The European Union, seeking to counter Chinese influence, signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Greenland in 2023 to deepen ties. This follows the United States, for its part, has pursued initiatives such as reopening in 2020 a consulate in Nuuk and launching the Enterprise-Driven Growth Initiative, aiming to foster economic collaboration. Despite these efforts, significant private investment has yet to materialise, underscoring the challenges of developing Greenland’s mining sector.

Greenland at a crossroads

As Greenland’s icy expanse becomes a battleground for competing visions of the future, the stakes could not be higher. Global warming has accelerated the melting of Greenland’s ice sheet, threatening traditional Inuit ways of life while making mineral extraction more feasible. This cruel irony positions Greenland as both a victim and potential beneficiary of the Anthropocene, embodying the interconnectedness of ecological and economic systems.

The island’s trajectory will depend on the choices made in the coming years. Will Greenland succumb to the cycles of exploitation that have marked other resource-rich territories, or will it chart a path of resilience and autonomy?

Like Conrad’s Congo, Greenland challenges us to confront the darkness within human ambition even as it offers the promise of redemption. Whether it becomes a beacon of sustainable progress or a cautionary tale of exploitation will depend on our ability to listen to the warnings whispered by its melting ice and act with foresight and responsibility.

Narendra Pachkhédé is a critic, essayist and writer who splits his time between Toronto, London and Geneva.

The Wire Talks: H1Bs Visas Business as Usual Under Trump, Green Card Backlog For Indians a Major Issue

Duriya Dhinojwala, who practices law with a special focus on immigration issues, answers some of these complex questions in an interview with Sidharth Bhatia.

After his inauguration, many of US President Donald Trump’s announcements and executive orders have caused fear and anxiety among H1B visa applicants. Of particular concern is the potential end of citizenship by birthright in the US for children born to parents who are not US citizens themselves.

Duriya Dhinojwala, who practices law with a special focus on immigration issues, answers some of these complex questions in this interview with The Wire’s founding editor Sidharth Bhatia.