Tag: votes

Tamil Nadu’s PTR Asks Why Booth-wise Voter Data Not Published By EC When It Was Norm Till 2019?

“Within the ambit of a constitutional democracy, what possible motivation or justification can there be for this action?” Tamil Nadu Information Technology & Digital Services minister P. Thiaga Rajan questioned.

New Delhi: Tamil Nadu Information Technology & Digital Services minister P. Thiaga Rajan on Saturday, May 18 has asked for the Form 17-C (which records the number of votes polled in a booth) data to be released and questioned why the Election Commission of India (EC) is unable to publish the information since it is already available with the commission in “publishable form, as it is being submitted by each returning officer after the poll”.

In a post on X, Rajan said, “Most candidates (especially smaller or non-tech-savvy parties and independents) will simply not have the capacity to collect, collate, tabulate, and re-sort (by counting table) the Form 17 Data – EVM Serial, Total Votes Polled – from 1,500 to 2,000 booths per MP Constituency, ahead of the vote counting process.”

“Therefore, the entire counting process is immensely more robust and transparent if the Form 17 Data with these details is published as soon as possible after polling, and well ahead of the counting, so that every agent of every candidate in the counting centers knows exactly how many votes to expect be counted on each EVM, after the serial number of the machine has been matched with the booth. This will be especially helpful for candidates from smaller parties, and independent candidates,” he added, addressing the Supreme Court bench which is hearing the case filed by election-watchdog Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) and the NGO Common Cause seeking direction that the EC should disclose the absolute numbers of the voter turnout immediately after each phase of Lok Sabha elections.

The Tamil Nadu minister underlined that publishing “this data (by booth) was the norm of the ECI till 2019 or so” and asked when they “mysteriously stopped” publishing it, “and took all old Form 17 data off their website”. “Within the ambit of a constitutional democracy, what possible motivation or justification can there be for this action?” Rajan questioned.

Also read: Why Election Commission Not Giving Absolute Voter Numbers Matters

Notably, the EC has not released phase-wise or constituency-wise numbers of voters yet. According to the latest data released by the Election Commission on Thursday, May 16 the total turnout in the first four phases of the Lok Sabha elections has been recorded at 66.95%. Further, the commission added that 45.10 crore of the nearly 97 crore voters have voted so far in the ongoing elections.

Underlining that the commission already has the booth-wise data available, Rajan wrote: “How is the electoral process, and our democracy, even .0001% worse off if this data – which the ECI already has in directly publishable form, as it is being submitted by each Returning Officer after the poll – is published and made available to all ?? On the contrary, it will be immensely better off.”

“What possible reason can the ECI have for not publishing 543 sets of scanned pages of data – which was already collated and sent to them from every constituency – on their website now. As they used to!!! Anyone with basic interest in democracy, and integrity, must insist on the data being published well before counting. Anyone arguing against publishing it, patently has malintent. There can be no other justification,” the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) leader added. 

On Friday, May 17, the Supreme Court has given one week time to the EC to file its response to an application seeking directions to the EC to upload on its website the scanned copies of Form 17-C soon after the elections.

Turn-out updates by EC pushes votes up by 1.07 crore

The turnout numbers given by the EC for the first four phases of 2024 Lok Sabha polls, analysed by the Times Insight Group “reveals a 1.07 crore vote difference.” Moreover, the average rise per constituency is “28,000 votes” of the 379 seats that have polled.

The analysis has been carried out between numbers given by the EC on the same day as the polling each phase and then the final numbers made available by the Commission. Questions abound over why the EC is unable to give absolute numbers, per constituency after votes have been polled, and also on the steep rise in percentages too between on the day and the final percentages provided. 

EC got severe flak for sharing what it terms “approximate trends” which is pretty much final poll data (though still excluding postal data) for the first phase after 11 days. For the second, third and fourth phases, data was shared four days after voting. 

After also coming under fire for not sharing the actual numbers of votes polled, the EC eventually, after the first two phases, started sharing the total electors per constituency going to polls. So, this analysis has been arrived at by applying the voter percentages to state and constituency totals and coming up with numbers.

The analysis finds most variation in first voter trends cited and then subsequent ones in Andhra Pradesh, where 17.2 lakh voters increased, in Maharashtra, 16.7 lakhs, in Kerala, 11.4 lakh and in Assam, 10.3 lakh. The state-wise variation in terms of an average seat is steep in the case of Assam (73,571 votes per constituency), for Andhra Pradesh (68,800 votes on an average), for Kerala (57,000) and then for Maharashtra (47,714) and Karnataka (25,357). The seats in north India have seen lesser variations.

The total number of electors in India are 96.88 crore. EC in its May 16 release has said, “Lok Sabha Elections 2024 has seen the voter turnout at polling stations of about 66.95% so far, as approximately 451 million people have voted during the first four phases of ongoing General Elections.”

Source: Calculated From EC Data

 

MP: Despite Their Electoral Clout, Atrocities Against Tribal Communities Are on the Rise

Madhya Pradesh is home to India’s largest population of indigenous peoples, but is also the state with the highest number of rape cases involving tribal women, among other crimes.

Bhopal: One tribal man was killed and three others injured when a forest patrol team fired at them on the suspicion that they were wood smugglers. The incident took place in Vidisha district, Madhya Pradesh, on August 9 – coincidentally the date observed as the International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples.

The deceased has been identified as Chayn Singh Bhil of Raipura village.

“Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan has ordered a judicial probe into the incident and the suspension of the forest employees who were part of the team that opened fire,” Madhya Pradesh home minister Narottam Mishra told media persons on August 10 at his residence in Bhopal.

The incident

A few minutes after dusk on Tuesday, August 9, the Lateri South Range forest office of Vidisha district in Madhya Pradesh received a tip that a group of people, all from the tribal communities and suspected to be wood smugglers, had entered the forest range.

Based on this information, patrolling teams of the North and South Lateri forest guards reached village Khattepura and waited for the suspected wood smugglers to return.

On seeing the forest guards, the tribal men reportedly became nervous and abandoned their motorcycle in an attempt to escape. This led the guards to fire upon them, killing Chayn Singh Bhil and injuring three others.

According to Rajendra Singh, a local who was with the deceased and the injured at time of the incident, the forest guards had fired without provocation. Singh reportedly confessed that the group had indeed been smuggling wood from the forest as they had no other source of income.

However, according to Rajbir Singh, the Vidisha divisional forest officer, when the group of tribal men abandoned their motorcycle and fled, they also pelted stones at the team of forest guards. The forest guards had fired in the air in self-defense, killing one man and injuring three others.

Also read: Does Madhya Pradesh Have a Problem With Its Bureaucrats?

A series of atrocities

Madhya Pradesh is home to India’s largest population of indigenous peoples, which gives the tribal communities considerable electoral clout. However, atrocities against the tribal communities in the state appear to be on the rise.

In June 2021, the decomposed bodies of five people were recovered from a pit in Nemawar tehsil of Dewas district. All five of these people had been missing for over 45 days, demonstrating the administration’s apathy towards the sufferings of the tribal communities.

The state has also recorded the highest number of rape cases involving tribal women in the country. According to the National Crime Records Bureau, Madhya Pradesh recorded 4,753 such cases in 2018, which rose to 5,300 in 2019 and then 6,899 in 2020, a rise of around 30%.

In January this year, a tribal woman eight months pregnant reportedly miscarried her baby after a group of men, allegedly from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), attacked a tribal village in Madhya Pradesh’s Barwani district on the suspicion that religious conversion was taking place there.

On December 31, 2021, in another case of suspected religious conversion, a mob of 25-30 people stormed into the house of one Sardar Vaskale in village Devra, 50 kilometres from the Satna district headquarters.

Also read: How Vikram Singh Ahke, a Gond Tribal and Labourer, Became MP’s Youngest Mayor

Electoral clout

Despite their vulnerabilities, the tribal communities in Madhya Pradesh have enough demographic strength to be able to influence the course of assembly elections.

Madhya Pradesh has the second largest population of Gond and Bhil tribal groups in India. The state has recognised 46 Scheduled Tribes who are spread across the state’s 52 districts. Six major tribal groups – Gond, Bhil, Sahariya, Kol, Kurku and Baiga – account for more than 90% of the 1.53 crore tribal population.

In the 2018 assembly elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) lost its majority for the first time in 15 years due to lack of support from the state’s tribal and SC constituencies.

Forty-eight constituencies in Madhya Pradesh are reserved for STs, while tribal votes decide the winners in another 40 seats. In 2013, the BJP had held 34 seats from these constituencies. In the 2018 assembly elections, the Congress party, which had had 14 seats from these constituencies in 2013, jumped to 32 seats, which removed the BJP from power.

Now gearing up for the 2023 assembly elections, the BJP’s strategies seem to relate to tribal identity.

In November 2021, Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended the Jan Jatiya Diwas in Bhopal, held to mark the birth anniversary of tribal icon Birsa Munda. He also inaugurated a railway station renamed after a tribal queen.

Prior to this, the Madhya Pradesh chief minister had announced that the Patalpani railway station near Indore would be named after the tribal icon Tantya Bhil. Even before that, Bhopal’s Habibganj railway station was named after Rani Kamalapati, a tribal queen.

At the same time, atrocities against the tribal communities continue to rise in the state.

“The highest number of tribal persons reside in Madhya Pradesh, but I am pained by the fact that they are facing maximum atrocities in this state,” alleged Kamal Nath, former chief minister of Madhya Pradesh from the Congress party, speaking at Patalpani on the occasion of World Tribal Day.

Meanwhile, climate change might have already started stressing the indigenous peoples’ ancient and sacred relationship with forests. Two months ago, Vidisha district was one among seven regions to record day temperatures above 46° Celsius.

Punjab Polls: In Doaba, Where Dalits Hold the Key, Will Channi Wave Work for Congress?

Channi remains a dominant factor in most of the reserved seats in Doaba. However, in seats where anti-incumbency against the Congress is strong, the SAD-BSP and AAP seem to be the frontrunners.

Jalandhar: Punjab’s Doaba region, with an over 32% Dalit concentration, has a history of giving a decisive verdict in favour of a single party. But whether it will repeat its previous record is a difficult question, given the fact that it is a multi-cornered contest in the 2022 Punjab assembly elections. The party that gets the maximum Dalit votes usually forms the government.

While the Congress has pinned all hopes on its first ever Dalit chief minister, Charanjit Singh Channi, the Shiromani Akali Dal-Bahujan Samaj Party (SAD-BSP) alliance came into existence with an eye on a huge Dalit vote bank in the state. On the other hand, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which failed to open its account in Doaba and Majha regions in the 2017 assembly elections, was riding on the popular ‘jhaadu’ wave, which might spring a surprise in some pockets.

However, ground reports show that chief minister Channi remained a dominant factor in most of the reserved seats in Doaba, but which party will take the lead will only be revealed on March 10.

In Sham Chaurasi, which is part of Hoshiarpur district and is reserved for candidates belonging to the Scheduled Castes, a voter Sarabjit Kaur said that ever since Channi came to power, the people had made up their mind to vote for Congress. “It is for the first time that someone from our Dalit community was made the chief minister. We feel a sense of accomplishment and voted for his pro-poor vision,” she said.

There’s a need of educated, learned and grassroots level leaders, who could bring real change in the society, she added. “People want to get rid of mafias in Punjab. They want education and jobs. Only a person who has risen from the ground can understand a common man’s troubles. This is why chief minister Channi reduced power tariffs and petrol and diesel prices. It is a huge relief for the middle class and the poor,” she added.

Another voter, Jaspal Kainth, from Dhadde village of the reserved Adampur seat in Jalandhar shared how the general discussion during his train journey from Begumpura to Seer Govardhanpur in Varanasi was mostly about Channi. “Throughout the journey, the passengers could be heard talking about chief minister Channi and the SAD-BSP alliance. Nobody expected that chief minister Channi would reach Seer Govardhanpur on Guru Ravidas Jayanti to pay obeisance, as those were the last days of his hectic campaigning. His visit enthused the voters,” he said.

But there are certain pockets where anti-incumbency against the Congress is strong and the SAD-BSP alliance and AAP appear to be the frontrunners. In the reserved Kartarpur seat of Jalandhar, first-time voter Gagandeep Kaur said that she wants an educated, accessible and a good leader.

Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) President Sukhbir Singh Badal offers sweets to Bahujan†Samaj Party (BSP) Secretary General Satish Chandra Mishra during a joint press conference at the SAD head office in Chandigarh, Saturday, June 12, 2021. Photo: PTI

A group of middle-aged women at Ghazipur and Hirapur villages of Kartarpur said, “Here people are either talking about AAP or the SAD-BSP alliance.”

The last time the BSP won the maximum seats was in the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, when the SAD-BSP alliance had won 11 out of 13 seats in Punjab.

Also read: With BJP Facing the Heat in UP, Modi and Crew Pull Out Anti-Muslim Playbook

Mixed signals

In Phagwara and Phillaur assembly seats, voters gave a mixed response about their preference for a leader, which varied from Congress, SAD-BSP, AAP and the BJP.

The BJP won the reserved Phagwara seat of Kapurthala district in the 2017 assembly elections, and this time it has fielded Vijay Sampla, ex-Hoshiarpur MP and former BJP Punjab president. However, in the 2019 bypolls, this seat went to the Congress. The sitting Congress MLA, Balwinder Singh Dhaliwal, was pitted against Sampla, SAD-BSP’s candidate Jasbir Singh Garhi, who is also BSP Punjab president, and AAP’s Joginder Singh Mann, a veteran Congress leader from the Valmiki community.

At Khajurla village of Phagwara, another voter Amrik Singh said, “We need respite from drug abuse in our villages and that is why people want to try something new – AAP. But our elderly are asking us to vote for chief minister Channi. We are actually confused about who we should support. There was a time when this region was the hub of chaff cutters industry but it has been wiped out. We need that industry back, and we badly need jobs.”

Similarly, in Phillaur, voters were seen rallying behind the SAD-BSP candidate Baldev Khaira, who is the sitting MLA from this seat. “Our MLA is accessible and listens to our woes. People are talking about the ‘Channi’ wave but we would not like to experiment anything new,” said a voter from Bada Pind village.

Professor G.C. Koul, a Dalit scholar from Jalandhar, who has a doctorate in philosophical study of Guru Ravidas, said, “Though Dalits are divided on castes and religious beliefs, it appears that this time the ‘Channi’ factor played a role in Doaba. It is likely to have an impact on the voting patterns in Majha and Malwa regions too. At the same time, in many constituencies, Dalits have voted for the candidate concerned. But as per my understanding, Congress has an edge in Doaba followed by SAD-BSP and then AAP.”

Koul further said, “Two days before the elections, I noticed how Dalits in different WhatsApp groups affiliated to Guru Ravidas and B.R. Ambedkar’s ideology were forwarding messages like ‘Pehli baar apna banda CM baneya, saare vote payo’ (It is for the first time that our man has become the chief minister, let’s all vote for him) in favour of Channi. Surprisingly, many among them were not even supporters of the Congress as such. If this has actually turned into votes, it will certainly give an edge to the Congress in Doaba. The SAD-BSP will also benefit from the Dalit consolidation in their favour in certain seats.”

Also read: Ten Constituencies to Watch Out for as Punjab Votes

Voting pattern

Doaba region has nine assembly constituencies in Jalandhar, seven in Hoshiarpur, four in Kapurthala and three in Nawanshahr district. Out of the 23 seats reserved for the Scheduled Castes, eight hold the key to the poll outcome. But the voting pattern of the rest of the 15 seats matters equally.

The eight reserved seats are Jalandhar West, Adampur, Kartarpur, Phillaur in Jalandhar; Phagwara in Kapurthala; Banga in Nawanshahr; and Sham Chaurasi and Chabbewal in Hoshiarpur. The concentration of Dalit votes – which include Ad-dharmi, Valmikis and Mazhbi Sikhs – on each of the seats is around 35-40%.

The general seats in Doaba too have a strong Dalit presence, which includes seats like Jalandhar Cantt, Jalandhar North, Jalandhar Central, Hoshiarpur, Nakodar to name a few.

In the 2017 elections, Congress won from four seats – Jalandhar West, Kartarpur, Sham Chaurasi and Chabbewal. The then SAD-BJP alliance wrestled control of Adampur, Phillaur, Phagwara and Banga. However, in the 2019 bypoll, Congress won from Phagwara, as the sitting BJP MLA Som Parkash contested Lok Sabha elections and won from the reserved Hoshiarpur parliamentary seat. Parkash is currently the minister of state for social justice and empowerment. On the other hand, AAP failed to make any impact in Doaba, as it just won two seats – Garhshankar in Hoshiarpur and Bholath in Kapurthala.

While in the 2012 assembly elections, the SAD-BJP alliance had put up an impressive show and won seven out of the total eight reserved seats in Doaba. Congress won only one seat.

In the 2007 assembly polls too, the SAD-BJP alliance had a clean sweep in Doaba and won 20 out of the previous 25 seats (which included Lohian and Nurmahal assembly seats, now merged with other constituencies). The Congress had won four while one seat went to an independent candidate.

Dalits’ stronghold in the Doaba region might be a reason why Channi immediately wrote a letter to Election Commission, seeking postponement of elections from February 14 to some other date. The move came after many people from the Scheduled Caste community demanded a change in polling date in the wake of Sri Guru Ravidas Jayanti.

Watch | Yogi’s Mathura Rally: ‘Gathering Crowds Will Not Turn Into Votes’

Many of them expressed concerns over the issue that instead of employment, hunger and education, religion has been made an election agenda.

While Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath boasted of the Ram temple construction in Mathura, The Wire asked the people who attended the rally what they think should be the poll agenda.

Many of them expressed concerns over the issue that instead of employment, hunger and education, religion has been made an election agenda. Some also voiced their opinions on development. And there were many people who believed that all is going well.

BJP Sweeps Tripura Civic Body Polls Marked by Opposition Allegations of Rigging

‘Since the beginning of the poll process the ruling party in connivance with the government machinery has attempted to manipulate everything,’ the CPI(M) said.

Agartala: The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has swept the civic body elections in Tripura, winning the 51-member Agartala Municipal Corporation and all other urban local bodies.

The counting for the civic body election started today at 8 am amidst tight security across all the eight districts of the state.

Out of the 20 civic bodies, election was held on 14 and BJP won uncontested in six. As many as 112 seats were bagged by BJP without contest. On November 25, 222 went to polls and registered 81.54% turnout. Polling day saw opposition parties Communist Party of India (Marxist) and All India Trinamool Congress allege widespread voter suppression and rigging by the ruling BJP.

BJP supporters and workers allegedly attacked opposition candidates and polling agents, and did not allow either to enter booths. Even BJP MLA Sudip Roy Barman has alleged that many outsiders entered Agartala city and were seen near polling booths.

Speaking to The Wire, an official from the State Election Commission said that counting was completed peacefully.

“In almost all the seats, BJP made a clean sweep. CPI(M) won three wards, TMC won in one ward while an Independent candidate won one. We have not received any complaints of violence. Everything was peaceful,” he said.

A counting station in Agartala. Photo: Tanmoy Chakraborty/The Wire

A senior police official said that no major incidents were reported on counting day except a few stray incidents of violence.

“In Teliamura sub-division under Khowai district of the state, suspected BJP supporters reportedly attacked TMC workers and candidates. Few minor injuries were caused. Forces were deployed, the situation is under control and we are waiting for further reports,” the police official said.

The saffron party has won all the 51 seats of Agartala Municipal Corporation, while CPI(M) which had the AMC for a decade, is now out of the picture with TMC emerging the opposition in the Corporation.

CPI(M) has won in two wards – 15 of Ambassa municipal council under Dhalai district and 2 of Panisagar Municipal Council under North district.

TMC won only a single ward – 13 of Ambassa Municipal Council under Dhalai district. The independent candidate won a seat in the same council.

‘Historic,’ says CM

Chief Minister Biplab Kumar Deb made reference to the recent communal violence in the state in a speech after the announcement of results.

“The way the name of the state was being maligned, people have given a correct answer through the EVM machine. People from the majority and minority communities in Tripura have together voted in favour of development under Narendra Modi ji,” Deb said.

BJP supporters celebrate the party’s wins in the Tripura civic body polls. Photo: Tanmoy Chakraborty/The Wire

Deb said the poll mandate was a reply to those who tried to “insult Tripura as a small state and demean it with conspiracies.”

Deb tweeted multiple times.

Opposition parties train focus on violence

Referring to the alleged violence on poll day, CPI(M) said the mood of the people in the last 44 months was not reflected in the results.

“Since the beginning of the poll process the ruling party in connivance with the government machinery has attempted to manipulate everything, so the results came accordingly. So it’s not a good result from the ruling party. In five local bodies including the Agartala Municipal Corporation, we have not participated in counting because of large-scale violence during the poll. Large numbers of people including our candidates, polling agents were not allowed. We have been compelled to boycott it. In other civic bodies where peaceful vote was held we tried a little,” CPIM state committee secretary Jitendra Chowdury told The Wire.

Chowdury said that the Congress vote had shifted to TMC, to answer why Left was relegated to third place.

Later in the evening, TMC’s leader Rajib Banerjee said that it was rare in the political history of India for any political party to fight only for three months and secure second position with almost 24% of the votes.

“With so much terror, so much rigging ignoring the people of Tripura, today the Trinamool Congress is in the role of the main opposition party,” he said.

“The BJP have rigged the polls in many places. In some places, the BJP has failed to save its own average. In some places they intentionally lost. In the last municipal elections, BJP got 14.1% votes. Then they came to power in the state in 2018. This is exactly what will happen in the 2023 assembly polls – TMC is taking an oath to bring change and develop Tripura while being on the side of the people. We sincerely thank the people of Tripura for voting for us in the midst of so much terror,” Banerjee said.

As Tripura Civic Poll Ends, Opposition Alleges Political Violence, Demands Fresh Elections

The opposition accused the BJP of sheltering “goons” who forcefully captured polling booths and also allegedly threatened the voters. However, the BJP denied these allegations.

Agartala: Tripura’s civic body election concluded on November 25 with more than 81% voter turnout, even as opposition parties raised allegations of widespread political violence.

The polling in 14 of 20 civic bodies started at 7 am across 334 seats. Elections were held for 222 seats as the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has already won 112 seats uncontested.

An official from the State Election Commission told The Wire that the overall vote percentage was 75.67%, as of Thursday evening.

“The poll today (November 25) started at 7 am and concluded at 4 pm. In some places, reports of EVM malfunctions were reported but we replaced them. No major incidents were reported, but the returning officers received some complaints, based on which action has also been taken,” he said.

Assistant inspector-general (law and order) Subrata Chakraborty in a press statement said except for some “stray incidents” at Agartala and Melaghar under Sepahijala district, no major incident has been reported from any part of the state.

“The electors have exercised their franchise freely. A polling agent of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) was hurt in an incident near Acharya Prafulla Chandra School in Agartala. Two persons have been detained. A case is being registered in this regard. In another incident, at Melaghar, a candidate of the CPI(M) for ward no 4 under the Agartala Municipal Corporation has alleged that he was assaulted and moved out of the booth by a group of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) supporters.”

The police said that five first information reports (FIRs) were registered at the Melaghar police station. The case is under investigation.

“At Sonamura nagar panchayat, some miscreants tried to damage the EVM due to which voting was suspended for some time. The voting process was resumed after the timely intervention of civil authorities. There were some complaints related to the alleged threatening of voters, candidates, polling agents. The matter was resolved by the police through timely intervention,” police said.

The police have arrested 98 persons, including 41 “outsiders”, 32 supporters of the TMC and 25 supporters of the CPI(M) from the Agartala Municipal Corporation area under preventive sections of the law for attempt of breach of peace. Subsequently, they were all released in the afternoon.

“The overall situation is peaceful. Adequate security arrangements are being made by the Tripura police to ensure peace prior to and during the counting process,” the statement stated.

The counting of votes will begin at 8 am on Sunday.

A photo taken during Tripura civic polls. Photo: author provided

Opposition alleges widespread violence

Though the State Election Commission and the police claimed that no such major incidents were reported during the polling hours across the state, the opposition parties including the CPI(M), TMC and Congress have alleged that large-scale violence. They accused the BJP of sheltering “goons” who forcefully captured polling booths and didn’t allow their agents to enter the booths. They also allegedly threatened voters.

The CPI(M) on Thursday afternoon gheraoed the West Agartala police station after its candidates were forcefully ousted from their wards and their polling agents were not allowed inside the booths.

Senior CPI(M) leader Pabitra Kar termed the election as “false” and “fabricated”.

Also read: Tripura Tops List Among Northeastern States in Political Conflicts, NCRB Data Shows

“Today’s election is false and fabricated. All the booths were captured by the BJP “goons”. Section 144 was declared but the BJP “goons” from Mohanpur, Jirania, Bishalgarh and from other parts of the state had already entered Agartala to unleash violence, to capture the booths. All the booths were already captured,” Kar told The Wire.

He also questioned the police and the state election commissioner for not taking any steps to prevent such violence.

“We spoke to the IG (law and order) of the Tripura police, the state election commissioner, election returning officers, local police and all are mum. Around 16 candidates were forcefully ousted from the ward. We came to the police to inform them. They are violating the direction of the Supreme Court and high court,” Kar said.

He, however, added, “We demand to postpone the election and ask them [the BJP] that no polling agents will be there. I can challenge them that they can’t do it. The BJP has no ideology; this party is the party of goondas.”

Later on Thursday evening, the Left Front demanded repolling in five civic bodies, including the Agartala Municipal Corporation.

The TMC also staged a demonstration at the East Agartala police station demanding fresh polls.

Speaking with reporters, TMC state convener Subal Bhowmik said that “BJP goons” allegedly attacked their polling agents and did not allow them inside to enter the booths.

“The Supreme Court directed the government to take all steps to conduct the election in a free, fair and peaceful manner. The police is totally silent. They are not taking any steps against the outsiders who entered the city. The police is helping the BJP. This is totally a farce. We will not accept it. We have never seen such a situation in the state,” Bhowmik alleged.

The Congress’s state unit president Birajit Sinha also echoed the same sentiment and demanded repoll in Kailasahar Municipal Council.

BJP denies allegations

However, deputy chief minister Jishnu Dev Varma denied all the allegations made by the opposition parties and told The Wire that some ‘stray incidents’ were reported but no major incidents occurred.

“Some of the reports are exaggerated and the party that has come to fight the elections here is trying to stir a hornet’s nest. They always complain against the ruling party. What they have to show is that the BJP workers were involved in the violence. Was there any arson? No police firing, no tear gas firing. So if nothing has been done, what is the point of making allegations?” Jishnu said.

Expressing his displeasure over complaints that people were not allowed to cast their votes, BJP MLA Sudip Roy Barman said, “I have received many complaints, of course, which does not speak well of democracy.” He further said that despite the imposition of section 144, many “outsiders” entered Agartala and were seen near polling booths.

“Why have outsiders entered here? What are their intentions? I have received many complaints that people were not allowed to cast their votes. I have seen a video where a person was standing near the EVM and telling people who to vote for. People should not be denied their fundamental rights,” Sudip said.

Interview | ‘Being Part of Alliances Will Help Bring Dalits Into Mainstream’: Thirumavalavan

The VCK leader speaks on winning two general constituencies in Tamil Nadu and how the victory was made possible because of the party’s stand on various general issues for over decades.

Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) has created history. In the just concluded elections to the Tamil Nadu’s state assembly, the VCK contested in six constituencies as part of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK)-led alliance and has won four. Significantly, among the four are two general constituencies.

For an Ambedkarite party that had resolutely stayed in the path of social justice and anti-Sanatana politics, the victory in general constituencies mean a larger acceptance. Behind this small yet very important victory is the three-decade labour put in by its phenomenal leader Thol Thirumavalavan. From his determination to fight on a separate symbol even as part of ‘grand alliances’ to his consistency in seeking general constituencies, Thirumavalavan combines the vision of social justice and political acumen to chart a new course in the state.

In this elaborate interview, he explains why the victory is essential.

This is the first time the VCK has won in general constituencies…

Yes, in 2006 we contested in two general constituencies but couldn’t win. In 2016, as part of Makkal Nala Kootani [People’s Welfare Front – third front comprising the Left, DMDK and MDMK], we did contest in some general constituencies but couldn’t win. Every time we were part of a bigger alliance, we have sought seats in general constituencies.

In 2001, we were part of the DMK alliance but the party denied our request for general constituencies fearing that we will lose. We had asked for general constituencies in Pondicherry too. In 2004 Lok Sabha elections, we forged alliance with smaller parties and our non-Dalit candidate in Pondicherry polled 25,000 votes. In 2006, we had asked for constituencies in the south but the AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) refused. We have been consistently refused general constituencies too. However, this time it was not the case.

We demanded two general constituencies, which we were allotted. There were of course discussions about the choice of constituencies. But the message is this: ‘We have been trying since 2001 and this time, it has been a successful attempt.’

Also read: How the VCK Emerged as More Than ‘Just a Dalit Party’ in the Tamil Nadu Elections

You have won in two general constituencies. Why do you think this victory is important?

The caste elements in Tamil Nadu have always tried to confine us to the Dalit identity. As a party, the VCK has been at the forefront in all issues concerning the welfare of the people and not just the electoral issues. We have been at the forefront of several people’s struggles like the Sri Lankan Tamils issue and the Cauvery water crisis. We held a statewide demonstration against the CAA [Citizenship (Amendment) Act] when it was introduced.

Before the Lok Sabha elections, we have had a rally and a conference called ‘Desam Kaappom’ (Save the Country) in Tiruchi. VCK has protested against the demonetisation move, and in Pondicherry we had held a conference that called for protection of the Constitution. We have had district-level protests against the farm laws. We have been very vocal about the OBC reservation.

We have transgressed the caste identity imposed on us and have consistently fought for general causes in public fronts. Despite such spontaneous reaction to various general issues, despite our involvement in general causes, we have been labelled as a ‘caste party’. The idea is to prevent us from getting recognition at a larger level. The idea is to sow the seeds of hatred against us among the non-Dalits.

When you sow the seeds of hatred against us among the non-Dalits, you don’t just isolate VCK as a party. But you also stop Dalits from transforming into a formidable political force. They are afraid that if Dalits emerge as a political force, if they gain access to power by getting elected as MLAs and MPs, the Dalits will dismantle the social order. It is this fear that enables the communal and casteist elements to target us.

Do you think the VCK alone is subject to such targets?

There are other Ambedkarite movements, but the elements that target us neither spread any slander [about those movements] like they do for us, nor do they make any complaints about them. Because those movements do not raise their voices in general fora which also means that they would not emerge as a political force. So, they do not find such movements intimidating.

VCK is marching towards a political identity that is inclusive of all of the society. Our struggle is to mainstream the Dalits. Dalits have been socially isolated. Our fight is against the political isolation of Dalits. It intimidates them.

But alliances are often forged for narrow political gains. How will they help fight political isolation of Dalits?

The idea is to get Dalits politically mainstreamed. Which means it is important to be part of larger alliances. In fact, we are not part of alliances just for votes. We believe that alliances will help bring the Dalits into the political mainstream. Alliances give an opportunity for Dalits and non-Dalits to work together on the ground. It is mandatory to seek votes for each other and do field work together. Electoral politics is not just about winning in the seats you are contesting in. You will have to work for alliance partners. In doing so, an isolated community will be able to mainstream themselves. We are part of alliances also because it will pave way for such mainstreaming.

Since we do this, parties like PMK (Paattali Makkal Katchi) and BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) have constantly hurled slander against us – they have called the VCK as a party against non-Dalits, as anti-women and more. But we prevailed, we held our ground. We fought for general issues. This change [winning general constituencies] did not happen in a day. It is the result of three-decade of politics.

I am also including the first decade of the VCK when we had abstained from electoral politics. Even then, as a party which stayed away from elections for a decade, we spoke up and fought for the cause of the Sri Lankan Tamils. Over the 25 years, we have spoken for general issues, we have spoken for students, for labourers and for federal rights.

Yes, the VCK has been very vocal on federal rights too.

After a long gap, it was the VCK which raised its voice for federal rights. Federal rights were an important issue in the DMK during Annadurai’s and Kalaignar Karunanidhi’s days. VCK has held a conference for state federal rights. That’s why I say: ‘The victory in two general constituencies was made possible because we have been vocal on various general issues for over 25 years now. I see this victory as a recognition accorded to the VCK by people of all sections, especially the democratic forces.’

Also read: Perumal Murugan: ‘The Limits of Freedom Now Are Exactly as They Were in the Past’

But wasn’t contesting on separate symbol a hurdle? One theory was that the VCK had very little time to reach its symbol to the people. That could perhaps explain the loss in two constituencies?

We have often been advised by both the AIADMK and the DMK [when in their alliances] to contest on their symbols. This had happened in 2006, 2011 and 2014. In 2019, when I contested for the Lok Sabha elections, many people outside of the DMK too advised me to contest on the DMK symbol. But we wanted to be consistent. I would call my stand, consistent and not adamant.

We are not worried about victories and losses, we were more concerned about winning the goodwill of all sections, of maintaining our individuality. We believe that it will help in the long run. Otherwise, it will be reduced to electoral adjustments. We cannot be doing electoral adjustments for temporary benefits. For us, this is an opportunity with far-reaching impact.

It was also important to protect our individual identity. Today, we have realised how far we have been recognised by the people. We have won two reserved constituencies and two general constituencies. When Dalits and non-Dalits work together in the political arena, the harmony is reflected in society too. Today, we have made it clear that it is possible to stand in electoral ground not just for votes but for issues too.

Thol Thirumavalavan at the VCK protests against the Manusmriti in Tamil Nadu on October 24, 2020. Photo: Special Arrangement

It has also been propagated that the VCK in alliance meant a dent in non-Dalit votes…

It was one of the many slanders that we had faced. It was repeatedly said that if Thirumavalavan is in alliance, the non-Dalits wouldn’t vote for that alliance. It was a well-planned slander. The truth is out at the end of every election.

I would say that there has been mutual transfer of votes. In 2011, the PMK and the VCK contested in DMK alliance. PMK founder Ramadoss acknowledged that Dalits had voted for the party since VCK was in alliance. If that could happen to a party that is seen as our arch-rival, what truth does this slander hold? The brief camaraderie that existed between the PMK and the VCK after that election reflected on the ground.

In Northern Tamil Nadu, the caste atrocity did not happen as much as it used to. It was common for violence to be unleashed on Dalits for flimsy reasons – like hoisting a flag. But when there was a political understanding, it led to harmony at a social level. This is exactly what we are striving for. This is exactly why we persevere. An alliance is not about winning four or five seats. It is an opportunity to work together in 234 seats. We contested in six seats but the VCK cadres, the Dalits worked on ground in 228 seats for our alliance partners and with their cadres. There have been interactions, debates and conversations leading to camaraderie. The forced enmity between Dalits and non-Dalits disappears there. We see alliances also as an opportunity to nurture this kind of social harmony. It is not acceptable to criticise us as compromising for a few seats.

Also read: Thol Thirumavalavan Has a Way for Dravidian Parties To Keep BJP at Bay

What is the next step for VCK?

We need to expand ourselves electorally across Tamil Nadu. We need to strengthen ourselves enough to contest in more seats. We will work on expanding our agenda so as to earn the goodwill of people from all sections. VCK has never believed in an identity as a caste party nor indulged in any action that will earn the hatred of other sections of the society. We will continue to be so. We will of course continue to fight for Dalits because Dalits face violence and oppression in the name of caste.

We believe that this violence and oppression should stop. We fight for that. But our fights, our struggles will never assume the dimension of hate for other sections. We have never done that; we will never do that. But we will expose and oppose the fringe elements and political groups that are responsible for the atrocities against Dalits. We do not hate non-Dalits, nor consider them our enemies. We will although continue to expose those who try to dominate in the name of caste or religion. We will make this even more clear in future. I believe only by doing so, we could reach out to the people of other sections and earn their goodwill and support.

I am confident we will be able to achieve it. It is this confidence that fuelled my determination to contest on separate symbol.

Why Indian Society Accepts and Approves the Inhuman Actions Being Perpetrated Today

The Indian society has been programmed to distance itself from its own humanity; its members no longer think for themselves, and accept as just any actions that are being taken against the marginalised.

This is a follow-up, for want of a better word, to N.C. Asthana’s incisive and disturbing article, published in The Wire, titled ‘Persecution Of Muslims Is No Longer About Divisive Politics: The Real Motive Is To Dehumanise’ on April 2.

Asthana underlines “the sheer moral depravity in recent cases of assault on Muslims” with the clear intent to debase and humiliate them, subjugate them so entirely that they are “totally disempowered” and realise their “unequal and inferior status”. What is worrying, he continues, is the “growing social acceptance and approval of these inhuman actions”, and he asks why, in view of the polarisation of society to such an extent that “electoral victories [for the ruling party] are assured”, there is “an ever-increasing gusto for such crimes”.

Isabel Wilkerson provides an answer in her brilliant and path-breaking study Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents with which I am sure many readers of The Wire are familiar. Wilkerson links the Indian caste system, the philosophical underpinnings of Nazism, and racism in America, and documents how these “caste systems” as she calls them, have influenced and directed the lives and behaviour of whole peoples and nations. The hierarchy of caste, she emphasises, is not about feelings or morality but about “power – which groups have it and which do not”, and she analyses how it operates.

In a key passage, Wilkerson states: “Dehumanisation is a standard component in the manufacture of an out-group against which to pit an in-group.” It is a “monumental task” for it is a “war against truth, against what the eye can see and what the heart could feel if allowed to do so on its own”. It does not “happen by accident”, it is “a process, a programming”.

“It is hard,” Wilkerson continues, “to dehumanise a single person standing in front of you, wiping away tears at the loss of a loved one, just as you would,” to “dehumanise a single individual” you have got to know. “Which is why people and groups who seek power and division do not bother with dehumanising an individual. Better to attach a stigma, a taint of pollution to an entire group.” (Emphasis added)

Also read: Watch: How Are Muslims Voting In the Kerala Elections?

If the group is dehumanised, so of course is every person in it. But she then goes on to make a crucial point, a point I wish to stress:

Dehumanisation distances not only the out-group from the in-group, but those in the in-group from their own humanity. It makes slaves to groupthink of everyone in the hierarchy. A caste system relies on de-humanisation to lock the marginalised outside of the norms of humanity so that any action against them is seen as reasonable.

This is the answer to the question Asthana raises, how Indian society accepts and approves of the inhuman actions that are being perpetrated. It has been and is being programmed, it has been distanced from its own humanity, it has been brainwashed, its members no longer think for themselves, and accept as reasonable and just any actions that are being taken against the marginalised.

It is this “dehumanisation” of society which is terrible and terrifying. What we have, as Asthana puts it so well, is a “deadly combination of a majoritarian regime and a hate-filled, brainwashed majority” and the “misuse” by that majority of “state and police to persecute and torment”.

Mythili Kaul was professor of English at the University of Delhi.

Watch | Will Dilip Ghosh Become BJP’s CM Candidate for West Bengal?

In this episode of The Wire’s election bulletin, we discuss the manifesto issued by the Bharatiya Janata Party for West Bengal, among other issues.

In this episode of The Wire’s election bulletin, we discuss the manifesto issued by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for West Bengal. In the manifesto, BJP has said it will implement the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, i.e. the CAA in West Bengal. Apart from this, we also talk about what more is included in the BJP manifesto for the people of West Bengal; chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s politics of Muslim ‘appeasement’; and BJP’s potential chief ministerial candidate.

No Atrocity in Hathras, Gangrape “Fake”: Chhattisgarh BJP MP

Mohan Mandavi, who represents Kanker seat, had made these remarks during a protest held last week by his party over the alleged gangrape and suicide by an 18-year-old tribal woman in Dhanora area.

Kondagaon: A Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MP from Chhattisgarh has stoked a controversy by reportedly referring to the alleged gangrape and death of a 19-year-old Dalit woman in Hathras as a banavat (fake) incident, drawing flak from the ruling Congress.

Mohan Mandavi, who represents Kanker seat, had made these remarks during a protest held last week by his party in Kondagaon district over the alleged gangrape and suicide by an 18-year-old tribal woman in Dhanora area.

“If there will a CBI investigation (into the Dhanora case), similar incidents will be unearthed in every four to five villages (of Bastar in Chhattisgarh) [of] those who fabricated the false story of Hathras. No atrocity had occurred there.”

“…..use banavati banakar, use atyachar banakar (by making up the Hathras incident), senior Congress leaders have been visiting there where nothing has happened,” Mandavi said while addressing a gathering, a video of which has been doing rounds of social media.

The BJP leader said atrocities have been taking place on tribals in Bastar.

Also read: Chhattisgarh: BJP Demands Removal of Minister Who Called Rape of Minor ‘Small’ Incident

“Why don’t they [Congress leaders] come here? Why do they hide their faces? Where are so-called well-wishers of tribals have gone? Chief minister [Bhupesh Baghel] should step down as they are not able to handle the situation here,” he said.

He later told local reporters that newspapers have reported that Hathras incident was “banawati” (fake).

“It is viral on Twitter. That [Hathras] was a banavat incident while it [which occurred in Dhanora] was a genuine one. Therefore, we have staged a demonstration.”

“The Congress stages protests for made-up incidents and not for genuine ones. Hathras is located miles away from here where no one has given us votes but the Congress has been going there for staging a dharna,” the MP added.

Reacting sharply, the Congress said the MP’s remarks reflect the mindset of BJP towards the Hathras incident.

“Mandavi’s statement reflects the mindset of the BJP toward the Hathras incident. It has made clear that senior BJP leaders will only speak on the issues of only those areas where they have got votes.

“It is unfortunate that Mandavi went to media to substantiate his false statement,” state Congress spokesperson Dhananjay Singh Thakur said.

Meanwhile, state BJP spokesperson Sanjeev Shrivastav has slammed Congress for adopting “double standards” over incidents of sexual assaults on women while “keeping mum” on the Dhanora incident.

“Recently, a minister in Chhattisgarh described the gangrape occurred in Chhattisgarh as a small incident while comparing it with Hathras incident, which shows shameful political thinking of the ruling party,” Shrivastav said.