Despite Efforts, BJP Fails to Pull an ‘Ajit Pawar’ in Bihar

Recently, the BJP is learned to have made serious efforts to engineer a split in the Janata Dal (United) and coerce the Rashtriya Janata Dal.

A day after the senior Nationalist Congress Party leader Ajit Pawar took oath as a deputy chief minister in Maharashtra, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) named the Bihar deputy chief minister Tejashwi Yadav in a supplementary charge-sheet for the ‘land for jobs’ scam in the Railways.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi had notably said at Bhopal earlier (on June 27) that NCP leaders were involved in scams worth Rs 70,000 crore and he would “not spare them”. Central investigation agencies were hot on the heels of Ajit Pawar and others in his party in connection with ‘scams’ in irrigation, cooperatives and other sectors in Maharashtra.

But Ajit Pawar is learned to have “shocked” his uncle, mentor and NCP president Sharad Pawar as he and eight party colleagues joined the Bharatiya Janata Party-supported Eknath Shinde government.  Several leaders who took oath last Sunday were on the scanner of central investigating agencies. “They (Ajit and his colleagues) have gone into the BJP’s washing machine; they will now come out laundered off their taints,” the Rashtriya Janata Dal spokesman and MP Manoj Jha said.

Ajit Pawar and his colleagues now have joined a club populated by Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, Union minister Narayan Rane and numerous others who faced charges of corruption but are free from the same after joining the BJP.

It is now a given that with central investigation agencies at their command, the BJP, under the stewardship of Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah, is in a position to engineer defections usurping the electoral mandates in Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Goa in the last five years, and now Maharashtra.

Also read: Maharashtra: Five NCP Leaders Who Have Moved Over to Shinde Govt Are Facing Corruption Cases

The BJP has made at least two attempts to play the same game in Bihar in the last year but has failed.

Tejashwi Yadav-Ajit Pawar

The BJP tried its tricks on Lalu Prasad Yadav, particularly after Nitish joined Lalu for the first time and the RJD-Janata Dal (United)-Congress alliance inflicted a crushing defeat on it in the 2015 assembly polls. The CBI got hyperactive against Lalu, ensuring his conviction in as many as four fodder scam cases. It also filed two fresh cases related to his times as a Railway minister, from 2004 to 2009. With the CBI vociferously opposing his bail, Lalu stayed in jail for over four years.

The CBI and Enforcement Directorate then embroiled Tejashwi in the cases of allotment of two IRCTC hotels to private operators and in the ‘land for job scam’, both allegedly occurring during Lalu’s tenure as railways minister. The CBI chargesheeted Tejashwi along with his father and mother Rabri Devi in the IRCTC case but the court granted them bail in 2018.

On Monday, July 3, the CBI filed a supplementary chargesheet in the ‘land for job scam’ case, naming Tejashwi too.

His parents, elder sister and Rajya Sabha MP Misa Bharti already stand chargesheeted in this case. Tejashwi has repeatedly said that the investigating agencies had been working as the BJP’s “extension office”. He has invited them to open their office at his residence so that they do not have trouble travelling to him.

Soon after the CBI named Tejashwi in its chargesheet, Lalu attacked Modi, describing the latter as the “most corrupt”.

Nitish Kumar-Sharad Pawar

Simultaneous with the Eknath Shinde rebellion within the Shiv Sena ranks in June-July 2022, the BJP it is said, also tried to split the Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)] through Ram Chandra Prasad Singh or ‘RCP’, the party’s lone minister in the Modi cabinet then and one of Nitish’s confidantes.

But Nitish dumped the BJP and joined the RJD-Congress-Left grand alliance. He also refused a third term to RCP as Rajya Sabha MP and sacked him from the party, so efforts to engineer a split proved useless.

Recently, attempts were also made to split the 45 MLA-strong JD(U) in Bihar. Many TV channels began running a story about rumblings in the JD(U) and a likely split in it at around the same time as the Ajit Pawar rebellion. In the meantime, Harivansh Narayan Singh – deputy chairman of the Rajya Sabha and a JD(U) MP who is believed to have shifted his loyalty to the BJP – met Nitish at Patna on July 3, fuelling speculations of a split in the party.

Also read: In Maharashtra, It’ll Be Open Season Until the 2024 Lok Sabha Election

While TV channels spoke of an hour-and-half-long meeting between Harivansh and Nitish, the real meeting is learnt to have been 15 minutes. The JD(U) is not keen on him ever since he attended the inauguration of the new parliament last month and praised the prime minister. But he is the deputy chairman in the Rajya Sabha with the BJP’s support and the consensus in the JD(U) is that he can’t be ousted from a constitutional post suddenly.

Nitish, on his part, has begun meeting all his MLAs, MLCs and MPs of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha personally. The meeting with Harivansh was part of this series of meetings, which started last on June 30, party insiders maintain.

Most JD(U) leaders who met Nitish individually, and who this writer spoke to, said that the CM was keen on getting news from the ground level from them. This, they said, would help the party fight the BJP in the 2024 general elections. Nitish has also been advising his party’s lawmakers on how to explain to the people why the JD(U) had parted ways with the BJP and “how the Hindutva party was dangerous for the democracy and constitution.”

In a way, Nitish has succeeded where Sharad Pawar failed. The BJP requires over 30 MLAs to split the JD(U). Such a thing looks impossible given Nitish’s control over his party.

Nalin Verma is a senior journalist, media educator and independent researcher in social anthropology.

India’s Push for New Steel Represents Everything Askew With Developmental Ambitions

The steel ministry is pushing for new investments when the country’s production capacity is already higher than its current production and demand.

Earlier this month, the Union minister of steel, Ram Chandra Prasad Singh, inaugurated ‘Steel Week’ at the Indian Pavilion at Expo 2020 in Dubai. The event showcases India’s potential in the sector and invites investors from the UAE, a press release from the Union government said. The event, reflecting India’s push for new investments in the sector, happened against the backdrop of ongoing unrest against a newly proposed steel plant near the Paradip port in Jagatsinghpur district, Odisha.

The aggressive push for new steel represents everything askew with India’s developmental ambitions, its global role in mitigating carbon emissions, its pretence about protecting the rights of Indigenous communities and its regard for public health and safety. Moreover, the steel ministry is pushing for new investments when the country’s production capacity is already higher than its current production and demand.

New plant, old problems

The integrated steel plant, with a production capacity of 13.2 million tonnes per annum (MTPA), will be supported by a 900-MW captive power plant that is proposed to be built by JSW Utkal Steel Limited. The Rs 65,000-crore project will require nearly 3,000 acres of common lands. The project will also have a 10 MTPA cement plant and captive jetties with a handling capacity of 52 MTPA.

The project is proposed to be built at the same site where a South Korean company, POCSO, was to build a steel plant. The memorandum of understanding between POCSO and the Odisha state government, signed in 2005, was greeted with stiff resistance from the locals. The conflict continued until 2016, leaving tens of civilians injured by the state’s security forces.

The movement pushed the National Green Tribunal to relook at the environmental clearance given to the project. In its order in 2016, the tribunal criticised the government for considering only four MTPA in its environmental impact assessment while the project’s capacity was 12 MTPA.

The latest proposal from JSW Utkal Steel Limited has mobilised them once again. Their previous experience with police – the face of state brutality – has left a scar on their collective ethos. Fearing the loss of common lands that would impact their livelihoods, the people of Dhinkia mobilised themselves once again. In January this year, the police resorted to lathi charges, injuring more than 100 people. They also barricaded their village in fear of further police violence.

Dhinkia villagers protest steel factory and police excesses at the proposed site for the JSW factory, Odisha. Photo: Twitter/@MishraKedar1

Flawed environmental clearance

The ghosts of POSCO’s plant have come back to haunt Jindal’s steel plant. Much like POCSO’s environmental impact assessment (EIA), the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air analysis of the current project environmental impact assessment reveals its fraught nature.

The EIA compares the three-season average to daily PM10 levels, both of which have different upper limits. This skewed comparison attempts to portray the region’s air ambient quality as cleaner than in reality, allowing them to justify an increased pollution load. In addition, the EIA accounts neither for mercury and other heavy metals generated from its operation nor for the secondary particulate formation of SO2  and NOx.

Paradip, the district where the plant has been proposed, is already amongst the most polluted in the country, classified as ‘severely polluted’ under the Comprehensive Environmental Pollution Index as the particulate matter exceeds the prescribed limits. Emissions from the proposed steel plant will be on par with the entire region’s emission load.

For instance, while the total emission load for SO2 is 43,600kg per day for the entire industrial cluster (including 15 ‘Red’ category industries), the proposed plant alone is estimated to emit around 31,000 kg per day. The plant is expected to emit more than double the region’s current emission load for particulate matter.

Also Read: The Decarbonisation Challenge for India’s Steelmakers

Steel and climate change

This proposed plant is just one of India’s many in the pipeline to double its production capacity by the end of the decade. While the current total crude steel production capacity is 143.91 million tonnes, the National Steel Policy 2017 envisages production of 300 MT by 2030-2031. “It is expected that at the current rate of GDP growth, the steel demand will grow threefold in the next 15 years to reach a demand of 212-247 MT by 2030-31,” it reads. The policy arrived at this number assuming a GDP growth of 7.5%.

The policy justified the urgency of the ministry’s plans thus: “Going forward, the accelerated spend in the infrastructure sector, expansion of railways network, development of domestic shipbuilding industry, opening up of defence sector for private participation, anticipated growth in automobile and capital goods industry and the construction in urban & rural areas, are expected to create significant demand for steel in the country.”

As part of this push, the Union government, on October 20, 2021, announced a production-linked incentive with an outlay of Rs 6,322 crore to be released over the following five years.

The aggressive push for steel flies in the face of India’s carbon commitments and is also not required. In 2020-21, India produced only 96.20 million tonnes of finished steel, which is two-thirds of the country’s capacity. India’s steel consumption is much lower than it produces and nowhere near its production capacity. India’s finished steel consumption between 2016 and 2021 ranged from 83.7 MTPA to 94.1 MTPA, according to the latest annual report of the Steel Authority of India Ltd. Crude steel production ranged between 95.5 MTPA and 110.9 MTPA in the same period.

The energy intensity of the steel sector has shown little change globally. It is still highly reliant on coal – which meets 75% of its energy demand. India’s steel sector is notably worse. While the global average emissions are 1.1 tons of CO2 per tonne of crude steel, India emits two tons of carbon. Being a major economy, India’s unplanned aggressive push for new steel plants can be a setback in the world’s fight against climate change.

“Iron and steel production is the single largest emitter of greenhouse gas emissions contributing to 32% of the total manufacturing sector emissions in India. Driven by the National Steel Policy 2017, the sector is expected to have a three-fold increase in production capacity by 2030,” according to a report by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water.

Steel is considered crucial for India’s economic aspirations as a superpower. However, new steel plants could push the sector into financial disarray – much like the coal industry. Subsequent years of flattened power demand and cheap electricity from renewable sources have stranded assets to the tune of $60 billion. In 2018, a special parliamentary committee estimated that India has about 40 gigawatts of stressed and stranded thermal power assets.

Apart from financial costs, the push for steel profoundly impacts local communities and destroys ancient forests. The people of Dhinkia are still under siege by the police. Moreover, unregulated emissions from the proposed industry are not just a health risk to nearly 25,000 people but also a threat to the region’s vibrant agricultural economy.

The steel sector requires swathes of forests to be cleared for iron ore mining. The push for unnecessary steel, at the cost of these carbon sinks, also exposes India’s approach towards equitable growth, just transition and the earnestness of its efforts to reduce carbon emissions.

India’s steel consumption is projected to grow in the midterm, and the need to increase production capacity could become a necessity. First, however, the sector needs to move away from fossil fuels. Policymakers must consider cheaper, cleaner and future-proof ways to meet the country’s steel demand. Some of these include ramping up scrap steel recycling and investing in green hydrogen as a fuel source. These measures would also safeguard the country from volatile and fluctuating global coal and fossil gas prices.

Prafulla Samantara, who won the Goldman Environmental Prize in 2017, is a social justice activist based in Odisha. He led a 12-year legal battle against Vedanta Resources that proposed to clear 1,660 acres of forestlands to extract bauxite from the Niyamgiri Hills.

Bihar: Was the Cabinet Reshuffle an Exercise to Cut Nitish Kumar Further to Size?

The reshuffle, when looked at through Bihar’s prism, also appears to be a way of rewarding anti-minority voices.

Patna: Soon after retaining power in 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi offered Janata Dal (United) a ministerial berth but its then chief, Nitish Kumar, refused.

The Bihar chief minister said the offer was not proportionate to his party’s strength. The JD(U) has 16 MPs against the BJP’s 17 from Bihar.

Two years down the line, JD(U)’s new president, Ram Chandra Prasad Singh or ‘RCP’, who had also been one to articulate the reasons for the party not to have a Union minister in 2019, took the oath as Union minister among others on Wednesday.

He was the only member from JD(U) to do so.

Now the question arises as to how Nitish Kumar made this decision, despite BJP not accommodating at all Nitish’s demand for “proportionate representation”.

Has BJP’s central leadership, through the cabinet reshuffle, cut Nitish further to size? Is BJP keen to reward anti-minority voices in Bihar?

President Ram Nath Kovind administers oath to Ramchandra Prasad Singh as a Cabinet Minister, at a swearing-in ceremony at the Rashtrapati Bhavan, in New Delhi Wednesday, July 7, 2021. Photo: PTI

Operation against Nitish

Nitish’s desertion of the RJD-JDU-Congress mahagathbandhan in the background of the Rs 2000-crore Srijan scam and return to the BJP under Narendra Modi-Amit Shah was nothing if not sudden. Nitish had rebelled against Modi’s rise and deserted the BJP in 2013.

But the BJP has, very systematically, been cutting Nitish to size ever since his return.

The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) filed a charge-sheet against the former IAS officer-turned-JD(U) leader and close aide of Nitish, K.P. Ramaiah, eroding Nitish’s image of running a corruption-free dispensation ahead of 2020 assembly elections in the state.

The Modi-Shah duo sharpened their political manoeuvres against Nitish even more after the 2020 assembly elections. It replaced the BJP stalwart and Nitish’s ‘friend’, Sushil Kumar Modi with two lesser known party leaders, Renu Devi and Tarkeshwar Prasad – identified with hard-line Hindutva – as deputy chief ministers.

In fact, Sushil Modi – a product of the JP movement who grew in the era of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani and appeared to adhere to an accommodative and comparatively liberal politics – was the key link between Nitish and the erstwhile BJP high command.

Plus, Nitish had Arun Jaitely – who too had grown tall under the tutelage of Advani and Vajpayee – as his “friend” who advocated for Nitish at the BJP’s central high command.

Also read: A Cabinet Reshuffle That Holds Out No Promise of Good Governance

It was when Jaitely was in charge of the BJP’s affairs in Bihar that BJP had given more seats to the JD(U) and Advani had declared Nitish as NDA’s prospective chief minister ahead of 2005 assembly elections. Jaitely was reasonably powerful in the Modi-Shah era too when Nitish returned to the BJP. Jaitely’s death took away Nitish’s staunch advocate at the BJP.

What has surprised one and all in Bihar is that the Prime Minister has left out Sushil Modi – who was sent to the Rajya Sabha after losing his deputy CM’s position – in his cabinet reshuffle on Wednesday.

By far, Sushil has played the pivotal role in building the BJP and also the NDA against the mighty Lalu Prasad Yadav in the last three decades. Sushil had emerged as the face of Bihar BJP in 1990s when Narendra Modi was struggling to get a foothold in Gujarat BJP and Amit Shah was a persona non grata.

Sushil Kumar Modi

Sushil Kumar Modi at an election rally during the Bihar state assembly elections 2020. Photo: Facebook/ Sushil Kumar Modi

The circumstances in which Ram Chandra Prasad Singh has been inducted in the central cabinet suggests that RCP has been “rewarded” for playing ball with the prime minister and Union home minister more than working for the interest of his own party.

Before deserting the mahagathbandhan, Nitish had incidentally visited Rajgir with RCP. It’s believed that Modi-Shah used RCP – who is from the same caste and Nalanda district as Nitish – in getting Nitish back to the BJP fold. Nitish had ditched the mahagathbandhan soon after returning with RCP to Patna in July 2017.

After Nitish’s return to the BJP, RCP has invariably been championing the BJP’s line more than his own party’s. For example, he had spoken more vociferously than even the BJP leaders in supporting the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in parliament and has been extremely soft on the NRC and Uniform Civil Code too – which were seen as key differences between the JD(U) and BJP.

He is also believed to have played a pivotal role in getting Nitish to sack the former diplomat Pavan K. Varma and election strategist Prashant Kishor who opposed the NRC and CAA. The grapevine has it that RCP is “Narendra Modi’s and Amit Shah’s man” in the party of Nitish who now has no one to represent him in the BJP.

Promoting anti-minority voices

Within a week after the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat said, “Those asking the Muslims to go to Pakistan are not Hindus”, the PM has drafted Anurag Thakur – who gained infamy for his “goli maaro…ko” jibe – in his cabinet as information and broadcasting minister.

But what is important in Bihar’s context is that the prime minister has pampered Giriraj Singh who had joined the Centre as a minister of state but now holds the key rural development portfolio which the RJD leader and socialist stalwart Raghuvansh Prasad Singh once held. Giriraj had openly asked Muslims to “go to Pakistan” before the 2014 Lok Sabha, 2015 assembly elections and 2019 Lok Sabha elections.

BJP president Amit Shah and Giriraj Singh during an election campaign rally in Begusarai district. Photo: PTI

He was an eyesore for Nitish even when the latter was more powerful in the pre-Modi Shah era. The prime minister has also dropped Ravi Shankar Prasad, the Patna Sahib MP, from his ministry. Though a product of the Advani-Vajpayee era, Ravi Shankar has, of late, tried his best to catch up with the new BJP by attacking the farmers’ stir and launching a war against and on Twitter.

A surprise inclusion in the cabinet is the leader of the breakaway Lok Janshakti Party, Pashupati Kumar Paras. The saffron party had, apparently, used the LJP chief, Chirag Paswan against Nitish’s JD(U) in 2020 assembly elections. It is said that Nitish played from behind the scenes to engineer a split in the LJP as revenge against Chirag.

Pashupati and the group had expressed faith in Nitish’s leadership. The grapevine has it that the prime minister has, in fact, made Pashupati minister from the JD(U)’s “quota”.

Nalin Verma is a senior journalist, author and professor of journalism and mass communication at Invertis University, Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh.

Nitish’s ‘Cluelessness’ Amid BJP’s Bihar Expansion Plan May Risk JD(U)’s Damage

Many senior party leaders, for the first time, shifted their attack on the BJP from the LJP, holding their saffron ally responsible for the JD(U)’s poor show in Bihar’s assembly elections.

Patna: Nitish Kumar’s statement that he “failed to understand who were his friends and who were his enemies during the recently concluded state elections”, apparently reflects his “cluelessness” against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which in a way is systematically corroding his own party, Janata Dal (United).

A dozen of his party’s defeated candidates squarely blamed the BJP for their defeat. “The BJP used Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) president, Chirag Paswan as a ‘pawn’ to defeat the JD(U),” said Bogo Singh, defeated JD(U) candidate from Matihani in Begusarai. Many senior party leaders, for the first time, shifted their attack on the BJP from the LJP, holding their saffron ally responsible for the JD(U)’s poor show in Bihar’s assembly elections, at their state executive meeting last week.

And the chief minister who is otherwise known for the economy of words, sounded in agreement with his party colleagues. “During the election campaigns, I failed to understand who our friends were and who our enemies were. I had a sense of the ground reality when I returned home after the day’s campaigning but it was too late. Had the distribution of seats among the allies taken place five months in advance, the JD(U) wouldn’t have suffered. It was the JD(U) that suffered more because of the confusion,” Nitish said, blaming the BJP for creating “confusion”.

He reiterated, “I was not ready to become the chief minister. I accepted the position on the request and under pressure from the BJP.”

A section of media has tried to interpret Nitish’s sudden utterances against the BJP as part of his strategy to score over his ally that has won 74 MLAs emerging as an emphatic big brother against the JD(U), which has been reduced to 43 seats. But a close inquiry in his party brings to the fore his “helplessness and cluelessness” against the BJP, which is seemingly working to systematically eat into the JD(U) and expand itself over its (JDU’s) residue.

Also read: We’re Witnessing the Irrevocable Loss of ‘Brand’ Nitish Kumar

BJP’s systematic operation against JD(U)

The Wire in its reports, along with other media publications, had clearly indicated that the BJP had been “clandestinely” using Ram Vilas Paswan’s son to its advantage, in order to reduce Nitish Kumar’s clout in Bihar. In fact, BJP leaders including home minister Amit Shah and BJP president J.P. Nadda met Chirag Paswan at least six times in the run up to the assembly elections.

Former deputy chief minister, Sushil Modi, was an exception in “honestly” attacking Chirag during the campaign. However, while Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and a battery of star campaigners of the BJP were ambiguous about Chirag, over a dozen hardcore RSS-BJP leaders contested assembly elections on LJP’s tickets.

By saying that he “failed to understand who his enemies were and who his friends were”, Nitish has just admitted what the media wrote during the assembly elections.

While “hurting” Nitish through Chirag, the Modi-Shah-led BJP is believed to have made inroads into the JD(U)’s parliamentary party too. Nitish recently got himself replaced as the JD(U) president by ‘trusted’ protégée and his party leader in the Rajya Sabha, Ram Chandra Prasad Singh.

It is pertinent to remember here that RCP – as Singh is commonly referred to – led the JD(U) MPs to vote for the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, and strongly advocated for the implementation of the National Register for Citizens (NRC) in the Rajya Sabha. JD(U) leader Lallan Singh led JD(U) MPs to vote for CAA in the lower house.

The grapevine in the BJP has it that RCP, Lallan and several other JD(U) MPs are “enamoured” by the prime minister and Union home minister. Moreover, they are aspirants for ministerial berths which only the prime minister can fulfil. “They (RCP, Lallan and their likes) want Nitish to be in sync with the BJP on ideological planes too. Though they continue to be loyal to Nitish, they have got saffron philosophy in their heart and mind”, confided a senior BJP leader.

Ironically, Nitish who got a resolution against NRC passed in the Bihar legislature has given prominence to supporters of NRC and CAA in the JD(U). Personally, Nitish might be opposed to the NRC and even CAA but his party has got more MPs who “idolise” Modi and Shah on the issue.

Also read: The Numbers Hide a Political Churning in Bihar

Possible solution?

What is the way out for Nitish when the leader of opposition and chief ministerial face of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)-led Mahagathbandhan, Tejashwi Yadav, has categorically stated that there is no room for Nitish in Mahagathbandhan?

Replying to the query, senior vice-president of the RJD and veteran socialist leader, Shivanand Tiwary, who had played a pioneering role in the formation of Samata Party that later became JD(U) said, “Tejashwi has stated what he is supposed to speak in the given situation. It’s time for Nitish to take a call. The RJD will have no option other than supporting him if he (Nitish) leaves the BJP and goes for a confidence motion in the House. The ball is in Nitish’s court and there is a way out too. But Nitish will have to take the plunge to save the socialist secular ideology and his party”.

Shivanand pointed out, “Nitish is still doing everything to increase his bargaining power with the BJP.” And the BJP – busy with West Bengal elections – might give him some concessions too. But the saffron party is very meticulous and systematic in devouring the JD(U).

The BJP has not so far reacted to Nitish’s utterances. But the party organised a two-day training camp on January 9 and 10 at Rajgir under the stewardship of its general secretary and Bihar in-charge, Bhupendra Yadav. “It was a session to train BJP leaders on the party’s ideology, agenda and its policies,” said the BJP spokesman, Nikhil Anand. And the BJP’s ideology and agenda are an open secret. 

Nalin Verma is a senior journalist, author and professor of journalism and mass communications at Invertis University, Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh.

How BJP Influenced Nitish Kumar’s Sudden Transfer of Power to ‘RCP’

The restructure of the JDU after the Arunachal debacle points ever more clearly to a certain ‘sourness’ between the BJP and the JD(U).

Patna: In a surprise move on Sunday, Nitish Kumar, chief minister of Bihar, relinquished his position as the national president of the Janata Dal (United) (JDU) in favour of Ram Chandra Prasad Singh, erecting a ‘wall’ between the JD(U) and its ally, the BJP, with Singh as its gatekeeper.

Nitish had been elected the JD(U)’s national president in 2019 for a three-year term to be concluded in 2022, but he instead stepped down and proposed RCP (as Singh is widely known) to assume the position. The move was unanimously approved by the party’s executive members at their meeting at Nitish’s residence.

Now, the BJP’s leadership will have to negotiate with RCP for access to Nitish, akin to Nitish’s access to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union minister for home affairs Amit Shah through J.P. Nadda, the BJP’s national president.

Arunachal fallout?

Except for Modi and Shah, no one knows the terms on which Nitish suddenly dumped the Mahagathbandhan (the coalition of anti-BJP parties) two years after it came to power in Bihar in 2015 and allied with the BJP instead. But between 2017 and 2019, Nitish had direct access to the prime minister and union home minister. However, just ahead of the 2020 assembly elections, the BJP began talking to Nitish via Nadda and Bhupendra Yadav, the BJP’s general secretary and the person-in-charge of Bihar.

File photo of Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar. Photo: PTI

According to the grapevine, Nitish was “viciously” anguished by this lack of “trust” on the part of the BJP leadership. So when six MLAs in Arunachal Pradesh quit the JD(U) and joined the BJP this month, Nitish restructured the party. The JD(U)’s executive members then formally adopted a resolution condemning the BJP for splitting the JD(U) in Arunachal Pradesh.

“The JD(U)’s split in Arunachal Pradesh amounts to a grave violation of the spirit of coalition dharma,” said K.C. Tyagi, party’s secretary general and spokesperson.

The party’s executive members also attacked the BJP’s ‘love jihad’ campaign, which has sharpened the divide between Hindus and Muslims. BJP-ruled states including Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Haryana have already begun arresting men from the minority community for marrying Hindu girls.

“Framing youths in the name of ‘love jihad’ is illegal. It has aggravated the atmosphere of hate in different parts of India. The constitution and the laws guarantee that consenting male and female adults can choose their partners as they wish, irrespective of their religious or caste identities. The JD(U) doesn’t approve of the so-called ‘love jihad’,” said Tyagi, quoting the JD(U)’s official resolution on the matter.

The background

The restructuring of the JDU and its resolutions against the BJP is rooted in the belief of the JD(U) that the BJP’s leadership “clandestinely” propped up Lok Janashakti Party (LJP) chief, Chirag Paswan, to rebel against the JD(U) and contest elections against it.

More than 15 hardcore RSS-BJP functionaries contested against JD(U) nominees on the LJP’s tickets, leaving the JD(U) to win only 43 seats in the 2020 assembly elections.  The JD(U) has made it clear its poor show is due to the LJP’s rebellion.

Also read: We’re Witnessing the Irrevocable Loss of ‘Brand’ Nitish Kumar

After Nitish became Bihar’s chief minister again, the BJP, with 74 MLAs against the JDU’s 43, has been brazenly showing that it represents the ‘big brother’ in the JD(U)-BJP alliance. It has not taken any action against the LJP for its rebellion. It has insisted on making Vijay Kumar Sinha the speaker of the state assembly and foisted two deputy chief ministers, Tarkishore Prasad and Renu Devi, on Nitish without consulting him. Some BJP legislators have openly asked Nitish to give BJP the home portfolio, which has traditionally been with the chief minister.

The expansion of the council of ministers is still pending and Nitish has blamed the BJP for the delay. Sources say that the BJP is insisting on “lucrative” portfolios and Nitish is in no mood to “succumb”.

Who is RCP?

Born in 1958, RCP was an Uttar Pradesh cadre IAS officer, who served as district magistrate in various districts of UP. Though RCP shares his Kurmi caste and native place of Nalanda with Nitish, his first brush with politics was through UP’s socialist leader Beni Prasad Verma. RCP worked as Verma’s private secretary when the latter was a Union minster in the 1990s. Verma apparently introduced RCP to Nitish and Nitish worked with RCP when he became railway minister in the Attal Bihari Vajpayee government.

Ram Chandra Prasad Singh. Photo: Facebook.

In 2005, RCP went to Bihar on deputation and became principal secretary to Nitish when the latter became the chief minister. RCP had taken voluntary retirement in 2010 and became a JD(U) member of parliament in the Rajya Sabha. Nitish renewed RCP’s term to the Rajya Sabha in 2016. Before he became the JD(U)’s national president, RCP had been the party’s general secretary (organisation). Though he is known for his “knowledge” on politics, RCP has, by and large, operated as a “faceless” party worker.

Also read: The End of the Road for Nitish Kumar

Such a leader suits Nitish’s style of functioning, who does not like his party presidents to have minds of their own. In 2003, Nitish had even replaced the towering George Fernandes with Sharad Yadav when the former showed a “proclivity” to differ with Nitish.

Similarly, Nitish became JD(U) president replacing Sharad Yadav before severing ties with Mahagathbandhan and going back to the BJP in 2017. A low-profile operator, RCP is Nitish’s loyal protégée.

Possible consequences

While it is premature to predict the long-term consequences of the “sourness” in the JD(U)-BJP relationship, the fact, however, remains that it is now out in the open. Now, the BJP’s Nadda and Bhupendra Yadav will have to talk to Nitish via RCP, particularly on political and policy issues.

Tyagi, speaking on behalf of his party, said: “The JD(U) has resolved to contest the assembly elections in Bengal. The party’s national president has been authorised to find out whom the party should strike alliance with (sic).”

Now it seems, the JDU has opened itself to options beyond the NDA in states beyond Bihar.

Nalin Verma is a senior journalist and author of Gopalganj to Raisina – My Political Journey, an autobiography of Lalu Prasad Yadav. He has also authored The Greatest Folk Tales of Bihar.

Article 370: After Initial Opposition, JD(U) Strikes Reconciliatory Note

National general secretary of the JD(U), Ram Chandra Prasad Singh, said the party does not wish to engage in further ideological sparring.

Patna: After opposing the Centre’s resolution to revoke provisions of Article 370 and a Bill to bifurcate Jammu and Kashmir, NDA ally Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) on Wednesday struck a reconciliatory note and said the law that had come into force should be abided by all.

National general secretary of the JD(U), Ram Chandra Prasad Singh, said the party does not wish to engage in further ideological sparring.

“The law that has come into force with the passing of the Bill in parliament is the law of the land. It should be abided by all. Our differences with the BJP on this issue have always been known and we registered our protest by not voting for it,” Singh, also the JD(U) leader in the Rajya Sabha, told reporters here.

JD(U) lawmakers in both Houses of parliament had opposed the resolution for scrapping the provisions of Article 370 and reorganising Jammu and Kashmir into two union territories.

They spoke against the Bill followed by a walkout, stopping short of voting against the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, 2019.

“We could not have supported the Bill. We were not consulted by the Centre before it brought the Bill. We have an ideological position on the issue based on the stance taken by our founding president George Fernandes and, previously, socialist stalwarts like Lohia and J.P. (Jayprakash Narayan),” Singh said.

“However, now that the Bill has been passed by Parliament, we do not wish to engage in further ideological sparring,” he said.

The party’s concern now is that the people of Jammu and Kashmir reap the fruits of better governance promised by the Centre, he added.

Also read: AAP’s Younger Leaders Likely to Oppose Party’s Stand on Kashmir

Singh, one of the closest aides of JD(U) president Nitish Kumar, said the ideological differences will not affect the ruling coalition in Bihar.

“Our ideological differences will have no bearing on the NDA in Bihar. The coalition is intact and we are looking forward to contesting the state assembly polls together next year,” he said.

The JD(U) national general secretary also dismissed party MLC Ghulam Rasool Balyawi’s statement that the development in Parliament indicated that “there is no NDA, only the BJP”.

“It is a democracy and all people have a right to express their individual opinions. The party took a stand in Parliament and now it wants to work in cooperation with the government at the Centre. And the party stand is in consonance with the thinking of Nitish Kumar, who is our supreme leader,” Singh said.

Notably, the JD(U) has maintained that it does not share the BJP’s views on contentions issues like Article 370, Uniform Civil Code and Ayodhya dispute.

Last month, the party had also opposed the triple talaq Bill, expressing apprehension that it might create “an atmosphere of distrust” in the society.