Tag: LJP

Ranjit Don, Mastermind of Pre-Online Exam Paper Leak Scandals, Has Close Ties With NDA Leaders

Ranjit Don’s involvement in competitive exam rackets even outside Bihar from a very young age has been well-documented, and his name has also been linked to the Vyapam scam in Madhya Pradesh. Despite this, neither the LJP nor the BJP leaders shy away from associating with him. The question is: Will he go unpunished?

The accusations levelled by Bihar’s deputy chief minister Vijay Kumar Sinha (of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)) against Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Tejashwi Prasad Yadav’s private secretary Pritam Kumar (a Bihar Administrative Service officer), regarding the National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test (NEET) paper leak scandal may be contentious, but one fact remains indisputable — Ranjit Don — the notorious mastermind behind question paper leak scandals, was fielded as a candidate by the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), a BJP ally, in the 2015 biennial legislative council election on July 7. Despite his dubious reputation, Ranjit Don has now become an ‘honourable’ man and a sought-after figure among politicians, particularly those associated with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).

In 2015, the BJP contested 18 legislative council seats, leaving one seat each for the LJP and Upendra Kushwaha’s Rashtriya Lok Samata Party. Was it fair for an NDA constituent to give ticket to Ranjit Don for the Upper House of the Bihar assembly, given his history of involvement in question paper leaks? His criminal record dates back over a quarter of a century, and he has been accused of leaking question papers for various competitive exams, including CAT, CBSE medical entrance examinations, and PG medical tests.

Also read: In Haryana, Six Toppers Wrote the NEET Exam at a School Run by a BJP Leader’s Family

Despite his notoriety, he was given a ticket by the LJP for the Hilsa seat in Nalanda district in the 2005 assembly election and he faced defeat. He also contested as an Independent candidate from Begusarai in the 2004 Lok Sabha poll, securing an impressive 67,500 votes while in jail. His wife and brother had campaigned extensively for him. He was later released on bail.

After the 2004 Lok Sabha poll, Ranjit Don claimed that he had deliberately avoided fighting election from Nalanda as a gesture to fellow caste-man and Janata Dal (United) leader, Nitish Kumar. He claimed that if he had contested, he would have defeated Nitish Kumar, leveraging his strong support base among his Kurmi caste, which has a significant presence in Nalanda, the district with the highest concentration of Kurmis in Bihar.

Early life

Ranjit Don’s early life was marked by controversy, having gained admission to Darbhanga Medical College in 1994 through fraudulent means. His involvement in competitive exam rackets even outside Bihar from a very young age has been well-documented, and his name has also been linked to the Vyapam scam in Madhya Pradesh. Despite this, neither the LJP nor the BJP leaders shy away from associating with him.

During one of the Lok Sabha polls held in 1990s, the media had reported that Ranjit Don donated a substantial amount of money to a prominent national politician’s election campaign — this politician in question was from another state but used to contest from Bihar. His political ambitions are, therefore, a well-known fact, and his wealth, estimated at Rs 1,000 crore, has been amassed through exam rackets, making him a significant player in the world of competitive exams.

Indifference of judiciary, media and role of the political executive 

The judiciary and media have shown little interest in pursuing convictions for those involved in exam rackets, despite the devastating impact on meritorious students. The lack of accountability and political patronage have emboldened gangs involved in exam malpractices, making it increasingly challenging to curb these activities.

The recent NEET paper leak scandal has raised questions about the involvement of big fish and political patronage. The near absence of political executives from administrative scenes has given bureaucrats a free hand, leading to a lack of accountability. The politicisation of administration has adverse effects on the system, and it remains to be seen if anyone will be held accountable for the NEET paper leak scandal.

Ranjit Don, originally from Khaddi Lodhipur village in Nalanda district’s Hilsa block, excelled in the pre-online competitive exam era. However, his notoriety persists, and his name surfaces whenever a paper leak occurs in India.

He is credited with establishing Nalanda as the epicentre of question paper leak rackets. A senior journalist revealed that Begusarai previously held this notorious status, implicating influential members of a particular upper caste. However, following the Mandalization of society, Nalanda, incidentally the home district of chief minister Nitish Kumar, became the hub. Other key players hail from Vaishali district, with Patna situated between the two. The racket’s tentacles have now spread far and wide.

Also read: A Score of 711 Out of 720 and a Dream Diminished: The NEET Story in Jhajjar

The current crop of gangsters, post-2010, are more tech-savvy and cunning. This is because competitive examinations are now held online, and smartphones have become ubiquitous, unlike in the 1990s and early 2000s. The involvement of powerful individuals and political patronage enables these gangs to thrive.

Despite measures like CCTV cameras and jammers in exam centres, question paper leaks continue unabated across India. The absence of political executives from administrative roles has emboldened these gangsters. As political authority focuses on elections and other activities, the permanent executive (bureaucracy), , gets a field day. This is simply because they are not accountable to the voters.

The NEET result’s early announcement on June 4, instead of June 14, raises questions. Was it to avoid scrutiny amidst the BJP’s election celebrations? Students protested irregularities in Haryana and Gujarat, suspecting foul play when 67 candidates scored 720 out of 720 marks. In Bihar, news of the leak emerged just after May 5 — the  exam day — but was suppressed due to the election season.

While the NEET controversy rages on, the cancelled NET exam on June 18 has garnered little attention. The politicisation of administration has severe systemic consequences. During the 2021 coronavirus surge (second wave), the BJP ministers in Bihar, including health minister Mangal Pandey, were campaigning in West Bengal, neglecting their duties. The BJP politicians and ministers from other states like Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, and Uttar Pradesh were also busy in that campaign to throw out the Mamata Banerjee government. 

Now, the big question is: Will anyone be held accountable? If Ranjit Don can be rewarded with a party ticket by an NDA constituent, one hesitates to keep one’s fingers crossed. The poor and laborious students will continue to suffer.

Soroor Ahmed is a Patna-based freelance journalist.

Special Category, Cabinet Berths, Funds: What the BJP’s Allies Are Reportedly Demanding

‘The ministerial berth demands of the allies will be considered barring six ministries,’ a source told a newspaper.

New Delhi: Several reports have speculated on what the Bharatiya Janata Party’s allies in the National Democratic Alliance may have demanded as Narendra Modi sets out to form a coalition government with them.

In a report, Financial Express has said that the N. Chandrababu Naidu-led Telugu Desam Party (TDP) is likely to have asked for special category status for Andhra Pradesh, cabinet berths including for his son Nara Lokesh in the new government, and funds for the capital city project of Amaravati.

The special category is a contentious issue over which Naidu had quit the NDA in 2018 and could pave the way for a host of grants, incentives and waivers for the state. An Indian Express report has noted how the mechanism was put in place to ensure that resource-scarce states can be assisted to develop. Andhra Pradesh, however, was out of the list of states accorded special status through the years.

When the undivided state was bifurcated to create Telangana in 2014, the UPA government had promised to grant special status to Andhra Pradesh. Since Narendra Modi took over, state governments under Naidu and YS Jaganmohan Reddy had made several deputations with the same demand.

Another report said that the TDP wants the Lok Sabha Speaker’s post and up to five berths in the Cabinet.

The Janata Dal (United) led by Nitish Kumar, meanwhile, has reportedly asked for a number of cabinet portfolios, including Railway.

The New Indian Express has speculated that the Shiv Sena under Eknath Shinde will ask for a Union cabinet berth and two junior ministers’ posts. The Lok Janshakti Party, too, is likely to ask for the same.

Hindustani Awam Morcha may seek a ministry or Cabinet rank berth for its founder Jitan Ram Manjhi.

“The ministerial berth demands of the allies will be considered barring six ministries,” a source told TNIE. Those ministries are railway, home, finance, defence, law and IT.

Read all of The Wire’s reporting on and analysis of the 2024 election results here.

‘Modi’s Hanuman’ to Issue-Based Alliance: Chirag Paswan Has Proven His Political Acumen

The complex caste-based equations in rural areas and widespread support in urban pockets appear to be helping Chirag.

Hajipur (Bihar): Chirag Paswan lost his father Ram Vilas Paswan, the tallest Dalit leader in Bihar, right in the middle of the 2020 assembly polls in Bihar. Still learning the ropes of the state’s complex political dynamics, he suddenly found himself in the middle of a bitter succession struggle. To add insult to his injuries, Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar ensured that Ram Vilas’s party, the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), was kept out of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance, even as his uncle Pasupati Kumar Paras conspired to gain control over LJP legislators and MPs around the same time.

Observers started speculating that Chirag’s political career may not take off after all. The Narendra Modi regime, too, turned towards Paras, who had the support of his party’s elected representatives. Pushed to a corner, Chirag proved everyone wrong. He waged a guerilla, although non-violent, war against Nitish by putting up ‘upper caste’ candidates against the Janata Dal (United) wherever it contested, while supporting the BJP candidates in the rest of the constituencies.

In each of his interviews, where he appeared as a mourning son, dressed in unstitched white dhotis sporting a shaved head, he called himself Modi’s “Hanuman”, even as he launched a scathing attack against Nitish’s administration.

The division that he brought about in the NDA diverted upper caste votes away from Nitish, bringing his party’s tally down from 71 in 2015 to 43 in 2020. In one move, Chirag not only gave a striking blow to Nitish, whose fall was apparent even back then, but also signalled his own indispensability to the prime minister.

In 2021, Modi took Paras on his side by giving him a cabinet post. The Election Commission of India, meanwhile, froze the party’s name Lok Janshakti Party and its symbol the bungalow, and split the party. Chirag was allowed to have a party named after his father – the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) – while his uncle and his aide, Chirag’s cousin Prince Raj, were allotted the name Rashtriya Lok Janshakti Party.

The Ambedkar Statue at Anwarpur Chowk is a popular destination for all political parties in Hajipur. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta

When it really mattered, however, Modi chose Chirag over his uncle. Paras, now, is absent, nowhere to be seen even in Hajipur (from where Paras is the sitting MP) – as if told by the prime minister himself to lay low. Chirag, on the other hand, left his seat Jamui and is the NDA candidate from his father’s stronghold Hajipur, fighting to claim Ram Vilas Paswan’s legacy.

At the Anwarpur Chowk of Hajipur town, Beena Devi and her husband Raju Choudhary had hung Chirag’s party flag on their fruit-selling cart. They had also kept a sample EVM machine showing Chirag as the No.3 in the list of candidates, letting every customer know that his symbol is a helicopter now, not the old bungalow of Ram Vilas Paswan’s party.

“We are not happy with Modi, but we are with Chirag as his father has done a lot for our colony,” said Beena Devi. “No development work has happened here in the last five years, but we hope that Chirag, like his father, will help us in the times of our need.”

Beena Devi and Raju Choudhary, Pasi community supporters of Chirag Paswan, in Hajipur town. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta

The couple belong to the Dalit Pasi community, which appeared to have switched from the Janata Dal (United) to the Tejashwi Yadav-led Rashtriya Janata Dal in most other constituencies, but not in Hajipur. “Chirag will get votes from most Harijans except maybe Chamars,” remarked Beena Devi.

She said since RJD has fielded a Chamar candidate, Shiv Chandra Ram, against Chirag, he should get his caste’s votes.

A large section of voters in Hajipur town expressed solidarity towards Chirag.

Dhananjay Ram in Lalganj. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta

In Lalganj, a rural assembly seat within the Hajipur Lok Sabha seat, Dhananjay Ram confirmed Beena Devi’s assessment. Ram, a Chamar by caste, told The Wire, “Ram Vilas Paswan was a well-respected man, but not Chirag. We are not looking at Shiv Chandra Ram’s caste, but our community will vote for the RJD as we are fed up with the Modi regime.”

He explained, “Modi ji launched so many air-conditioned trains but the general unreserved coaches in most trains have come down from four to two. How will daily-wage labourers afford AC trains? If you go to Hajipur station, you will find so many labourers who sometimes wait for two days at the station just to find a train where they can get an unreserved seat. Our wages have increased minimally, but the cost of living is shooting through the roof.”

“Our zero balance Jan Dhan accounts have remained zero balance only. Everything that you buy is taxed so much because of the GST. And now, we hear that Modi ji plans to take away our reservation, too,” Ram said.

RJD’s Shiv Chandra Ram’s office in Hajipur. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta

Not merely Chamars and Paswans, Dalits appeared to be split in their party preferences. Vikas Rajak, a dhobi in Lalganj, told The Wire, “I voted for the BJP in the last two elections but will vote for RJD this time. Our community leaders have also joined the RJD because of Tejashwi Yadav’s appeal.”

On the other hand, Dullu Dusadh, a Paswan community member in Sadullapur village, vouched for Chirag. “It is because of Ram Vilas ji that we have earned some respect. Ram Vilas ji fought for us. We can’t betray him by not voting for his son.”

While the Dalits seemed split, the Extremely Backward Castes showed their preference for Modi. In fact,  constituencies like Hajipur become interesting because of the crucial role non-Dalits play in reserved seats.

“Jo khila raha hai, usi ko na denge vote (Who else should we vote if not for the one who is feeding us),” said Ramu Mahato, an EBC Noniya community member.

RJD workers in Lalganj. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta

Similarly, Tejashwi, an EBC Nai by caste, said, “We have always voted for the BJP, and we will do the same. There is a lot of local corruption here. Instead of five kg ration, we only get four kg. We did not even get a sauchalaya (toilet) but the records showed we received Rs 12,000 for it. But at least the Modi government has thought about poor people like us; the Nitish government has not implemented it properly.”

But the Mallah community members, who are traditional boatmen and fishermen, appeared to be veering towards the RJD, mostly because of its alliance with Mallah leader Mukesh Sahani’s Vikasheel Insaan Party (VIP). “Nitish Kumar has killed us without using a knife. Our sole income through sand loading in the rivers has been stopped. Now, we have to rely entirely on small-scale fishing. On top of it, we are being fined for not paying hefty electricity bills. Many of us have got electricity bills of thousands. How are we supposed to pay it?” said Pappu Sahani in the Shadullapur vegetable mandi.

On the other hand, landed caste groups like Bhumihars and Rajputs swear their allegiance to Modi and issues like nationalism, Ram Mandir and Article 370. “There has been no terror-related incident in the last few years. We remember how the Congress was scared of Pakistan. But now it is the other way around. Pakistan knows that Modi ji is not someone who will take their attacks lying down,” said Rinku Singh, a potato trader in Shadullapur who belonged to the Bhumihar caste group.

Bhumihar traders in Shadullapur Mandi, Hajipur. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta

“If you see, Modi ji has done nothing for Bihar over the last 10 years. There has been no development that would have improved our lives. But he has excelled in other areas. Now, India has a good stature globally. He has improved India’s reputation in the world,” said Narendra Pratap Singh, a Rajput who, too, trades in vegetables at the mandi.

Yadavs and Muslims, however, preferred the lantern, the RJD’s election symbol, over the helicopter. “Our vote will be to change a government that has worked only for the rich, and done nothing for Bihar. All of us are on the road because of Modi,” said Suresh Rai, a Yadav whose primary business is sand mining.

The complex caste-based equations in rural areas and widespread support in urban pockets appear to be helping Chirag, despite Shiv Chandra Ram’s spirited efforts to break the BJP’s traditional support base. Ram has lost to Pasupati Kumar Paras in 2019 by a margin of over two lakh votes.

Days ahead of the May 20, 2024 voting in Hajipur, Chirag gave an interesting interview to The Wire. He said that the pejorative remarks against Muslims by BJP leaders, including Modi, were “unnecessary” and that his alliance with the BJP is solely “issue-based”. His statement is a far cry from his positioning as Modi’s ‘Hanuman’ in the 2020 assembly polls. Chirag said that he had also expressed his disagreement within the NDA on matters like creating a ‘Hindu Rashtra’. Call it a tactical retreat or conditional support, but with such a shift, Chirag indicated that he may be aware of the churning among Dalits and EBCs, the two sections of the electorate that had made his father a politically influential leader in Bihar. His repositioning has also kept his doors open for different alliances in the 2025 state assembly polls.

Chirag is proving himself as a leader in his own right. By understanding his party’s strengths as a Dalit party, he is placing his cards tactfully, and with a political acumen that his father possessed in abundance. He is truly emerging as the rightful heir to the legacy of his father, who had earned the title of India’s most prescient political weathervane.

Watch | There is No Need for Modi to Speak About Muslims This Way: Chirag Paswan

On matters like creating a “Hindu rashtra”, he added that he had expressed his disagreement within the National Democratic Alliance. “Changing the Constitution is no joke,” he said.

Patna: Chirag Paswan of the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) has told The Wire‘s Arfa Khanum Sherwani that he disagrees with the way Prime Minister Narendra Modi has spoken of Muslims in his recent poll speeches, and there is “no need” for these comments. Paswan, whose party has joined the National Democratic Alliance led by the Bharatiya Janata Party, is the sitting MP from Jamui in Bihar.

When asked about Modi’s repeated references to Muslims as “infiltrators”, “Pakistani” and “those who have more children”, Paswan said, “I believe that there is no need for comments like this.” On matters like creating a “Hindu rashtra“, he added that he had expressed his disagreement within the National Democratic Alliance. “Changing the Constitution is no joke,” he said.

“My party has its own policies,” Paswan told The Wire, “and I have repeatedly said that my alliance is issue-based. My alliance with the BJP is issue-based, I believe this very clearly.”

In the interview conducted in Patna, Paswan also talks about his break with his family and party after his father’s death, the political atmosphere during the current elections and more.

Governments and Alliances Change but Nitish Remains: The Magical Bihar Formula

Kumar has been the modern-day embodiment of the political idiom, ‘Aaya Ram, gaya Ram’. The last three times were about keeping the throne, but this time is about keeping the palace intact.

Bihar has always been at the centre of Indian politics, contributing some of the most powerful national leaders in the last few decades. As the saying goes, there is one thing that comes naturally to the people of Pataliputra – politics.

The art of political warfare has been perfected by many here and over the last two decades, we have seen the most flexible, sharp and ingenious political moves from the Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)] and Nitish Kumar to retain power. This led to the creation of the magic formula of Bihar politics – governments change, alliances change, but Nitish remains.

But this time around, was Kumar parting ways with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) a politically calculated move to stay in power? Or was it a last shot at survival?

Bihar today: when and why?

The 2020 Bihar assembly election result was the biggest shock for Kumar. The JD(U), in its prime in 2010, was able to garner a 23% vote share in the state. But come 2020, the party’s vote share plummeted to 15.8%. The JD(U) was the biggest loser seat-wise as well, as it came down from 71 seats to 43, making it only the third largest party in the state, exactly where the BJP was in the previous election.

The year 2020 was also when the BJP played the ‘Paswan card’ well against the JD(U) and ensured the latter’s defeat in over 20 seats. What happened to the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) post-2020 also serves as a political lesson that the BJP’s allies should be wary of.

The political insult of once being the commander and then having to play second fiddle had bothered the JD(U) and Kumar and the political assessment that going forward with the alliance would completely eradicate them in 2025 was quite valid. To be honest, what history tells us is that the BJP eats into their allies – the Shiv Sena is only the latest example, not the last.

Also read: Why Nitish Kumar Dumped BJP and What It Means for Opposition Parties

‘Aaya Ram, gaya Ram’

Kumar has been the modern-day embodiment of the political idiom, ‘Aaya Ram, gaya Ram’. The last three times were about keeping the throne, but this time is about keeping the palace intact.

The BJP’s second phase of its expansion plan – kick-started post the national executive meeting in Hyderabad –is focused on weakening the already weak opposition. The effects of this we have already seen in Maharashtra and Goa, and will soon be seen in Gujarat as well.

For Nitish, it was not only about the threat of the BJP infiltrating his party through R.C.P. Singh, even though that’s the public narrative cited, but it’s more about how the BJP has been infiltrating the JD(U)’s vote bank across the state which, in a way, is not tagged to any specific community. It is more about how Kumar’s space in the households of rural Bihar is being replaced by the image of Narendra Damodardas Modi as a ‘saviour’; an even scarier proposition for Kumar and the JD(U).

The second phase of the BJP’s expansion plan is not just focused on capturing power, but on sustaining it; to be unchallenged in the world’s largest democracy.

Alliance with the BJP – a deal with the devil

Political alliances with the BJP have proven detrimental to many of its past allies, from the Shiv Sena to the LJP, and to the AIADMK – the list is quite long. Everyone talks about the Shiv Sena’s betrayal in 2019, but no one seems to remember how the Sena had shrunk under the National Democratic Alliance (NDA); how the BJP has encroached into Sena strongholds and eaten into their target voter groups.

Similarly in Bihar today, we are seeing the latest iteration of this exercise. It was the LJP first and the JD(U) second, but the important question here is: will another Maharashtra happen in Bihar?

The answer is that it’s unlikely. Although Kumar may have saved his throne for the time being and Tejaswi Yadav may have gotten his “Yuvraj” crown, there is a major political aspect they are missing out on. They just made the BJP the primary opposition in the state. For the party that became the ‘big brother’ in the NDA alliance for the first time in 2020, there can be no better political opportunity.

RJD leader Tejaswi Yadav greets his supporters outside Raj Bhavan after being sworn in as deputy chief minister. Photo: PTI.

For the next three years, the BJP is the sole alternative for the people of Bihar and the much-criticised political leadership of Bihar, which has been responsible for its lack of development, have all come together under one banner. Now ask yourself this question again: did Kumar outwit the BJP or did the BJP just get its best political opportunity to finally capture Pataliputra?

Also read: Developments in Bihar Have Made Opposition Politics a Lot More Interesting

What lies ahead for Kumar?

The road ahead for Kumar will definitely be tricky, as the big brother in the alliance, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) will resort to its form of governance and the ‘golden hat’ of solutions will slowly become an administrative burden.

The logical option for the BJP is to wait and watch, let things take their natural course and, in a way, get public sympathy for being the “betrayed ones”. The BJP’s social media wing is more than capable of generating that feeling and portraying Kumar and the JD(U) as power-hungry opportunists. Who can do it better than the BJP anyway?

The BJP will definitely want to pull off another Shiv Sena-esque coup and they would have already activated a plan involving bargaining with, purchasing of and threatening legislators across the state. If there is any lesson to be learned from Maharashtra, it is that patience and political will is a virtue that you need to admire about the BJP and they will hit you when you least expect it; when they need that political knockdown very badly.

Come 2024, Bihar will be an exciting battle and if history is any indication, it’s Kumar’s last shot at survival.

Subrahmanyan T.D. is national head, Strategy and Research, I-PAC.

Delhi HC Dismisses Chirag Paswan’s Plea Challenging LS Speaker’s Decision on Uncle

The embittered LJP scion had challenged Speaker Om Birla’s decision to recognise his uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras as the leader of the party in the House.

New Delhi: The Delhi high court on July 9 dismissed a plea by leader of one of the factions of Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) Chirag Paswan challenging the Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla’s decision to recognise his uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras as the leader of the party in the House.

It is well settled that the right to regulate internal disputes of the House is the prerogative of the Speaker, the high court said.

I find absolutely no merit in the petition. The petition is dismissed, Justice Rekha Palli said.

The high court, which was inclined to impose cost on Chirag, did not do so after a request was made by his counsel.

The petition sought the setting aside of the Speaker’s June 14 circular showing the name of Paras as leader of the LJP in the Lok Sabha.

Paras, who was administered the oath of office as Union cabinet minister on July 7, has spent the larger part of his career under the shadow of his late brother Ram Vilas Paswan, Chirag’s father.

During the hearing, advocate Arvind Bajpai, representing Chirag, said among the six party MPs, five wrote to the Speaker to recognise Paras as leader of the party in the House and directions were passed in this regard.

Thereafter, the party chose to remove those five MPs and also approached the Speaker to take action and declare Chirag as the leader of the party in the House, he said.

Also read: Chirag Paswan Moves HC Against Speaker’s Recognition of Uncle as Lok Sabha LJP Leader

However, the speaker has not corrected the alleged mistake of recognising Paras as the leader of the party in the House, the counsel argued.

Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, representing the Centre, and senior advocate Raj Shekhar for the speaker’s office vehemently opposed the petition saying Chirag was attempting to get the inter-party dispute resolved in the court.

They said five out of six members of the party had approached the Speaker with the plea that Paras was the whip holder of the party and that the action of the Speaker cannot be faulted with.

The apex court said it was inclined to agree with the submissions of the counsel for the Centre and the Speaker’s office.

The judge said, Now it is very clear. If you want to press, it is your wish. I am clear that this is inter-party dispute. You can exercise your remedies. You take your call, I will then pass an order by making some observations.

Chirag’s counsel submitted he was not here to settle the inter-party dispute and the chief whip cannot claim that he should be declared as leader of the party in the House.

The high court, however, made it clear that it was not going to entertain the petition and said should the court interfere in all this.

Chirag had filed the plea on July 7 and also tweeted in Hindi saying that he has filed a petition in the Delhi high Court against the Lok Sabha Speaker’s initial decision recognising party’s expelled Member of Parliament Pashupati Paras Jee as the leader of the party in the House.

The plea said the review of the decision is pending with the Speaker and despite reminders no action has been taken after which they have approached the high court.

It sought direction to that a corrigendum be issued by showing the name of Chirag Paswan as leader of the party in the House.

Change of leader in Lok Sabha is prerogative of particular party and in the present case, Article 26 of the Constitution of the petitioner no. 2 (party) provide that central parliamentary board will decide who would be leader, chief whip, etc. in the house or in assembly, the plea said.

It added, the entire action of respondent no. 1 is contrary to rules of Lok Sabha, procedure, practice, provision of constitution of petitioner no. 2, and opposed to the principle of natural justice.

Paras, who previously headed LJP’s Bihar unit and is currently the national president of its breakaway faction, began his innings in 1978 as a Janata Party MLA from Alauli in his native Khagaria district, a seat formerly represented by the late Ram Vilas Paswan.

A cornered Chirag, who has challenged his uncle’s political coup before the Election Commission, seemed to have sensed the writing on the wall when at a press conference in Patna on Tuesday he declared he had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi requesting him not to induct Paras on the LJP quota.

Chirag Paswan Moves HC Against Speaker’s Recognition of Uncle as Lok Sabha LJP Leader

Pashupati Kumar Paras was inducted into the Union Cabinet on the same day.

New Delhi: Chirag Paswan, the embittered leader of one of the factions of the Lok Janshakti Party has approached the Delhi high court challenging Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla’s decision to recognise his uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras as the leader of the party in the House.

Paras was inducted into the Union Cabinet on the same day, days after walking away with a significant chunk of the party’s Lok Sabha MPs.

Chirag tweeted four times in Hindi saying that while it was the Prime Minister’s prerogative to induct whoever he wishes into his cabinet, “but as far as LJP is concerned, Shri Paras ji is not a member of our party.”

As such, Chirag has argued, he cannot be considered an LJP minister.

Stating that the party had never been in contention for a Cabinet berth, LJP principal general secretary Abdul Khalique echoed Chirag’s tweets when he told The Indian Express, “We have no issues at Paras being made a (Union) minister. But he cannot be treated as an LJP minister.”

LJP is still a part of the National Democratic Alliance at the Centre, even though Chirag had broken away and contested separately for the Bihar assembly elections in 2020.

Advocate Arvind Bajpai said he has filed the petition on behalf of Chirag Paswan and the Lok Janshakti Party challenging the Speaker’s decision.

He said the review of the decision was pending with the Speaker and despite reminders no action was taken, which pushed them to approach the high court. The lawyer said the petition is currently under scrutiny.

Paras has spent the larger part of his career under the shadow of his late brother and Chirag’s father Ram Vilas Paswan.

The petition has sought setting aside speaker’s June 14 circular showing the name of Paras as leader of Jan Lokshakti Party in the Lok Sabha.

Also read: RJD or NDA? Which Way Will Chirag Paswan Gravitate for Political Future in Bihar

It sought direction to that a corrigendum be issued by showing the name of Chirag Paswan as leader of the party in the House.

Change of leader in Lok Sabha is prerogative of particular party and in the present case, Article 26 of the Constitution of the petitioner no. 2 (party) provide that central parliamentary board will decide who would be leader, chief whip, etc. in the house or in assembly, the plea said.

It added that the entire action of respondent no. 1 is contrary to rules of Lok Sabha, procedure, practice, provision of constitution of petitioner no. 2, and opposed to the principle of natural justice.

Paras, who previously headed Lok Janshakti Party’s Bihar unit and is currently the national president of its breakaway faction, began his innings in 1978 as a Janata Party MLA from Alauli in his native Khagaria district, a seat formerly represented by the late Ram Vilas Paswan.

A cornered Chirag, who has challenged his uncle’s political coup before the Election Commission, had at a press conference in Patna on July 6 said that he had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi requesting him not to induct Paras on the LJP quota.

(With PTI inputs)

RJD or NDA? Which Way Will Chirag Paswan Gravitate for Political Future in Bihar

After his uncle led a rebellion in the party, the young Paswan will tour the state for an ‘Ashirvad Yatra’ in a bid to generate sympathy among LJP supporters. None but Chirag is the sole inheritor of Ram Vilas Paswan’s legacy.

Bihar’s lone Dalit leader Ram Vilas Paswan’s legacy is not up for grabs for anyone else but his son, Chirag Paswan. The senior Paswan had passed on his Lok Janshakti Party’s baton to his son well ahead of his death. The young Paswan very much holds the baton.

But the most important thing for the scion of Ram Vilas Paswan is how he moves on the intricate chessboard of Bihar politics to preserve and nurture his legacy among his caste men, as the Paswans unwaveringly supported his father in the election after election in the last over three decades.

What appears to be clear at this stage is there is no love lost between Chirag and his uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras who led the breakaway faction of five LJP MPs and joined forces with Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United)— against which Chirag Paswan fought fiercely in 2020 assembly elections.

Ashirvad yatra

In an obvious bid to generate sympathy – particularly among his caste men who are his core constituency – Chirag has decided to undertake Ashirvad Yatra (journey to seek blessings) in the state from July 5 – the first birth anniversary of his father after the latter’s death in October 2020.

His Ashirvad Yatra will begin from Hajipur, the karmabhoomi of Ram Vilas that he had represented for six terms in the Lok Sabha in his over five decades of political life. As of now, Pashupati is the MP from Hajipur. Starting with Hajipur, Chirag will go to Samastipur, Vashili, Nawada and Khagaria constituencies which sent LJP nominees to the Lok Sabha in the 2019 elections and whose MPs deserted Chirag. He will also tour Jamui that he himself represents in the Lok Sabha and other parts of the state to seek “blessings” of the people.

Ram Vilas Paswan and Chirag Paswan. Photo: PTI/File.

Given the caste sentiment plays a predominant role in most parts of the Hindi heartland, including in Bihar, there is little doubt for his caste men who idolised Ram Vilas as their “hero” for decades will ignore his son and ‘orphaned’ Chirag when the latter plays a victim card among them.

Paswans demonstrated their unflinching support to Chirag when the latter fielded as many as 136 candidates, mostly against Nitish Kumar’s JDU in 2020 assembly polls. The LJP managed to win only one seat, but it secured 6% of the votes, inflicting heavy damage on the JDU, which was reduced to 43 MLAs in that election.

Also read: LJP Split: An Existential Crisis for Chirag Paswan After His Towering Father’s Death

The Paswans constitute 6% of Bihar’s voters – almost equal in number with Chamars (Harijans) in the state. But unlike Chamars who are divided among the Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal, Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party, the CPI-ML-Liberation and also the JDU, the Paswans have solidly backed the LJP over the years. Nitish Kumar’s party had openly alleged that it lost in over 40 assembly constituencies because of Chirag’s opposition.

Way forward for Chirag: Mahagathbandhan or NDA?

It’s almost clear that Chirag is set to be the actual inheritor of his father’s legacy, but it is also clear that Chirag with assured 6% votes can’t afford an ‘ekla chalo (move alone)’ policy in Bihar.

Lalu Prasad Yadav once famously described Ram Vilas as “Mausam Vaigyanic (weather scientist)”. Lalu was apt in his description, for Ram Vilas had an uncanny knack to read the political atmosphere ahead of the elections and shifted his weight to the political formation which he guessed to emerge as the winner after the polls.

That Ram Vilas’s ‘guess’ seldom failed was evident from the fact that he invariably stayed with the winning side and he was a rare leader who enjoyed ministerial positions under all the prime ministers from V.P. Singh in 1989 to Narendra Modi till he died in October.

Also read: Bihar Elections: The Inside Story of Chirag Paswan’s Rebellion

As an inheritor of his father’s legacy, Chirag will also have to acquire the former’s uncanny knack in pragmatic politics. As of now, Chirag has kept the BJP and the RJD guessing about his move. Recently, he was said to have gone to Ahmedabad on some “secret mission” that he has so far not revealed.

After Pashupati led a rebellion of five MPs against him, Chirag showed somewhat disenchantment with the BJP. During the 2020 assembly polls, Chirag fought against Nitish’s JDU but kept on describing himself as ‘Hanuman’ of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

After his uncle’s summersault, Chirag said, “Hanuman maraa jar aha ho aur Ram chup rah-e, yeh achha nahin hain (It’s not good if Rama keeps silent when Hanuman is killed)”. His apparent reference to Modi who has been silent since LJP broke into two factions.

The problem with the BJP is that it cannot operate in Bihar without Nitish, who has been a diehard opponent of the LJP all through. At the same time, the saffron party with an eye on 2024 elections can ill-afford to ignore Chirag with over 6% assured votes with him. The BJP will keep a close watch on the response Chirag is likely to get from his Ashirvad Yatra.

RJD’s olive branch

At the same time, the RJD has extended an olive branch to Chirag: “Chirag has to decide if he wants to stay with the outfit (read BJP) that represents the bunch of thoughts of M.S. Golwalkar or the philosophy of Baba Saheb Bhimrao Ambedkar that the RJD and its allies – Congress and the Left in Bihar –represent,” Tejaswhi Yadav, RJD leader and the leader of opposition in Bihar assembly, recently said.

RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav and LJP leader Chirag Paswan. Photo: Twitter.

The grapevine has it that the RJD would offer Chirag the position of deputy chief minister for 2025 assembly elections. But the pre-condition for Chirag will be to totally disassociate himself from the ruling BJP-JDU, which is the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan’s prime political foe in Bihar. Chirag will have to also weigh the sentiment of his caste men.

Also read: Like Father Like Son: Tejashwi’s Battle Against the BJP

The Paswans voted for the LJP lock, stock and barrel on Chirag’s call to oppose Nitish. Now, Pashupati-led renegade MPs have expressed faith in Nitish’s leadership. Logically, the Paswans won’t like Chirag to be in the alliance that has Nitish and his supporters. It appears that Chirag as of now is contemplating where to go eventually – RJD-led Mahagathbandhan or the BJP-led NDA. The ball is in his court and he will have to take a call before it is too late.

Bleak future for renegades 

Pashupati-led group of renegades have little future. In fact, Pashupati grew as an appendage to his elder brother, Ram Vilas Paswan. He was never a leader on his own. He might get some immediate gains after breaking away from Chirag. But in no way, he can claim the legacy of Ram Vilas Paswan against Chirag. Ram Vilas anointed Chirag as the president of the LJP much before his death, and in a way, he gave clear message to his constituents that Chirag was their future leader.

Tejaswhi is undeclared inheritor of Lalu Prasad Yadav’s legacy. Both Tejaswhi Yadav and Chirag Paswan are young and have a long future. Neighbouring Uttar Pradesh has seen how Shivpal Singh Yadav despite his spirited efforts to share legacy of Mulayam Singh Yadav against Mulayam’s son Akhilesh Yadav had failed. Bihar can’t be any different.

Nalin Verma is a senior journalist, author and professor of journalism and mass communication at Invertis University, Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh. 

Chirag Paswan Expels Five Rebel MPs; Paras-Led Faction Removes Him as Party President

Both factions moved swiftly to take control of the party a day after Pashupati Kumar Paras was recognised by the Lok Sabha secretariat as the leader of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) in the House.

New Delhi: The Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) faction headed by Chirag Paswan on Tuesday expelled the five MPs of the party who had rebelled against him, while the group led by his uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras removed him from the post of the party president.

Both factions moved swiftly to take control of the party a day after Paras, the youngest brother of Paswan’s father and party founder Ram Vilas Paswan, was recognised by the Lok Sabha secretariat as the leader of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) in the House.

While Chirag Paswan has been isolated in the parliamentary party as all other MPs beside him have backed Paras, sources said he continues to draw support from other leaders in the organisation.

The matter is now likely to reach the Election Commission as both factions have claimed to represent the party.

LJP Split: An Existential Crisis for Chirag Paswan After His Towering Father’s Death

With his own uncle acting against him – at the behest of Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar – Chirag’s political future is in crisis. But all is not lost just yet.

Patna: The imminent split in the Lok Janshakti Party’s (LJP’s) parliamentary group has sparked an existential crisis for young party president Chirag Paswan within a year of the death of his father and Bihar’s lone Dalit leader, Ram Vilas Paswan.

The man who has played spoilsport against Chirag is his own uncle, Pashupati Kumar Paras, who owes whatever he has – from his upbringing to his career in politics – to his departed elder brother.

Chirag was born to Ram Vilas’s second wife, Reena, and jumped into politics from Bollywood around 2013 – the time when Lalu Prasad Yadav’s younger son, Tejashwi Yadav, too had joined the fray, abandoning his dalliance with cricket.

By the time Chirag joined politics, Ram Vilas had already been accused of making the LJP his family’s pocket borough. He was known for strong weakness for his younger brothers – Pashupati and Ramchandra Paswan. In fact, Pashupati posed as the Laxman to Ram Vilas’s Rama.

But politics has always been known for ruthlessness and intrigue. Leaving Chirag alone, four LJP MPs – Mehboob Ali Kaiser (Khagaria), Veena Devi (Vaishali), Prince Raj (Samastipur) and Chandan Singh (Nawada) – joined hands to nominate Pashupati (Hajipur) as their leader in the Lok Sabha yesterday. Losing no time, Pashupati – for whom Ram Vilas had vacated the Hajipur seat after nursing it for his entire political life – led all the MPs to meet the Lok Sabha speaker, Om Birla, and request him to treat them as a ‘separate group’. The rebel LJP MPs ‘expelled’ Chirag from all posts of the party.

Once the speaker notifies them as a separate group and the Election Commission accepts their claim, the split in the LJP will be formal.

“I am bearing with the loss of my father. The loss of the MPs is not as big as the loss of a father. I will bear it,” Chirag, overwhelmed with emotion, said. But the fact remains that the loss of the MPs has put a big question mark on Chirag’s very existence as a political leader. He will have to work hard in the rough and tumble of politics to keep himself relevant against his opponents.

Nitish’s behind the scenes operation

A close inquiry into the LJP’s developments highlights that Pashupati is likely just a pawn in the larger game being played from behind the scenes by Janata Dal (United) leader and Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar. The Pashupati-led group has reposed faith in Nitish’s leadership. It’s not known whether the group will eventually join the JDU, but it’s crystal clear that it will bend to Nitish’s will.

According to media reports, Pashupati was working closely with the JDU MP from Munger and Nitish’s close aide, Lallan Singh, for quite some time. It’s known to one and all in Bihar’s political circles that Lallan is to Nitish what Union home minister Amit Shah is to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the context of political operations.

This is not the first time that Nitish has worked against the LJP through Lallan. Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJP fought independently in the February 2005 assembly elections, winning 29 seats. With Ram Vilas sticking to his guns to support neither Rabri Devi nor Nitish, there no way to form government in hung Bihar assembly then.

Also read: On First Birthday After Release From Jail, Lalu Prasad Yadav Continues to Inspire Hope

It was at this stage that Lallan befriended the pharmaceutical baron, King Mahendra. The JDU sent King Mahendra to the Rajya Sabha in lieu of his ‘financial support’ that the JDU used to split the LJP and get 12 of its MLAs to cross over. The party fielded the renegade LJP MLAs on JDU tickets in the November 2005 elections, giving it enough seats to form government.

Nitish also tried to eat into the LJP’s Dalit voter base by the creating ‘Mahadalit’ category and leaving out the Paswans – Ram Vilas’s caste-men – from the this group that was given more affirmative action benefits from the government.

But a fighter, Ram Vilas buried his differences with Lalu, rebuilt his party, won the Hajipur seat in 2009 and became a minister in the Manmohan Singh-led government. And when Nitish dumped the BJP after the BJP’s projection of Narendra Modi as the prime ministerial candidate in 2014, Ram Vilas joined the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance. The LJP won seven Lok Sabha seats in 2014 against the JDU’s two.

Challenge as well as opportunity for Chirag

Nitish’s troubles arose when he returned to the NDA in 2017. Nitish and Ram Vilas had been sworn enemies in Bihar for a long time. Nitish refused to recognise the LJP’s existence in the NDA and operated hard against it. Still, Ram Vilas Paswan bagged candidacy for six Lok Sabha seats in 2019 and won all the six seats. Nitish’s JDU got 17 seats and won 16.

Nitish continued his behind the scenes operations against the LJP in the 2020 assembly elections. He refused to recognise the LJP and was not ready to spare more than 25 seats or so in its share. Chirag, who had become the LJP president by then, rebelled against Nitish, fielding his party candidates against JDU candidates. Chirag continued to express his loyalty to Modi and didn’t pit his candidates against the BJP’s ones. The grapevine had it that the BJP had clandestinely blessed Chirag to act against Nitish. Chirag’s gamble worked in the sense that Nitish’s party was reduced to only 43 MLAs.

Smarting under the loss that Chirag – as openly alleged by the JDU – caused to the party, Nitish is believed to have worked against Chirag with a ferocious vengeance. However, the crisis has given an opportunity to Chirag to emerge as a Dalit leader; his Paswan caste-men, who hold the key in many reserved constituencies in Bihar, will support him. Pashupati and his group, after deserting Chirag, can in no way enjoy the loyalty of the Paswans. Ram Vilas was to the Paswans what Lalu is to the Yadavs. But it is going to be a long haul for young Chirag.

Also read: How Migration of Men Led to Bihar’s Women Upending Gender Dynamics

BJP in flux

Sources in the BJP said that the party had no role in the LJP’s split. In fact, there is no reason for the BJP to revel in Chirag’s plight. With the five LJP renegades singing in tune with the JDU, Nitish’s party will have a collective strength of 21 MPs against the BJP’s 17 in Bihar. There are already speculations doing the rounds that Pashupati might be inducted into the Narendra Modi-led council of ministers. The JDU president, Ram Chandra Prasad Singh, has already talked about the “proportionate representation of NDA partners in the Union ministries”.

Moreover, Nitish – known as a tough bargainer – has got added muscle to flex against the BJP, with the five LJP rebels expressing their faith in him.

What will be RJD’s move?

It will be interesting to see how the Rastriya Janata Dal – the strongest and single-largest party in Bihar – responds to the development in the LJP. RJD boss Lalu and his heir apparent Tejashwi must be keeping a close watch on the issue. Tejaswhi and Chirag have been respectful of each other ever since they joined politics. Tejashwi’s response depends on how things unfold and the path Chirag walks in the days to come.

Nalin Verma is a senior journalist, author and professor of journalism and mass communications at Invertis University, Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh.