Pavan K. Varma Quits TMC as Speculation Grows Over Return to JD(U)

Varma joined TMC in November 2021. In January 2020, he was expelled from JD(U) over his open criticism of Nitish Kumar’s support for the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act.

New Delhi: Ten months after joining the Trinamool Congress, Pavan K. Varma announced on Twitter on August 12 that he is resigning from the party.

A former veteran of the Janata Dal (United), Varma’s exit from the party he joined in November 2021 has led to speculation that he could be rejoining the Nitish Kumar-led party.

Addressing Mamata Banerjee, West Bengal chief minister and TMC’s chief, Varma wrote, “I want to thank you for the warm welcome accorded to me, and for your affection and courtesies. I look forward to remaining in touch.”

Days ago, Kumar broke away from the National Democratic Alliance – where JD(U)’s presence was believed to have been a bone of contention between the two leaders.

In January 2020, Varma – then JD(U)’s national general secretary – was expelled from the party over his open criticism of Nitish Kumar’s support for the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act.

In the expulsion letter, party’s chief general secretary K.C. Tyagi had accused Varma and poll strategist Prashant Kishor of violating party discipline and its decision.

Tyagi had written in the letter then that Kumar had given more respect to Varma than he deserves. “Instead of respecting the honour he got from the party and submitting himself to it, he deluded himself into thinking that the party had no choice,” he wrote.

Varma had been an MP until July 2016.

In TMC’s National Brand-Building Spree, Varied Backgrounds of Its Inductees Have Unique Weight

Rarely has a regional party displayed national aspiration with such intense fervour as Mamata Banerjee’s party is showing now.

Kolkata: West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s party, the Trinamool Congress’s aggressive drive to affect defections, mainly from the Congress, in Tripura, Goa and Meghalaya, is understandable.

Banking on its Bengal assembly election success, the TMC now wants to contest the assembly polls in those states with its fullest strength, in all assembly constituencies, aiming to become the chief opposition there, if not the ruling force.

But what explains the party’s induction events in New Delhi, involving leaders from various parties with as diverse a geographical and political background as Kirti Azad and Pawan Verma?

Azad and Verma represented Bihar in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha on tickets of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Janata Dal (United), respectively.

What, indeed, explains the presence of former Haryana Congress unit chief Ashok Tanwar, or Delhi-based RTI activist Saket Gokhale, who joined sometime ago? Uttar Pradesh Congress leader Kamalapati Tripathi was also inducted in the party.

None of these new entrants (Gokhale joined earlier) are political heavyweights. Nor are they known to enjoy any significant mass base.

“The inductions may be from scattered geographical locations but these joinings, even if they appear somewhat haphazard, are happening as part of a brand-building exercise,” said a senior TMC leader who requested not to be identified. He described the idea as the brainchild of political strategist Prashant Kishor, who has been working with the TMC as a consultant since June 2019.

But what can the party gain from Mamata Banerjee meeting with figures as contrasting as poet-lyricist Javed Akhtar and BJP Rajya Sabha member Subramanian Swamy? Won’t hobnobbing with people from the saffron camp dent her secular credentials?

BJP leader Subramanian Swamy meets West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in New Delhi, Wednesday, Nov. 24, 2021. Photo: PTI

Speaking to The Wire, a TMC Lok Sabha MP ruled out the possibility of any such harm.

“The Congress and the NCP (Nationalist Congress Party) are in alliance with Shiv Sena, which everybody knows as a Hindutva force,” the MP said, adding, “Our plan is to have people with face value from as diverse sections as possible to express their agreement on the point that Mamata Banerjee is the best face to bet on for ending the Modi-Shah regime in 2024.”

“It is not the weight that these individual inductees carry that is of importance; the important point is the unity in thoughts – that Mamata Banerjee is the ablest leader to lead the battle against the BJP – despite their diverse backgrounds,” the MP summed up.

Political observers could not recall many examples from the past of a regional party making such aggressive bids for national expansion, except for, to some extent, the NCP and Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).

Both these parties, as a result of their efforts, managed to secure the status of a national party but neither have had remarkable influence beyond the states that are their strongholds – Maharashtra for the NCP and Uttar Pradesh for the BSP.

Also read: What Could TMC Gain by Taking in Babul Supriyo Who Failed To Deliver for BJP in Assembly Polls

Can Mamata Banerjee set a new precedent? 

As the TMC leader rightly pointed out, almost everyone who joined the TMC in recent times attributed their decision to Banerjee’s stature as the best person to lead the opposition against the Narendra Modi government, which has been ruling the country since 2014 with an overwhelming electoral mandate.

A BJP supporter in a Modi mask in the run up to the 2014 polls. Photo: Reuters/Amit Dave

“Of all the politicians I have met or worked with, Mamata Banerjee ranks with JP, Morarji Desai, Rajiv Gandhi, Chandrashekhar, and P.V. Narasimha Rao who meant what they said and said what they meant. In Indian politics that is a rare quality,” said BJP’s Subramanian Swamy.

Former Meghalaya chief minister Mukul Sangma who is the state’s leader of the opposition has said only Banerjee can fill the opposition vacuum.

“Congress has failed to play the role of the main opposition party in the country. Only Mamata Banerjee can give the right leadership,” he said.

“Today, a personality like her is needed in the country who can show it the right direction,” said Kirti Azad, three-time BJP MP-turned-Congress leader.

“Today, there is only one leader that can defeat BJP,” said Ashok Tanwar, former Haryana Congress unit chief who was known as having been close to Rahul Gandhi.

Gokhale described Banerjee as “ever fearless”, while others have cited her aggression, which they think is an essential component to take on the Modi-Shah-led BJP.

‘Personality cult’

A senior TMC leader who has knowledge of the party’s ‘branding exercise’ in consultation with Kishor’s organisation said that the chief aim is to highlight the ‘strong leader’ and ‘street-fighter’ image that Banerjee has always had and encash on her ‘aggressive politics’.

“If we are to encash on her aggression, we need to play aggressively. This is why proactive moves, without waiting for others’ responses, is key to this game,” the leader explained.

An employee of Kishor’s organisation, the Indian Political Action Committee, or the I-PAC, who spoke to The Wire on condition of anonymity, said that Kishor had devised a similar branding exercise for the BJP’s then prime ministerial candidate Modi ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee addresses an election campaign rally for the assembly polls, at Baneswar in Cooch Behar district, April 7, 2021. Photo: Bengal CMO via Twitter

“Later, after Kishor quit working with them, BJP copied his style and gained success in its expansion drive. But Kishor is a master in this art of branding and the battle of perceptions. We are very confident these initiatives will pay off,” the employee said.

According to columnist Ajay Gudavarthy, an associate professor at the Centre for Political Studies at New Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), a peculiar political situation in India in which it is difficult to differentiate between parties on the basis of their policies has allowed the TMC to exploit Mamata Banerjee’s ‘personality cult’, just the way the BJP succeeded doing it around Modi.

He said that the Congress, with neoliberal economic reforms in the 1990s, made the economic policies of almost all the parties look the same, while the BJP, by playing the Hindutva card, has now made the social policies of all the parties look all the same.

“More or less, all parties are following a policy of massive neoliberalism with transactional welfarism and no one is speaking a language outside the Hindu majoritarian articulation. This confuses the voters. Whom to vote for? Politics have become more uncertain. It is in this context that personalities of the leaders have become important and make all the difference. The TMC is trying to cash in on Banerjee’s reputation of being a strong-willed woman,” Gudavarthy said.

Gudavarthy thinks that only proposals of radical reforms with a welfare-centric approach can end the political stalemate where policies matter less than propaganda around personalities.

Congress’s ‘Nyay’ was a good idea but it came late. In Delhi, Kejriwal’s victory despite a vicious communal campaign shows that welfare-centric approach and administrative delivery pays off. To my understanding, the opposition will have a better chance if they sit together and chalk out a really radical policy focused on welfare and effective delivery,” he said.

The TMC’s landmark victory in the 2021 assembly election, despite the BJP’s full-blooded effort to dethrone her, has also been widely attributed to the welfare schemes of her government.

Also read: Interview | ‘Our Welfare Schemes Will Ride Us Back to Power’: TMC’s Derek O’Brien

Mamata’s equations 

The TMC’s principal message was made loud and clear by the party chairperson herself on Wednesday evening. While answering a question from the media on not meeting Congress working president Sonia Gandhi during her three-day stay in the national capital, Banerjee said, “Why should we meet Sonia Gandhi every time?”

Her four-day schedule in the national capital also did not include any meetings with another key opposition face, Delhi chief minister and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) supremo Arvind Kejriwal, with whom Banerjee otherwise has cordial relations. Nevertheless, AAP is another party that has embarked into a national expansion plan, targeting the states of Punjab, Uttarakhand, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Goa, among others.

But word is doing the rounds in TMC circles that Banerjee is expected to meet Maharashtra chief minister and Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray and NCP chief Sharad Pawar around November 30-December 1 during her visit to Maharashtra. Her official programme is to meet industrialists for the state’s business summit, to which she has already invited Modi.

“Sharad Pawar had displayed national aspirations soon after launching the NCP in 1999 but Mamata Banerjee is going about it very systematically, as she has her eyes on Delhi. People from the Congress who are disillusioned with the way the party is functioning but cannot go to the BJP due to ideological reasons are seeing a home in the TMC. Being an offshoot of the Congress, the TMC is more akin to the Congress,” said columnist and political columnist Neerja Chowdhury.

She said that some kind of an opposition alliance is likely to form ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Before such a coalition formalises, every party is looking to strengthen its own position by contesting the assembly elections due in various states.

AAP National Convenor and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal addresses media at Chandigarh Airport. Photo: PTI.

“If the Congress is not getting its act together, it is actually moving very slowly, there is no reason why former Congress members should not reclaim the Congress,”  said Chowdhury, adding that the possibility of different offshoots of the Congress, such as the NCP and the YSR Congress in Andhra Pradesh coming together in an alliance could not be ruled out.

If a senior TMC leader is to be believed, the party also aims to have political veterans such as Lal Krishna Advani of BJP and Kapil Sibal of Congress to say some words of praise for Banerjee even if they do not agree to leave their parties.

“We are targeting disenchanted leaders from both Congress and BJP. Those coming from the BJP should ideally say Modi must go and those from the Congress should say Congress can’t do it. The success rate has so far been high in the case of Congress because the party is caught in internal trouble. But we are hopeful of breaching the BJP’s defence as well,” a veteran TMC Lok Sabha MP said.

In West Bengal, the TMC has already poached a BJP Lok Sabha MP and seven MLAs, apart from leaders of various ranks, and are also trying to engineer a defection drive in the BJP’s Tripura unit.

As of now, the TMC is enjoying the successes it has achieved.  “Trinamool. Here’s looking at you,” the party’s Rajya Sabha leader Derek O’Brien tweeted on Wednesday night, adding an ‘angel face’ emoji to the text. The tweet came soon after the news of Sangma’s defection to the TMC along with 11 other MLAs broke.

The next morning, the editorial in the TMC’s mouthpiece, the Bengali daily Jago Bangla, was headlined ‘Aksham Congress’, or ‘the incapable Congress’.

Why Nitish Kumar’s Measured Distance From BJP Holds Value in These Times

Even while sharing the dais with BJP brass, Nitish has never joined the party in delegitimising the nationwide protests against CAA, NRC and NPR.

Patna: Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar is currently at the centre of a storm, battling allegations that he has compromised on his socialist and secular ideology to maintain the alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party for the Delhi Assembly polls, or his ambivalence on the Citizenship Amendment Act. 

While this may largely be the opinion of analysts who observe the Centre rather closely, those in Bihar, however, can’t discount the particular political quandary Kumar currently faces.  

After his expulsion from the Janata Dal (United) in the wake of sending a letter in which he revealed Nitish’s “apprehension” about the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-BJP in a “private conversation” on “more than one occasion” to him, the former diplomat and author, Pavan K. Varma has since sharpened his critique of Nitish’s “ideological drift”. 

However, Nitish as a person and Nitish as a key operator in concurrent power politics remain valid subjects for closer examination. 

Those who know Nitish for quite some time know it well that the brand of socialism as propounded by Ram Manohar Lohia and secularism as enshrined in the Indian constitution have a distinct place in Nitish’s heart.

Varma didn’t actually make any staggering revelations when he said that Nitish had expressed “apprehension” about the RSS-BJP in private conversations. 

Nitish might well have shared his personal opinion on Hindutva with many other personal acquaintances. Otherwise a reserved person, known for his economy of words, Nitish has the proclivity to talk his heart out in private conversations. 

It thus perhaps didn’t bother Nitish at all when Varma – even while he was the JD(U)’s general secretary – attacked the RSS-BJP’s insidiously divisive Hindutva agenda. What stung Nitish was Varma’s “revelation” of the content that Nitish, purportedly, shared in private conversation.

The point to be noticed here is Nitish didn’t deny the “revealed content”. He simply said, “I can never reveal what Varma has told to me in private conversation. Private conversations are not brought in the public realm”.

It is a fact that Nitish Kumar had given a call for “Sangh mukt Bharat” when he was with the Rashtriya Janata Dal and Congress. It is also a fact that he had stated that he would prefer to be broken into smithereens rather than return to BJP. He has strongly questioned Narendra Modi on the issue of secularism and the idea of India.

Nitish and Modi. Photo: PTI

If one carefully decodes the journey of Nitish’s speeches and statements, one will find very easily that Nitish has never given a clean chit to Narendra Modi despite sharing the dais with him on several occasions. He is seldom in tune with the BJP, despite returning to the NDA in 2017. 

Nitish is a rare politician who has effectively mastered the art of keeping his person and his politics separate.  

When he broke out from the NDA, he had doggedly attempted to unite the opposition to the extent that he was the strongest votary of the six old Janata Parivar factions merger. It’s not out of the way to think that Nitish, who had staged a comeback as the Bihar chief minister after defeating the resurgent BJP in 2015, might have harboured the ambition to emerge a rallying point of opposition unity against the BJP. 

Somehow, his efforts didn’t work and he returned to the NDA despite all his “reservations” and “apprehensions”. But now, he is faced with the challenge to retain his position as the chief minister of Bihar while also retaining his supremacy against the BJP, his ally in the state. 

Nitish must wage wars on two fronts at a time — against his ideological adversary and political ally, BJP, and against the political opponents and ideological mates that the RJD-Congress are to him.

Even in such a situation, Nitish has rejected the NRC, has asked the prime minister to drop the six new questions in the NPR and has left it to the Supreme Court decide on the CAA’s constitutional validity despite supporting it in the parliament.

Also read: Decoding Nitish Kumar’s Curious Stand on NRC-CAA

He has never joined the BJP in delegitimising the nationwide protests going on against CAA, NRC and NPR. Rather, he admonished his administration for detaining CPI leader Kanhaiya Kumar near Gandhi Ashram at Bhittiharwa in Bihar’s West Champaran district and said, “The people have the right to protest”.

He shared the dais with Union home minister Amit Shah in Delhi on February 2 to campaign for a party candidate contesting on a solitary seat in alliance with the BJP. He showcased his government’s achievements in Bihar and attacked Delhi chief minister, Arvind Kejriwal, as a political rival should do. But he neither joined in with BJP leaders’ tirade that Arvind Kejriwal was a “terrorist” or “anti-national”. Nor did he speak against Shaheen Bagh. 

In his latest interview to The Wire, the eminent academic and profound political thinker Pratap Bhanu Mehta said to Karan Thapar, “It is not important who replaces Narendra Modi as next PM. What is important is how Indian society reeling under repeated shocks from majoritarian dispensation will be rebuilt and resurrected by whosoever replaces Modi as the PM”.

If Mehta’s observations are seen in the context of Bihar, Nitish’s successor will not inherit as pulverised or broken a Bihar as Adityanath’s successor will, in Uttar Pradesh.

There are few instances of communal disharmony and police excesses on protesters in Bihar and even the BJP leaders — despite their alliance with Nitish — don’t have the temerity to hoodwink Muslims or question their patriotism in the state.

Nalin Verma is a senior journalist and co-author of the book Gopalganj to Raisina: My Political Journey, Lalu Prasad’s autobiography.

‘Free to Join Any Party He Likes’: Nitish Kumar Hits Out at Pavan Varma

Varma has recently been critical of Nitish’s stance on the CAA. He also did not favour JD(U) decision to tie up with BJP for the Delhi polls.

New Delhi: Bihar chief minister and Janata Dal (United) chief Nitish Kumar minced no words while hitting out at his colleague and senior party leader Pavan Varma, who has criticised the party’s move to support the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act. 

On Thursday, when asked about Varma questioning the logic behind JD(U) allying with the BJP even in Delhi for the upcoming assembly elections, Kumar said, “He is free to go and join any party he likes, my best wishes.”

“Our stand is clear, no confusion. If anyone has any issues, then the person can discuss it within party or at party meetings, but to give such public statements is surprising. Is this a way to talk?” he added. 

Known for his short but clear statements, Kumar, who leads the JD(U)-BJP coalition government in Bihar, clearly indicated that he will brook no such public criticisms of the party, from within the party, anymore. 

Apart from Varma, party’s vice-president Prashant Kishore and many senior leaders of the party, including another national general secretary Gulam Rasool Balyawi had also expressed their discomfort against Kumar’s decision to support the Citizenship Amendment Bill in the Parliament, which they feel has to be seen in conjunction with the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC). 

According to these leaders, Kumar has assured them that he will not allow NRC to be implemented in Bihar. However, Varma came out publicly to question JD(U)’s alliance with the saffron party in Delhi, especially at a time when protests over CAA-NRC has only been growing across the country, including in Bihar. 

Varma, a former Rajya Sabha MP and party’s national general secretary, had tweeted a letter to Nitish Kumar two days ago to express his anguish and anxiety over the alliance. He spoke about a conversation in which Kumar had expressed “grave apprehensions” about the BJP and its ideological fountainhead Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). He had asked the party chief to “harmonise” the party’s private and public positions. 


“On more than one occasion, you have expressed your grave apprehensions about the BJP-RSS combine. If these are your real views, I fail to understand how the JDU is now extending its alliance with the BJP beyond Bihar, when even long standing allies of the BJP, like the Akali Dal, have refused to do so. This is especially so at a time when the BJP, through the CAA-NPR-NRC combine, has embarked on a massive social divisive agenda aimed at mutilating the peace, harmony and stability of the country,” Varma wrote.

He also spoke of his first meeting with Kumar in 2012 where he spoke “at length and with conviction on why Narendra Modi and his policies are inimical for the country.” He also reminded Kumar of his election call for an “RSS-mukt Bharat (RSS-free India)”. 

He also said that when Kumar revived his alliance with BJP in 2017 after dumping Rashtriya Janata Dal and Congress, with which he had contested the assembly elections together, the BJP leadership had subjected him to humiliation. 

Also read: Decoding Nitish Kumar’s Curious Stand on NRC-CAA

In the last few months, however, Kumar has hinted at the possibility of JD(U) joining the Union government. The party has already become a part of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance. His adamant stance on CAA indicates that his word on the issue may be the final one in the party. 

Responding to him, Varma said, “(Leaving) is an option that everyone has and I know it. It was never my intention to hurt him.” He added that he welcomed Kumar’s rebuke as his statement hints at the further possibility of a discussion within the party. 

Varma’s objections to CAA-NRC

Speaking to The Wire in December, Varma said that his position in JD(U) was “irrevocably untenable” after he publicly criticised his party’s support to CAB in the parliament. And that he “would like to devote the next few years” and all his “political energy to create a sane and credible alternative in this country at the political level.”

“This country needs choice which is congruent with what the country’s good is. I will work towards that end,” he had asserted. 

“The party can remove me or I can remove myself from the party,” he had said.  

“Yes, we are in an alliance with the BJP in Bihar. Yes, the government in Bihar is a coalition. Yes, perhaps the BJP and the JD(U) need each other to fight the elections next year when the assembly elections are due. But at the same time, the JD(U), and specially Mr. Nitish Kumar has been a leader who on specific issues, even while in an alliance with the BJP, has taken a strong position of differing, of saying that we are allies but we don’t agree.” 

He had gone on to speak about JD(U)’s objection to “the manner in which Article 370 was rammed through in the parliament.”

“There are issues on which we protest. Particularly, for instance, when there are overt communal voices in the BJP, we come out against them,” he had said.

He had also said that he was deeply anguished by the fact that Kumar, despite his private objections to CAA and NRC, had gone ahead to support the CAB in Rajya Sabha. He felt that JD (U) preferred political expediency and “possible political dividend to the far more fundamental pursuit of ideological chastity.”

“To my mind that is unacceptable. It is against our party constitution. In the very first page of our constitution, the word secular occurs three times. Nitish Kumar himself has always stood multiple times against attempts to divide the society on the basis of dharm and majhab and religion,” he had said, adding that even in the case of CAB, Kumar has made his concerns about CAB public. 

“Nitish Kumar was very sensitive to the concerns in the northeast (against CAB), for that (northeastern) identity to be preserved, and not to be swamped,” he said. 

“What happened to all of that? The northeast is in flames. My point is if you are willing to jettison ideology on the altar of political expediency, somewhere you are on the wrong track,” he had said, adding that there seemed to be “a lack of ideological clarity” in his party.