The statement belies initial claims made by US President Trump that no Americans were hurt.
The Pentagon on Friday said 34 US troops suffered traumatic brain injuries during Iran’s missile strike on an airbase in Iraq earlier this month. President Donald Trump had initially claimed that no Americans were harmed.
Trump later revised his statement to say the injuries were “not very serious.”
Last week the US military said 11 military personnel had been treated for concussion symptoms after the attack on the Ain al-Asad airbase in western Iraq, before adding this week that additional troops had been moved out of the country for potential injuries. Eight of the injured arrived in the US on Friday from US installations in Germany.
The exact nature of the injuries, or the service and unit affiliations of the casualties, were not disclosed, though it was understood that half of the original 34 injured have returned to work.
Seventeen remain under medical observation or receiving treatment.
Retaliation strike
Iran carried out the rocket attack on January 3 in retaliation for a US drone strike in Baghdad that killed Iran’s most powerful general, Qassem Soleimani.
Many US personnel were in bunkers before nearly a dozen Iranian missiles exploded. Tensions have since eased between the US and Iran after Trump said he chose not to retaliate.
The question of American casualties was considered important, as it was seen as influencing a US decision on whether to launch a counterattack.
The article was originally published on DW. You can read it here.
The recent missile strike in Syria at the command of US President Trump has caused stock prices of defence stocks such as those of Raytheon, Northrup Grumman, and Boeing to soar.
William K. Black is the author of The Best Way to Rob a Bank Is to Own One and teaches economics and law at the University of Missouri Kansas City (UMKC). He was the executive director of the Institute for Fraud Prevention from 2005-2007. Black was a central figure in exposing Congressional corruption during the savings and loan crisis.
Sharmini Peries: It’s the Real News Network. I’m Sharmini Peries coming to you from Baltimore. Stock prices of major defence contractors such as Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and Boeing have surged by double-digit percentages recently. The reasons vary, but Raytheon manufactures the Tomahawk cruise missiles that were used last Friday in attacking Syria.
The US and its allies are safe across the world, except for the Syrians. Now joining me to analyse the relationship between defence stocks and US military activity is Bill Black. Bill is a white-collar criminologist, a former financial regulator, and an associate professor of economics and law at the University of Missouri Kansas City. He’s the author of The Best Way to Rob a Bank Is to Own One. Thanks for joining us, Bill.
Bill Black: Thank you.
SP: Bill, last year, Fortune magazine calculated that the share prices of defence contractors and companies rose by as much as $5 billion dollars after Trump launched his attack on the Syrian air base. This year the numbers are similar, no doubt. What do you make of this link between military activity and the rise in defence stock prices?
BB: Well, it’s pretty well established. In fact, the first big one is involving Raytheon which is the principal manufacturer of the Tomahawk cruise missiles that were used primarily in the 2017 strike, the strike last week in Syria and the method that President Obama would have used, as well. So in 2013, when he was threatening to do a strike on Syria, Raytheon’s stock price, surged simply from the discussion of the possibility of use.
And of course, several things are going on at the same time. One, once you shoot them you need to buy new ones. They’re very expensive. They’re, you know, ballpark a million and, the advanced Tomahawk, over a million and a half pounds, so somewhere around 1.8 million bucks per missile. But also there’s the demonstration effect, that they work. That they’re able to penetrate defences, and that they actually hit the targets that you aim at with a vastly higher probability than in the past when people shot missiles. And so those two things combine, of course, to have people go, whoa, this is great. We should be buying those, as well.
And particularly in the American context, when we attacked Syria decades ago in response to some of the things happening in Lebanon, attacking the United States there, we’ve had planes shot down, and we had pilots killed, and other pilots captured by the Syrian military, and it was a, a huge diplomatic problem. And cruise missiles, of course, don’t have that effect. They are launched from, frequently, hundreds of miles away, well outside the range any ability to shoot down, whether they’re launched as they were largely in this latest raid by B1 Lancers, which are a huge ability to carry, and they can fire from standoff ranges of 100 miles or more, or from frigates or submarines, or, in the case of the Brits, their Tornado attack planes, again, are launching the missiles from far outside any ability of the Syrian defenses to be able to shoot down the plane that is launching those missiles.
So they’re safe. And also there is clearly billed enthusiasm. The public in the United States tends to like them. Politicians that launch them praise themselves and they praise the military, and they talk about, great, we should have a, you know, isn’t it wonderful that we’ve created a massive increase in the budget for these kinds of things. So it feeds on itself. For all those reasons, we expect to see stock prices go up.
Now, of course, Raytheon stock has been going up for some considerable time, given the things we’ve just talked about. The huge surge in the budget that everybody knew was going to lead to a significant rise in expenditures with Raytheon, both because of the cruise missiles, which are an offensive weapon, but also because Raytheon makes a lot of the critical defensive missiles against ballistic missile strikes. And of course, that’s been teed up, if you’re familiar with the United States, to an enormous degree by the purported or real threat from North Korea to be able to have ballistic missile launches that would have the range to actually reach the United States. Well, the missiles that would potentially knock down those North Korean ballistic missiles, those defensive missiles, Raytheon is also one of the leading manufacturers of those systems.
So all of these things are coming together, and it’s been a spectacular month so far for Raytheon and one hell of a year and in one hell of a decade. So yes, their stock prices are trading at all-time records that have never been seen.
SP: All right, Bill. General Mattis is a respectable general, very reputable in the military. He’s obviously aware that the decisions that the US military takes and the kinds of weaponry it uses has this kind of impact in the marketplace, in terms of boosting the commercial value of these companies that are producing these. Do you think that’s factored in at all in terms of decision making?
BB: Certainly not by Mattis. Certainly, there are lobbyists and such that love the prospect. But from, if you see it from the perspective of the military, what you need to recall is that until relatively recently, when you drop bombs, you, what you did overwhelmingly was miss. Right? So there were bridges we attempted to bomb in Vietnam and such, where we would send strike package after strike package, we would lose all kinds of multimillion-dollar jets, and their pilots, and naval aviators, and such. And we would occasionally, out of literally hundreds of bombs dropped, damage a span of the bridge, and the bridge was back in operation almost always within 24 hours.
So it was terrible, right. The Air Force and the Navy always overpromised in terms of what they could deliver, that they could typically not hit the things they tried to hit. And it was really expensive in the sense of people knew where to put the defences, the anti-aircraft batteries, and the anti-aircraft missiles. It was fairly clear where we would have to come in in many cases, and they could sight them optimally. And we had very severe losses, both in terms of money and, more important, in terms of people.
So it was horrible from the standpoint of the military. And then finally they got weapons in which they could not only hit, but they could typically hit the thing they wanted to hit with a single missile strike. That’s astonishing change, and better yet, you could launch this missile, as I said, from way outside the range at which the platform, the plane, the frigate, the submarine launching the missile, could be attacked itself. And so that has allowed the military to be able to do these kinds of engagements where they were otherwise really quite afraid to do so, because we would have a significant probability in the old days that we would A) Miss the target, B) Have some of our planes shot down, and C) Have some of our pilots or naval aviators captured, which in the United States context because of politics is a particularly huge problem in terms of constraints. So that, that’s what freed up the United States military, Raytheon, in considerable part to be able to do these things.
And it’s not just those missiles. The air-to-air missiles in the Vietnam War, those missiles were fairly primitive, and they missed most of the time, and worse, again, the Air Force had overpromised, and they said, oh, these missiles, the air-to-air missiles going to shoot down the enemy jets just so easily we won’t even put a gun on the Phantom. We’ll just have missiles. Well, it’s, you know, particularly terrible if your missiles don’t work. But now the air-to-air missiles are vastly more capable. And again, it’s companies like Raytheon that have made those missiles work. And the United States and its allies, it’s why Israel, you know, we’re talking about 20-plus years ago, was able to shoot down something like 52 Syrian jet fighters at the last of zero Israeli fighters, because you had their version of the AWACS, which we gave them, the large civilian-ish plane, it’s a military plane, but unarmed, that orbits with superb radars. You find literally the Syrian jets as they’re taking off from the airport, and you engage them with really good missiles, again, outside their envelope of where they can fight back.
So you know, the military loves companies like Raytheon. These generals that you’re talking about are old enough that they came up in the era when the missiles didn’t work when the bombs didn’t work, and it was terrible. And it’s like a miracle transformation from their standpoint, and it saves all kinds of lives. You know, John McCain would not have been shot down and imprisoned if he was launching a Standoff modern cruise missile.
SP: All right, Bill, much more to talk about. But we’ll wait for next week. Thank you so much for joining us.
BB: Thank you.
SP: And thank you for joining us here on the Real News Network.
As Donald Trump tackles troubles at home, US interventionism is taking over policymaking. The president is now fully embraced by the national security and foreign policy establishment.
As Donald Trump tackles troubles at home, US interventionism is taking over policymaking. The president is now fully embraced by the national security and foreign policy establishment.
US president Donald Trump on the campaign trail in 2016. Credit: Reuters/Brian Snyder
US military aggression in Syria in response to the Assad regime’s alleged use of chemical weapons against civilians signifies the end of US President Donald Trump’s ‘America First’ policy in both rhetoric and practice. The strikes signify his full embrace of the basic principles of US imperial interventionism enshrined in the country’s policies since 1945. Trump has backtracked on a major campaign promise that earned him widespread support, including from some Bernie Sanders backers.
Trump’s authorisation of massive military violence – 59 Tomahawk cruise missiles were fired at a Syrian airbase – means that Trump no longer opposes intervention in the Middle East and undercuts his opposition to former president Barack Obama’s 2013 plans to bomb Syrian government targets. Trump’s ‘decisiveness’ has been applauded by the leaderships of both main political parties, the media – including purveyors of ‘fake news’ like CNN – and the leaders of the principal US allies – Britain, Germany, France and Israel. They are pleased to see this restoration of normalcy after a period of intense anxiety.
Trump’s hard right nationalist political base is ‘up in arms’ at the betrayal of election promises, suggesting that Trump’s chief strategist and white nationalist Steve Bannon’s days may be numbered.
By ordering the strikes, Trump has shown that he is a traditional US president conducting imperial business as usual despite initially claiming that the US had too many of its own problems to expend time, effort, blood and wealth on an ungrateful and demanding world. The Trump administration has been educated, incorporated and domesticated by powerful political and institutional figures and forces.
An international misadventure
A foreign military adventure derives from many sources and motives but there are five worth considering at this point: the crisis engendered by the Congress and FBI investigating several of Trump’s presidential campaign officials for meeting or colluding with Russian government operatives during the election; internal factional crises within the Trump administration, especially between the globalists and nationalists; the administration’s conspicuous lack of achievements other than building a reputation for chaos and incompetence; a message to Chinese President Xi Jinping; and the power that the establishment holds over the Trump administration.
The war in Syria has been going on for several years without the US directly attacking the Assad regime – although it and its Gulf allies have armed and financed opposition groups, including ISIS, and allied organisations. So it is legitimate to ask – why attack now? Domestic political crises are sidelined when the US goes to war – at least temporarily.
Such may well be the case here, especially given the increasing significance of the US establishment’s investigations into the Trump administration’s links with Russian officials – including possible meddling in the US elections. This has stirred up a storm of political and media protests, and as the interrogations continue to dog the administration, there remains a possibility of Trump being impeached if personally implicated. The military strike against Russia’s key ally Syria – and allegations that Russia collaborated with Syria, or at least knew about the alleged chemical weapon attack – will help quell any notions of Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin sharing a warm relationship.
But escalating an already volatile situation – one in which ISIS is facing defeat for the first time in several years – is a high-risk strategy. It may work in the short term but its longer term consequences could be catastrophic. Launching a barrage of deadly missiles on the basis of information provided by pro-ISIS forces points to a policy which is reckless in the extreme.
Plagued by factionalism, hounded by indecisiveness
The Trump administration is riven with factionalism and internal dissent. The most notable example is the factions forming around Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner and Banon, his chief strategist and self-declared white nationalist. Last week, Bannon was removed from the National Security Council (NSC), while national security adviser General Herbert Raymond McMaster has been appointing regular conservative Republicans to the NSC instead. Internal factions have impaired the administration’s collective decision-making, causing inaction and recklessness – including the hastily assembled and subsequently court-overruled executive orders banning (Syrian) refugees (for whom Trump now feels so sympathetic) and Muslims from certain countries from entering the US.
With Bannon’s removal from the NSC, it appears that the ‘nationalists’ have lost their chief champion in the administration while the globalists march on – led by Kushner and the phalanx of Goldman Sachs appointees, not to mention General James Mattis, Trump’s defence secretary and McMaster. In this administration, war is left to the generals.
And war may be necessary because the administration, for all its rhetoric and bluster, has yet to achieve anything substantial at home since inauguration day in January. Two failed executive orders banning Muslims and refugees have been declared unconstitutional and resulted in more chaos than decisive action. Trump’s much-trumpeted abolition of Obamacare did not even reach the floor to be voted on in the House of Representatives. It was withdrawn due to the definite threat of defeat at the hands of right-wing Republicans who believe that state-funded maternity care is ‘un-American’. Add to this the sacking of Trump’s first national security adviser, Michael Flynn, amid allegations concerning his dealings with Russia, and this administration increasingly appears incapable of governing.
But, as former President Bill Clinton discovered in the late 1990s, firing cruise missiles at enemies – real and imagined – can be an effective diversion to throw off the corporate media and its army of pundits. In the love-in that’s engulfed the Washington beltway, the normalisation of the Trump presidency appears complete, although its rough, Tweet-soaked edges remain.
Firing missiles while Xi was in town to discuss the future of Sino-US relations, trade problems and issues arising from the nuclear-armed North Korean regime, may be a masterstroke on Trump’s part. Having threatened a pre-emptive military strike on North Korea, friendless apart from its close dependence on China, Trump has dared Xi to react. The Chinese leader did not say a word in public but is unlikely to underestimate the gravity of the situation. There are now reports of a US carrier group heading towards the South China Sea, probably with Xi’s agreement.
The heart of US power
But the biggest threats against Trump’s ‘America first’ policy have always been stationed at home; the elite networks that are at the heart of US power – big foundations like Ford, Rockefeller and Carnegie, corporate think tanks like the Council on Foreign Relations, Brookings and even the right-wing Heritage Foundation, the network of Ivy League scholars that passes through the revolving door of powerful public and private offices, and the military leaders trained in the US’s far-flung violent conflicts. They wrote ineffectual letters last summer declaring Trump a racist warmonger unfit for office. Trump won against all odds. But the establishment never went away. Instead, it prodded and poked, linked up with media partners, fed reports about threats to the US wherever and whenever they could, took up appointments at key agencies and departments. Of them all, Heritage occupies a privileged position – it is committed to a conservative nationalist internationalism and occupies more places within the Trump administration’s transition and landing teams in addition to other administrative offices than any of the other institutions. Heritage has stood its ground on Putin and Russian ‘expansionism’ and has called for aggressive action against Syria, China and North Korea. The think tank has also called for more military spending alongside tax cuts, along with the rest of the panoply of free market fundamentalist policy prescriptions. Together, these networks have incorporated and domesticated the Trump presidency.
The education of Trump has been swift and may be incomplete still, but the student has proven able and willing to learn how to conduct the business of the US empire. As usual, someone else will pay the price.
Inderjeet Parmar is professor on international politics at City, University of London. His twitter handle is @USEmpire.