‘Zionism Is Not Judaism’: Lessons From Rabbi David Weiss

It would thus seem that Jews, Hindus, and Muslims fall into two categories – those who believe that true religious faith must remain uncontaminated by the pursuit of state formation, and those who hold that it is their religion that must govern their political existence.

Recall the trick that has been played in India of our time – that opposing Hindutva is to be anti-Hindu.

This same trick has been played by the Zionists in Europe, America, and Israel – that opposing Zionism and the state of Israel is being anti-Semitic.

Well, listen to this erudite Rabbi here, make an agonised distinction between Judaism and Zionism.

 Judaism, he explains, is the religion that believing Jews must follow.

This involves being devoted to the teachings of Moses, the Tablets that God gave him on Mount Sinai, the Torah, in short.

A 3,000 year old faith, Judaims as per the Torah explicitly forbids killing (‘Thou shall not kill’).

 In another interview, the Rabbi, David Weiss, referenced above, maintains that Judaism is not consistent with establishing a political state, since nationalism contravenes subjugation only to god.

The institution of a theocracy, therefore, is, according to Judaic injunctions, antithetical to the religious teachings of Judaism.

Zionism, however, emerged as a nationalist-political movement in Europe only about 150 years ago.

According to the Rabbi, David Weiss, this occurrence was conducive to European Christians and political Jews, because it was a way both of evacuating Europe of Jews and affording to Zionist nationalists a land and state of their own – a sort of Europe beyond Europe.

In the wake of what happened in events leading from the Balfour Declaration to the Nakba of 1948, Judaism came to become a state ideology of the modern kind through recourse to covert and overt violence forbidden by the Torah.

Here in India those who look upon Gandhi as the icon of Hinduism believe that Hinduism is inconsistent with the demand for a Hindu theocracy, the goal that Hindutva nationalists pursue.

If Gandhian Hinduism grounds itself in non-violence and social inclusiveness, Hindutva, as the scholar, Vinayak Chaturvedi explores in Hindutva and Violence: V.D. Savarkar and a Politics of History [Permanent Black, 2022] was regarded by Savarkar as inseparable from violence, as he – Savarkar – lays out in his Six Golden Epochs of Indian History [Marathi 1963, translated to English by S.T. Godbole, 1971].

One might extend these juxtapositions to a similar schism between Sufi Islam and Islam as a nationalist-political, theocratic ideology.

If the former advocates universal love and harmony, because god is the author of all that exists, the latter has tended to be constantly embroiled in violent assertions of state sovereignty, and expanded conquest.

It would thus seem that Jews, Hindus, and Muslims fall into two clearly enunciated categories – those who believe that true religious faith must remain uncontaminated by the pursuit of state formation and state power, and those Jews, Hindus and Muslims who hold that it is their religion that must govern their political existence.

Coming from another perspective, we may add that there are those who believe that sharp class interests inform these distinct demarcations.

Plenty to chew on.

Badri Raina taught at Delhi University.

The Gods in Our Kitchens

Those in the Indian subcontinent who believe that adherents of a religion should live in their own self-contained country would do well to read Nilanjana Sengupta’s ‘Chickpeas to Cook and Other Stories’.

The first remarkable thing about Nilanjana Sengupta’s Chickpeas to Cook and Other Stories is its structure.

The book has eight chapters named solemnly after religions ― Islam, Judaism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Taoism, and Zoroastrianism. Within each chapter are nestled three things ― an introduction to the religion, an introduction to a community within the religion and then, a story honouring a person from that community.

The scene of this action is Singapore, a country Sengupta moved to from India and lives in.

The stories are mostly women-led. Each is prefaced with an acknowledgement of sorts on how a particular friend of Sengupta’s has introduced her to this story.

‘Chickpeas to Cook and Other Stories,’ Nilanjana Sengupta, Penguin Random House SEA, 2022.

Throughout the book, religion straddles the lives of those who have made Singapore home. Most are from the Indian subcontinent. All are interesting in their own way.

Sengupta’s worthy preoccupation in this book has been to find the smallest ― in fact, the unit ― of all experiences. Thus it is that in Singapore, a tiny country, the lens is trained on the home, a tiny stage where the largest of concepts ― religion ― is performed.

Prose flows like in a conversation, as Sengupta introduces each religion before taking a longer look at each community that follows that religion. Who are the Dawoodi Bohras? What about the Eurasians? How far removed are the Theravada Buddhist-Burmese from the Buddha and Burma? Sengupta answers these with the air of a grandmother recounting a well-told story. Shorn of grimness, each chapter seeks to answer an essential question ― all religions have grand philosophies, but what of the women?

The stories are also not burdened by the intention of offering up vignettes of very unique lives. They are neither very dissimilar, nor the same. But they do have central themes relating to women’s dreams, anger, exhaustion and happiness running through them.

What is truly unique to each story is the amount of religion that a person has let into her life ― an Orthodox Jew can’t get far enough from either the orthodoxy or the Jewishness of her faith, but a Nattukottai Chettiar is occupied more with her son’s school marks.

Before each chapter is a declaration of what interviewers have said. Readers thus know that while what follows is fiction, it is not too removed from life.

Among other things, it is delightful how footnotes nestle within the book. An exchange between siblings in the middle of a family function leads to a weighty footnote on the beginning of the Guru Granth Sahib. ‘I know all of this is very serious,’ Sengupta seems to say, ‘but no form of worship or spirituality can escape the everyday.’ Do the footnotes break the narration? Absolutely. Can the reader dip back into the story after having read the footnote? Yes. And she is all the richer for it.

It’s easy to overlook the exquisite cultural beauty of Singapore, with its gigantic capitalist manifestations, so credit belongs to Sengupta for unfurling what we miss when we don’t look closely at the other sources of its richness.

In the last three decades, many novels have dealt with how those who have left India have grappled with life in the West. It hasn’t been easy, the likes of V.S. Naipaul to Jhumpa Lahiri have said. But Indians also travel to other parts of Asia, and make a life in a very different ― and often brutal ― society. Fiction that looks at such Indians’ lives have not exactly crowded bookshelves. It is to Sengupta’s credit that she offers some glimpses of immigrant life from another side of the globe. The stories say an important thing ― that the histories of even a small square metre in Asia are exquisite, painful, and worthy of attention.

Two Indian origin women in Singapore. Photo: John Gillespie/Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

Sengupta’s literary output is particularly cognisant of the cultural criss-crossings that make the south and southeast Asia.

She has written on Singapore’s de facto poet laureate Edwin Thumboo, freedom fighter Subhas Chandra Bose’s legacy in southeast Asia, Myanmar’s women politicians and the biography of Singapore’s first Postmaster General, the Indian-origin M. Bala Subramanian.

Chickpeas reflects the conscience and kindness of an author whose earlier subjects are the above mix. There is thus a measure of jouissance to its characters which is very welcome. While suffering is an essential component of the Asian experience, in this book the characters are allowed some joy, a lot of frivolity and a degree of hard-fought financial freedom. At risk of giving away spoilers, the endings of a few stories come as a real surprise given how a woman protagonist gets some kindness out of her husband, a mother and daughter make up despite the latter’s bid for freedom and a real estate agent makes a robust sale.

Lastly, the book arrives at a great time in Indians’ existence. It is lost on no one that contemporary India is fractured along religious lines ― a fracture deepened for political reasons. Perhaps those who believe that followers of a particular religion should live in their own particular country ― and that melting pots should not exist ― would do well to read of a part of the world where coexisting is an economic model and a measure of life’s richness.

Like a Sikh woman says to her interviewer in the book, ‘I’ve cooked it over a slow fire, stirred and turned it till the chickpeas and spices, herbs and salts, oil and water are blended, and there is no telling one from the other, each fibre indistinct, immersed in a melting curry.’

How American Jews Remade Hanukkah in the Image of Christmas

Nowhere has Hanukkah reached the level of commercialisation and kitsch that it has in the US.

The eight-day Jewish festival of Hanukkah begins Sunday, December 22. From Melbourne and New York to Berlin and Moscow, thousands of people will gather to light giant menorahs. In many places, these public ceremonies will be accompanied by music, street food and carnivals.

These events may primarily target Jewish communities but, given their prominent locations, many non-Jews will also participate.

In the US especially, Hanukkah has become a widely recognised holiday. As well as lighting the National Menorah in Washington DC, the president hosts an annual Hanukkah party in the White House. In big cities like New York, parents of Jewish children are often invited into elementary school classrooms to explain Hanukkah to students.

Hanukkah has even entered American popular culture. The classic children’s Hanukkah song “Dreidel, dreidel, dreidel” has appeared in several episodes of South Park.

And comic Adam Sandler’s “The Hanukkah Song” became a national obsession when it was first performed on Saturday Night Live in 1994. Sandler even found two words to (sort of) rhyme with Hanukkah in the refrain:

Put on your yarmulke, here comes Hanukkah! So much fun-akah, to celebrate Hanukkah!

But in the Jewish calendar, Hanukkah is of relatively minor religious significance compared with the biblical festival of Passover or the holiest day of the Jewish year, Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement).

So why has it become the most widely known and publicly celebrated of all Jewish holidays, particularly in the US?

The origins of Hanukkah

Hanukkah commemorates a historical event that took place in Jerusalem in the 2nd century BCE, when the Seleucid Greek empire was the ruling power. In 168 BCE, the king Antiochus IV Epiphanes outlawed Jewish practice and defiled the Jewish Temple in the city by installing an altar to Zeus Olympios and sacrificing pigs.

A small army of Jews, known as the Maccabees, rebelled against this religious persecution. They regained control over the Temple, removed the symbols of Zeus and built a new altar so they could once again offer sacrifices in keeping with Jewish law.

According to a legend recounted in the Talmud, a compilation of 3rd to 6th century Jewish teachings, a miracle occurred at this time.

There was only enough oil to keep the Temple’s menorah, one of its most important ritual objects, burning for one day. But the flame stayed alight for eight days, until a new supply of oil could be found – the basis for the eight-day celebration of Hanukkah.

An alternate version of history

Based on this version of events, Jews have seen the Maccabees as heroes who fought for religious liberty against a repressive regime.

But the historical record is more complex.

The most detailed accounts of the story of Hanukkah are recorded in First and Second Maccabees, historical books that describe the military and political events leading up to and following the Maccabean revolt. They are not included in the Hebrew Bible, but are part of the Catholic biblical canon.

According to First Maccabees,

lawless men came forth from Israel, and misled many, saying, ‘Let us go and make a covenant with the Gentiles round about us’. … [T]hey built a gymnasium in Jerusalem, according to Gentile custom, and removed the marks of circumcision, and abandoned the holy covenant. They joined with the Gentiles and sold themselves to do evil.

These “lawless men” were not the Seleucid rulers, but Jews who wanted to integrate aspects of Greek (Hellenistic) culture with Jewish tradition.

Hellenistic culture was based on the Greek language, literature, art and philosophy, as well as the distinctively Greek form of social and political organisation, the polis. But Hellenistic culture also involved the worship of Greek gods and social customs, such as athletic contests, that some considered incompatible with Jewish tradition.

Also read: Suffused with Racism – Black Pete in Dutch Winter Festivities

These Hellenising Jews were the targets of the Maccabees’ vengeful attacks as much as the Seleucid Greek regime itself. As First Maccabees relates:

They organised an army, and struck down sinners in their anger and lawless men in their wrath; the survivors fled to the Gentiles for safety.

In this light, the Maccabees were not heroic liberators and defenders of religious freedom. Rather, they could be viewed as intolerant religious zealots, intent on stamping out any attempt to “modernise” Jewish tradition.

Today, most Jews would still consider the Maccabees to be heroes and defenders of Judaism. Certainly, it’s the story that children are taught in Jewish schools and synagogues. However, they would be surprised, and likely rather disturbed, by the religious fundamentalism of the Maccabees that is represented in the historical sources.

Remaking Hanukkah in the image of Christmas

Diane Ashton, an American religious historian, has traced the history of Hanukkah in the US and described how Jews have transformed Hanukkah in the past two centuries to reflect the evolving traditions of Christmas.

Inspired by children’s Christmas events in churches, American rabbis began introducing special Hanukkah celebrations for children at synagogues in the 19th century. They would tell the story of Hanukkah, light candles, sing hymns and hand out sweets. This was a way to entice children to attend synagogues, which otherwise offered little of interest to them.

Over time, Hanukkah became one of the only times of the year that many Jewish families engaged with Jewish tradition.

In the early 20th century, with the commercialisation of Christmas well under way, more changes occurred. Gift-giving was never a feature of Hanukkah historically, but new Jewish immigrants from Europe began buying presents for their children as a way of signifying their economic success in the new world.

In more recent years, the public display of menorahs has also been promoted by Chabad, the Orthodox Jewish Hasidic movement that aims to bring Jews closer to their own religion.

These displays, often alongside Christmas trees, have elevated the significance of Hanukkah in the minds of both Jews and non-Jews. They were even the subject of a US Supreme Court ruling in 1989, when the court rejected a request by the city of Pittsburgh to bar a large menorah from a public building, ruling it did not amount to a government endorsement of Judaism.

Over time, American Jews have thus remade Hanukkah in the image of Christmas. In doing so, they have been able to participate in the festive season in a way that is distinctly Jewish, balancing their desires to both assimilate and retain their unique cultural identity.

Elsewhere in the world, while large-scale public menorah lightings have become more widespread, Hanukkah is mostly a time for families to come together. Fried food, to commemorate the miracle of the oil, features heavily in family celebrations, including the popular potato fritters called latkes and deep-fried, jam-filled doughnuts known as sufganiyot.

Giving small gifts to children has become common, though nowhere has Hanukkah reached the level of commercialisation and kitsch that it has in the US.

For any other Jewish festival, this might be seen as a corrupting influence. But given that Hanukkah remains, for most Jews, a relatively minor holiday, it is viewed with some bemusement as just another example of American meshugas (craziness).The Conversation

Rebecca Forgasz is associate professor, Australian Centre for Jewish Civilisation, Monash University.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Religion and Politics in the Palestinian-Israeli Conundrum

The author spent three months at the beginning of 2018 in West Bank, Palestine. Here, he writes about how different religions co-existed peacefully in Palestine for centuries and why the current Palestinian-Israeli conflict is fundamentally a political one.

This is the fifth in a series of articles. You can read the first article here, the second here, the third here and the fourth here.

It is believed that Jesus ascended to heaven from the site where The Chapel of the Ascension now stands in Jerusalem. We had underestimated how much of an uphill hike the Chapel is from East Jerusalem’s Old City area and were dismayed to find the Chapel shut when we reached. Interestingly, there were a couple of phone numbers on the door. To our surprise, the man answering the call readily agreed to come over and show us into the Chapel – for a small tip. That was when we discovered that the keys to the Chapel were with a Palestinian Muslim.

Chapel of the Ascension, Mount of Olives, Jerusalem Credit: David Castor/Wikimedia Commons

The Church of the Holy Sepulcher in East Jerusalem that many believe to be the site of Jesus’ crucifixion, burial and resurrection, is one of holiest sites in Christianity. Adeeb Joudeh, a Palestinian Muslim, is the present guardian of the key to the Church, as his family has been for centuries, passing the weighty responsibility from one generation to the next. It is a means of maintaining a neutral guardianship of the Church since it is split between different Christian denominations.

The Church of the Holy Sepulchre, East Jerusalem Credit: Jorge Láscar/Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

The famed Church of the Nativity, believed to contain the birthplace of Christ, lies in the old city of Bethlehem in the West Bank. What is perhaps lesser known is the Mosque of Omar across the square from the Church. It is the only Muslim place of worship in the old city and was built in 1860 on land provided by the Greek Orthodox Church.

Church of the Nativity. Credit: Konrad Summers/Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

Mosque of Omar. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Religious co-existence in Palestine

In 2017, Palestinian Muslims peacefully protested the installation of metal detectors by Israel at the entrance of the Al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem by refusing to enter the mosque compound, praying outside instead. Palestinian Christians in Bethlehem and Jerusalem stood in solidarity with them.

A small minority of Arabic speaking Jewish population (1-3% of the population) had lived in the ancient city of Hebron (West Bank) for centuries well integrated and largely at peace with their Muslim neighbours prior to the First World War. Living side by side, they shared their shops, hospitals and holy sites. However, massive immigration of European Jews into Palestine, particularly after the First World War, started raising tensions among the communities. Matters came to a head in August 1929 with a push by some Jewish groups to assert their sovereignty over the Western Wall in Jerusalem. Escalating violence culminated in a massacre of 67 Jews by Muslim mobs in Hebron on August 24. With this came an end to the centuries of peaceful coexistence among the Jews and Muslims in Hebron. What is perhaps less known is that, in the middle of this grotesque violence, a dozen Muslim families, at grave risk to their lives, sheltered their Jewish neighbours from the marauding mobs, saving over 400 Jews that day.

There is a small community of a few hundred Samaritans – an ancient sect closely related to Judaism – that has lived in and around the city of Nablus in the West Bank for centuries. They continue to live there today. They hold a unique position of speaking both Arabic and Hebrew fluently while also holding both Palestinian and Israeli IDs. They live as one community on Mount Gerizim but are fully integrated with the Palestinians around them, attending the same schools and universities.

Religious co-existence between the Muslims, Christians and Jews in Palestine has been central to their lives for centuries and remains the case today. It is perhaps important to note that this is despite the fact that the Palestinian Christian and Jewish population have been no more than a small minority for the last several centuries before the First World War.

The distinction between Judaism and Zionism

Judaism is, of course, an ancient monotheistic religion, the Torah being its most important religious document.

Zionism is a political movement that arose in the late 19th-century Europe aiming to establish a homeland for Jews in Palestine. It arose mainly in response to European anti-Semitism.

The important point is that Zionism is distinct from Judaism. It follows that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism are equally distinct. The former means the condemnation of the Israeli state policies of repression and dispossession of Palestinians. The latter is a racist stance that has no place in civilised discourse. Being anti-Zionist is a perfectly legitimate political stance in the same manner as being anti-fascist, anti-colonialist or anti-apartheid.

By the same token, there is no contradiction in being Jewish and anti-Zionist. On a visit to San Francisco in December 2015, I ran into a vibrant crowd of mainly young Jewish protestors outside a hotel that was hosting the annual meeting of the AIPAC, the powerful Zionist lobby in the US. They held posters calling Netanyahu a war criminal and Israel a terrorist state among other powerful messages of solidarity with Palestine. The Charter of the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network states categorically: “We pledge to: Oppose Zionism and the State of Israel” and that “Zionism implicates us in the oppression of the Palestinian people and in the debasement of our own heritage, struggles for justice and alliances with our fellow human beings.”

Israel and its Zionist supporters worldwide deliberately conflate anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. It is a means by which all criticism of Israeli policies with regards to Palestine can be delegitimised as being a racist stance against the Jewish people. Since the argument is harder to sustain towards Jewish anti-Zionists, they are delegitimised with yet another term: “self-hating Jews”.

While anti-Zionist sentiment among Israeli Jews is rare today, it is still present. While in Jerusalem, I happened across a small group of protesting teenagers. They were conscientious objectors refusing the compulsory military draft. I spoke to three of them. They said they were participating because they objected to the occupation and the abuse and brutality of the Israeli military towards Palestinians. These 18-year-old teenagers faced multiple prison sentences for their refusal. They were all willing to serve time in prison rather than serving time in the Israeli army.

A small group of Pro-Palestinian Israeli teenagers protesting army draft in Jerusalem.

These are not isolated events. Liberal Jewish youth elsewhere in the world are increasingly estranged from Israel in the light of its continuing assault on Palestine and the numbers of Jewish anti-Zionists have been increasing worldwide. One of the reasons for this phenomenon has been how the international Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement has been capturing the popular imagination. Israeli officials and Zionists, of course, routinely decry it as being anti-Semitic.

Synthesis and summary

Israel strives hard to project the Palestinians as inherently and incorrigibly anti-Semitic. In fact, there has been a largely peaceful co-existence between the Palestinian Jews, Christians and Muslim for centuries despite the fact that the latter have constituted a large majority across historic Palestine (meaning Israel, West Bank and Gaza together). Palestinians consider all those that historically lived in Palestine to be one of them, irrespective of religion. What Palestinians oppose is modern Zionism that was initiated in the mid to late 19th century by white European Jews bringing with them the colonial mindsets that pervaded Europe in those times. Therefore, a conflation of Zionism with Judaism allows Israel and its supporters to demonise the Palestinians as being anti-Semitic while seeking legitimacy for the occupation of Palestine.

None of these arguments rejects the existence of anti-Semitism in the world today. It surely does, just as does modern slavery, racism and casteism. However, it is also not a tenable argument that the mere existence of anti-Semitism discredits non-racist anti-Zionism. In other words, the existence of racism against Jews in certain quarters does not detract from one’s right to oppose the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestine.

There undoubtedly are unresolved issues of religious significance in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict such as the future status of Jerusalem. However, it remains fundamentally a political conflict. It results from the bizarre claims of self-determination for immigrant Jews in Palestine at the expense of the original Palestinian inhabitants and the human rights abuses they are subject to.

Chirag Dhara is a climate physicist with PhDs in theoretical physics and earth science. He is keenly interested in the Palestinian situation and visited the occupied West Bank for three months in early 2018 in solidarity with the Palestinians.

Antisemitism: How the Origins of World’s Oldest Hatred Still Holds Ground

Antisemitic incidents are on the rise across the globe. To understand this modern hatred we need to look into the past and understand its origins.

Antisemitic incidents are on the rise across the globe. To understand this modern hatred we need to look into the past and understand its origins.

Antisemitism rears its ugly head in every aspect of public life, whether internal debates within political parties or accusations of conspiratorial networks or plots in politics and business. Credit: Flickr

Antisemitism is on the march. From the far-right demonstrators in Charlottesville, Virginia, with their “Blood and Soil” chants and their “Jews will not replace us” placards to attacks on synagogues in Sweden, arson attacks on kosher restaurants in France and a spike in hate crimes against Jews in the UK. Antisemitism seems to have been given a new lease of life.

The seemingly endless conflicts in the Middle East have made the problem worse as they spawn divisive domestic politics in the West. But can the advance of antisemitism be attributed to the rise of right-wing populism or the influence of Islamic fundamentalism? One thing is clear. Antisemitism is here and it’s getting worse.

Antisemitism rears its ugly head in every aspect of public life, whether internal debates within political parties or accusations of conspiratorial networks or plots in politics and business. Or even in the accusations that Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein’s sexually predatory behaviour was somehow linked to his Jewish origins.

But by focusing narrowly on the contemporary context of modern antisemitism, we miss a central, if deeply depressing, reality. Jeffrey Goldberg, the editor of The Atlantic magazine, puts it correctly when he says that what we are seeing is an ancient and deeply embedded hostility towards Jews that is reemerging as the barbarous events of World War II recede from our collective memory.

Goldberg says that for 70 years, in the shadow of the death camps, antisemitism was culturally, politically and intellectually unacceptable. But now “we are witnessing … the denouement of an unusual epoch in European life, the age of the post-Holocaust Jewish dispensation”. Without an understanding of antisemitism’s ancient roots, the dark significance of this current trend may not be fully understood and hatred may sway popular opinion unchallenged.

Antisemitism has been called history’s oldest hatred and it has shown itself to be remarkably adaptable. It is carved from – and sustained by – powerful precedents and inherited stereotypes. But it also taking on variant forms to reflect the contingent fears and anxieties of an ever-changing world. Understood this way, it is the modern manifestation of an ancient prejudice – one which some scholars believe stretches back to antiquity and medieval times.

Ancient tradition of hatred

The word “antisemitism” was popularised by the German journalist Wilhelm Marr. His polemic, Der Sieg des Judentums über das Germentum (The Victory of Jewry over Germandom), was published in 1879. Outwardly, Marr was a thoroughly secular man of the modern world. He explicitly rejected the groundless but ancient Christian allegations long made against the Jews, such as deicide or that Jews engaged in the ritual murder of Christian children. Instead, he drew on the fashionable theories of the French academic Ernest Renan (who viewed history as a world-shaping contest between Jewish Semites and Aryan Indo-Europeans). Marr suggested that the Jewish threat to Germany was racial. He said that it was born of their immutable and destructive nature, their “tribal peculiarities” and “alien essence”.

Antisemites like Marr strove for intellectual respectability by denying any connection between their own modern, secular ideology and the irrational, superstitious bigotry of the past. It is a tactic which is employed by some contemporary antisemites who align themselves with “anti-Zionism”, an ideology whose precise definition consequently excites considerable controversy. But this continuing hostility towards Jews from pre-modern to modern times has been manifest to many.

The American historian Joshua Trachtenberg, writing during World War II, noted:

Modern so-called ‘scientific’ antisemitism is not an invention of Hitler’s … it has flourished primarily in central and eastern Europe, where medieval ideas and conditions have persisted until this day, and where the medieval conception of the Jew which underlies the prevailing emotional antipathy toward him was, and still is, deeply rooted.

The electric fence at Auschwitz. Credit: Flickr

In fact, up until the Holocaust, antisemitism flourished just as much in western Europe as in central or eastern Europe. Consider, for example, how French society was bitterly divided between 1894-1906, after the Jewish army officer, Captain Alfred Dreyfus, was falsely accused and convicted of spying for Germany. It saw conservatives squaring up against liberals and socialists, Catholics against Jews.

Yet Trachtenberg was undoubtedly correct in suggesting that many of those who shaped modern antisemitism were profoundly influenced by the older “medieval” tradition of religious bigotry. The Russian editor of the infamous Protocols of Zion – a crude and ugly, but tragically influential, forgery alleging a Jewish world conspiracy – was the political reactionary, ultra-Orthodox, and self-styled mystic Sergei Nilus.

Wrought by fear and hatred of the challenges to traditional religion, social hierarchies and culture posed by modernity, Nilus was convinced that the coming of the Antichrist was imminent and that those who failed to believe in the existence of “the elders of Zion” were simply the dupes of “Satan’s greatest ruse”.

So modern antisemitism cannot be easily separated from its pre-modern antecedents. As the Catholic theologian Rosemary Ruether observed:

The mythical Jew, who is the eternal conspiratorial enemy of Christian faith, spirituality and redemption, was … shaped to serve as the scapegoat for [the ills of] secular industrial society.

Antisemitism in antiquity?

Some scholars would look to the pre-Christian world and see in the attitudes of ancient Greeks and Romans the origins of an enduring hostility. Religious Studies scholar Peter Schäfer believes the exclusive nature of the monotheistic Jewish faith, the apparent haughty sense of being a chosen people, a refusal to intermarry, a Sabbath observance and the practise of circumcision were all things that marked Jews out in antiquity for a particular odium.

Ancient Roman politician Cicero. Credit: Wikipedia

Finding examples of hostility towards Jews in classical sources is not difficult. The politician and lawyer Cicero, 106-43BC, once reminded a jury of “the odium of Jewish gold” and how they “[stick together]” and are “influential in informal assemblies”. The Roman historian Tacitus, c.56-120AD, was contemptuous of “base and abominable” Jewish customs and was deeply disturbed by those of his compatriots who had renounced their ancestral gods and converted to Judaism. The Roman poet and satirist Juvenal, c.55-130AD, shared his disgust at the behaviour of converts to Judaism besides denouncing Jews generally as drunken and rowdy.

These few examples may point towards the existence of antisemitism in
antiquity. But there is little reason to believe that Jews were the objects of a specific prejudice beyond the generalised contempt that both Greeks and Romans exhibited towards “barbarians” – especially conquered and colonised peoples. Juvenal was every bit as rude about Greeks and other foreigners in Rome as he was about Jews. He complained bitterly: “I cannot stand … a Greek city of Rome. And yet what part of the dregs comes from Greece?” Once the full extent of Juvenal’s prejudice has been recognised, his snide remarks about Jews might be understood as being more indicative of an altogether more sweeping xenophobia.

The ‘Christ killers’

It is in the theology of early Christians that we find the clearest foundations of antisemitism. The Adversus Judaeos (arguments against the Jews) tradition was established early in the religion’s history. Sometime around 140AD the Christian apologist Justin Martyr was teaching in Rome. In his most celebrated work, Dialogue with Trypho the Jew, Justin strove to answer Trypho when he pointed to the contradictory position of Christians who claimed to accept Jewish scripture but refused to follow Torah (the Jewish law).

Justin responded that the demands of Jewish law were meant only for Jews as a punishment from God. Although still accepting the possibility of Jewish salvation, he argued that the old covenant was finished, telling Trypho: “You ought to understand that [the gifts of God’s favour] formerly among your nation have been transferred to us.” Yet Justin’s concern was not really with Jews. It was with his fellow Christians. At a time when the distinction between Judaism and Chritianity was still blurred and rival sects competed for adherents, he was striving to prevent gentile converts to Christianity from observing the Torah, lest they go over wholly to Judaism.

Vilifying Jews was a central part of Justin’s rhetorical strategy. He alleged that they were guilty of persecuting Christians and had done so ever since they “had killed the Christ”. It was an ugly charge, soon levelled again in the works of other Church Fathers, such as Tertullian (c.160-225AD) who referred to the “synagogues of the Jews” as “fountains of persecution”.

The objective of using such invective was to settle internal debates within Christian congregations. The “Jews” in these writings were symbolic. The allegations did not reflect the actual behaviour or beliefs of Jews. When Tertullian attempted to refute the dualist teachings of the Christian heretic Marcion (c.144AD), he needed to demonstrate that the vengeful God of the Old Testament was indeed the same merciful and compassionate God of the Christian New Testament. He achieved this by presenting the Jews as especially wicked and especially deserving of righteous anger; it was thus, Tertullian argued, that Jewish behaviours and Jewish sins explained the contrast between the Old and the New Testament.

To demonstrate this peculiar malevolence, Tertullian portrayed Jews as denying the prophets, rejecting Jesus, persecuting Christians and as rebels against God. These stereotypes shaped Christian attitudes towards Jews from late antiquity into the medieval period, leaving Jewish communities vulnerable to periodic outbreaks of persecution. These ranged from massacres, such as York in 1190, to “ethnic cleansing”, as seen in the expulsions from England in 1290, France in 1306 and Spain in 1492.

Martin Luther portrait by Lucas Cranach, 1529. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Although it was real people who often suffered as a result of this ugly prejudice, antisemitism as a concept largely owes its longevity to its symbolic and rhetorical power. American historian David Nirenberg concludes that “anti-Judaism was a tool that could usefully be deployed to almost any problem, a weapon that could be deployed on almost any front”. And this weapon has been wielded to devastating effect for centuries. When Martin Luther thundered against the Papacy in 1543 he denounced the Roman Church as “the Devil’s Synagogue” and Catholic orthodoxy as “Jewish” in its greed and materialism. In 1790, the Anglo-Irish conservative Edmund Burke published his manifesto, Reflections on the Revolution in France, and condemned the revolutionaries as “Jew brokers” and “Old Jewry.”

From Marxism to Hollywood

Despite Karl Marx’s Jewish ancestry, Marxism was tainted at its very birth by antisemitism. In 1843, Karl Marx identified modern capitalism as the result of the “Judiasing” of the Christian:

The Jew has emancipated himself in a Jewish manner not only annexing the power of money but also through him and also apart from him money has become a world power and the practical spirit of the Jew has become the practical spirit of the Christian people. The Jews have emancipated themselves in so far as the Christians have become Jews … Money is the jealous god of Israel before whom no other god may stand … The god of the Jews has been secularised and has become the god of the world.

And there remain those, from across the political spectrum, who are still ready to deploy what Nirenberg referred to as “the most powerful language of opprobrium available” in Western political discourse, commonly using the language of conspiracy, webs and networks. In 2002, the left-leaning New Statesman included articles by Dennis Sewell and John Pilger, debating the existence of a “pro-Israeli lobby” in Britain. Their articles, however, proved less controversial than the the cover illustration chosen to introduce this theme, which drew on familiar tropes of secret Jewish machinations and dominance over national interests: a gold Star of David resting on the Union Jack, with the title: “A Kosher Conspiracy?” The following year, veteran Labour MP Tam Dalyell accused the then prime minister, Tony Blair, of “being unduly influenced by a cabal of Jewish advisers”. It is still language that is being used now.

On the far right, white supremacists have been quick to project their own time-honoured fantasies of Jewish malfeasance and power onto contemporary events, however seemingly irrelevant. This was quickly apparent in August 2017, as the future of memorials glorifying those who had rebelled against the union and defended slavery during America’s Civil War became the focus of intense debate in the US. At Charlottesville, Virginia, demonstrators protesting against the removal of a statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee, began chanting “Jews will not replace us”. When journalist Elspeth Reeve asked one why, he replied that the city was “run by Jewish communists”.

When accusations of serious sexual misconduct by Weinstein were published by The New York Times in October 2017, he was quickly cast by the far right as a representative of the “eternal conspiratorial enemy” of American society as a whole. David Duke, former head of the Ku Klux Klan, would write on his website that the “Harvey Weinstein story … is a case study in the corrosive nature of Jewish domination of our media and cultural industries”.

‘The hatreds of our time …’

Responding to such language, The Atlantic’s Emma Green astutely commented on how “the durability of anti-Semitic tropes and the ease with which they slide into all displays of bigotry, is a chilling reminder that the hatreds of our time rhyme with history and are easily channelled through timeless anti-Semitic canards”.

There is real danger here as the spike in antisemitic hate crimes shows. This peculiar way of thinking about the world has always retained the potential to turn hatred of symbolic Jews into the very real persecution of actual Jews. Given the marked escalation of antisemitic incidents recorded in 2017, we are now faced with the unsettling prospect that this bigotry is becoming “normalised”.

For example, the European Jewish Congress expressed “grave concerns” over an increase in antisemitic acts in Poland under the right-wing Law and Justice government which won the 2015 parliamentary election with an outright majority. The group said the government was “closing … communications with the official representatives of the Jewish community” and there was a “proliferation of ‘fascist slogans’ and unsettling remarks on social media and television, as well as the display of flags of the nationalist … group at state ceremonies”.

In response to these fears, a survey investigating antisemitism within the EU will be undertaken in 2018, led by the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights. The agency’s director, Michael O’Flaherty, commented, correctly, that: “Antisemitism remains a grave worry across Europe despite repeated efforts to stamp out these age-old prejudices.”

The ConversationGiven the phenomenon’s deep historical roots and its epoch defying capacity for reinvention, it would be easy to be pessimistic about the prospect of another effort to “stamp it out”. But an historical awareness of the nature of antisemitism may prove a powerful ally for those who would challenge prejudice. The ancient tropes and slights may cloak themselves in modern garb but even softly-spoken allegations of conspiratorial “lobbies” and “cabals” should be recognised for what they are: the mobilisation of an ancient language and ideology of hate for which there should be no place in our time.

Gervase Phillips, Principal Lecturer in History, Manchester Metropolitan University

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Solving the 2,000 Year Old Mystery of the Druze

Why did the Druze come to the Middle East? DNA technology and modern day genetics may offer insight into origins of the esoteric Druze people- a mystery yet unsolved.

The origins of the Druze people and their religion have fascinated historians, linguists and geneticists for centuries.

Druze farmers. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Druze farmers. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

It is in what we now call the Middle East that humans domesticated plants and animals, built the earliest cities, devised the first alphabet, and wrote the first literature. But while many of the mysteries in the region’s history still abound, few have attracted more varied speculation than the origin of the Druze people and their religion. Modern genetics gives us powerful new tools to decipher the origin of the Druze.

Much like the Ashkenazic Jews, the origins of the Druze people and religion have fascinated historians, linguists and geneticists. For nearly a millennium, travellers and their neighbours have wondered and hypothesised about the beginnings of this enduring people, and their exclusive religion in the mountains of Israel, Syria and Lebanon. Benjamin of Tudela, the Jewish traveller who passed through Lebanon in 1165, was one of the first European writers to refer to the Druze by name. Even then, they were known as mountain-dwellers, and Benjamin described them as fearless warriors who favoured the Jews. But he could not state their origin, and he was not the only one to be mystified. Over the years, people have proposed that the Druze have Arabian, Persian or Near Eastern origins.

Reports from Cairo’s ruler, Al-Hakim (996-1021 CE), give us the first glance into the Druze and Druzism. Al-Hakim had sent missionaries throughout Arabia, to win new believers. His missionaries claimed the Druze had splintered from Isma’ili Islam, a branch of Shia Islam. After Al-Hakim’s sudden disappearance, the new ruler eradicated the faith in Cairo. The Druze who took residence in the mountains of what is now Lebanon, Syria and Israel not only survived, but flourished. Since the 11th-century Crusades, the Druze have played a distinctive role in the region. Also in the 11th century, the Druze closed their faith to new adherents. You cannot become a Druze. This exclusivity also means that modern-day Druze people contain the genetic signature of the their Druze ancestors.

The Geographical Population Structure (GPS) technology, which works in a similar way to the satnav geolocation system, uses DNA instead of satellites to predict the most recent geographical origins of a DNA sample. To infer the origin of Druze ancestors, my lab at the University of Sheffield has applied the GPS technology to the DNA of Israeli Druze.

Most of the Druze, we have found, can be traced to the highest mountains in Turkey, northern Iraq and southern Armenia, and to the Zagros Mountain belt bordering Mount Ararat – very close to ancient Ashkenaz. By comparing the DNA of contemporary Druze to DNA dated 1,000-4,000 years ago from the Levant, Turkey and Armenia, my lab confirmed these findings. This means that, genetically, the Druze really are different from their neighbours. Unlike Palestinians, Bedouins and Syrians who share between 36-70% of ancient Levantine ancestry, the Israeli Druze have only a minor Levantine component of 15% and a significantly higher (80%) ancient Armenian ancestry. Ashkenazic Jews, by contrast, had a major ancient Anatolian ancestry (96%) and a residual Levantine one (0.5%), in support of their non-Levantine origins.

The Druze have long preferred to live among high mountains, which has helped them maintain their close social structure, as well as providing them with protection. Our results indicate that the Druze habitation in high mountains is an ancient practice, one that their ancestors brought with them from what is now Iraq, Armenia and Turkey. But why did they come to the Middle East? Can DNA help us answer that?

Fortunately, since the Druze maintain a close-group social structure, each group preserved a different aspect of the Druze history. Genetic testing is thereby able to determine that the Druze DNA experienced its last major admixture event, where Druze mixed with local Levantines (Syrians), between the early ninth century and the early 12th century. The date overlaps with the expansion of the Seljuk Turkish Empire into the Levant during the 11th century to fight the Crusaders. We know that after pushing away the invaders, the Seljuks settled in Iran, Anatolia and Syria, and that the Druze were first recorded in that region around 150 years later. The genetic similarity between Druze and Armenians supports speculation that they had Seljuk ancestors. Most likely, the Seljuks would have, upon their arrival in the Levant for the Crusades, mixed with the native population. Some of them would have likely adopted the Druze faith. The Druze genome is therefore like a very long museum with separate rooms for Near Eastern and Levant exhibits, and including rooms for mixed inheritances that could not be sorted. Now, we can put together the remaining evidence to reconstruct the Druze’s history.

The Near Eastern ancestors of the Druze emerged near the Fertile Crescent, in the region that saw the rise of domestication and agriculture. Unsurprisingly, it was also a major convergence point on the Silk Road, with trade routes leading to Constantinople and Antioch. This is when the Druze likely encountered the Ashkenazic Jews who played a key role in global trade. The genetic similarity between Druze and Ashkenazic Jews is very high, although they emerged from different ancient founding populations (Anatolians and Armenians). However, although they started at the same place, they went their separate ways. By the eighth century, Ashkenazic Jews had abandoned ancient Ashkenaz and moved north to Khazaria and west to Europe. Two centuries later, the Druze ancestors began descending to the Levant to fight in the Crusades.

When the Druze reencountered Ashkenazic Jews in Palestine centuries later, neither population recalled its Near Eastern origins, and both peoples developed a rich heritage based on their experience over the previous millennium. However, as both populations, to a large extent, favoured marriage within the community, each retained Near Eastern relics in its DNA museum, which allowed us to tell the end of this 2,000-years-old odyssey.

This article originally appeared in Aeon

Donald Trump Defends Anti-Hillary Tweet That Drew Criticism for Being Anti-Semitic

The presumptive Republican nominee has released a statement saying Clinton’s criticism of the image was an attempt to distract the public from “the dishonest behavior of herself and her husband”.

US Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks at the Western Conservative Summit in Denver, Colorado, US, July 1. Credit: Reuters/Rick Wilking

US Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks at the Western Conservative Summit in Denver, Colorado, US, July 1. Credit: Reuters/Rick Wilking

New York: Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump on July 4 defended a social media post he made two days earlier that included an image depicting Democratic rival Hillary Clinton against a backdrop of cash and a Star of David, while Clinton called the image anti-Semitic.

In a tweet on July 4, Trump said he had not meant the six-pointed star to refer to the Star of David, which is a symbol of Judaism. Rather, he said, the star could have referred to a sheriff’s badge, which is shaped similarly except for small circles at the ends of each of its six points, or a “plain star”.

The presumptive Republican nominee later released a statement saying Clinton’s criticism of the image was an attempt to distract the public from “the dishonest behaviour of herself and her husband.”

He was referring to a heavily criticised private meeting last week between former president Bill Clinton and US attorney general Loretta Lynch as an investigation into Hillary Clinton’s use of a private email server while secretary of state nears a conclusion.

His tweet came after Mic news reported on July 3 that the image attacking Clinton – which included the words: “History made” and, inside the star, “most corrupt candidate ever!” –  had been shared on a neo-Nazi web forum called /pol/. Reuters confirmed the image was posted there on June 22 by viewing a link to an archived version of a /pol/ page, although the page has since been updated and the image removed.

“Donald Trump‘s use of a blatantly anti-Semitic image from racist websites to promote his campaign would be disturbing enough, but the fact that it’s a part of a pattern should give voters major cause for concern,” Clinton, the presumptive Democratic nominee, said in a statement emailed to reporters on July 4.

The Nazis forced Jews to wear a Star of David on their clothing to identify themselves during the Holocaust.

‘Dishonest media’

Trump posted and deleted the tweet on July 2, then tweeted a similar image in which the star was replaced by a circle. On July 4, he lashed out at journalists for continuing to report on the original tweet.

“Dishonest media is trying their absolute best to depict a star in a tweet as the Star of David rather than a Sheriff’s Star, or plain star!” Trump wrote on Twitter.

July 2 incident was the latest departure by Trump from a recent effort to appease Republicans worried about his brash public persona by trying to appear more restrained. The Republican convention, where Trump is expected to be named the party’s nominee for the November 8 presidential election, is two weeks away.

In June, Trump fired his campaign manager, Corey Lewandowski, and began using a teleprompter to make speeches, hoping to show his campaign could be more inclusive after he aroused controversy by referring to some Mexicans crossing the US border illegally as “rapists” and his mocking of a disabled reporter, which Clinton has begun using in attack ads against him.

Ed Brookover, a senior advisor to the Trump campaign, said in an interview on CNN on July 4 that the campaign felt it had “corrected” the issue about the star by deleting Trump‘s original tweet.

Brookover said the image’s earlier appearance on the neo-Nazi forum was irrelevant.

“These images get posted and reposted and reposted on social media on many forums,” he said. “There was never any intention of anti-Semitism.”

(Reuters)

Elie Wiesel, Auschwitz Survivor and Nobel Laureate, Dies at 87

What made Wiesel’s voice so urgent was his articulation of the deeply troubling questions of conscience, guilt and faith raised by the Holocaust for all of humanity.

What made Wiesel’s voice so urgent was his articulation of the deeply troubling questions of conscience, guilt and faith raised by the Holocaust for all of humanity.

Elie Wiesel with President Barack Obama in the Oval Office, Washington, in December, 2011. Credit: Flickr

Elie Wiesel with President Barack Obama in the Oval Office, Washington, in December, 2011. Credit: Flickr

Elie Wiesel, the Auschitwz survivor and Nobel laureate famous for his work on the horrors faced by the Jews during the Holocaust, died on Saturday, July 2, at his home in New York, at the age of 87.

As the New York Times reports, after World War II, little was spoken or written about what had happened or how to come to terms with it, even by survivors. Through his works, Wiesel came to be hailed as a voice for the six million Jews who were systematically massacred by the Nazis during the war. It was with the translation of his first work into English in 1960 that Wiesel gained attention. Night, originally La Nuit, is an autobiographical account of the horrors he witnessed at the Auschwitz and Buchenwald camps as a teenager.

Wiesel was born in 1928 in the small Jewish community of Sighet, near the Ukrainian border. When the Nazis invaded, Wiesel’s family was deported to Auschwitz, where Wiesel was separated from his mother and sisters, and worked at the nearby labour camp Buna, loading stones into railway cars. At Buchenwald, he watched his father die from dysentery and starvation. After the US army liberated the camp in 1945, just after his father died, Wiesel was sent to a home in France, under the care of a Jewish organisation. He went on to study at the Sorbonne in 1948, and become a journalist with the French newspaper L’Arche.

He wrote La Nuit while reporting on the newly founded state of Israel for L’Arche. The 800-page memoir was edited down to 127 pages and published, but did not do particularly well. It was only after the televised trial of Adolf Eichmann that people began to notice it and Wiesel himself. He went on to lecture and speak widely, and to write several novels, essays and books of reportage. Night went on to sell more than 10 million copies.

As the New York Times obituary notes, Wiesel’s other books deal with Judaic studies widely; yet what makes his voice so urgent is how he articulates, in spare and haunting prose, the deeply troubling questions of conscience, guilt and faith raised by the Holocaust for all of humanity.

In his works, Wiesel identified and struggled with what he called the “dialectical conflict” – between the need to recount what he had witnessed and the futility of giving voice to events of such extremity.

“If I survived, it must be for some reason,” he said in a New York Times interview in 1981. “I must do something with my life. It is too serious to play games with anymore, because in my place, someone else could have been saved. And so I speak for that person. On the other hand, I know I cannot.”

In 1986, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, for being a “messenger to mankind” and for his “message of peace, atonement and human dignity”.

When accepting it, he said: “Whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation, take sides… Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented.”

Wiesel outspokenly denounced the massacres in Bosnia, Cambodia, Rwanda and Darfur and the violence against black South Africans and political prisoners in Latin America.

In 1985, while accepting a Congressional Gold Medal of Achievement at the White House, he urged then President Ronald Reagan to cancel his planned visit to a military cemetery where Hitler’s SS soldiers were buried.

In 2013, when the Obama administration was in talks with Iran about the latter’s nuclear programme, Wiesel took out a full-page advertisement in the Times calling on the US president to demand a total dismantling of Iran’s nuclear infrastructure because of what he said was the country’s ‘genocidal’ intent against Israel.

Wiesel was not without his critics. Writer Max Blumenthal, a critic of the Israeli state, repeatedly attacked Wiesel for his support of Israel, as well as his comments on the Armenian genocide and the Iraq war.

Amidst wide mourning over Wiesel’s death on Saturday, Blumenthal tweeted that he “went from a victim of war crimes to a supporter of those who commit them… He did more harm than good and should not be honored.”

The Community, the Clinic, and the Road Not Taken

In holding out for an ethos of community while never evading the concerns of diagnosis, Oliver Sacks offered something extraordinary both to medicine and to the promise of a collective life.

In holding out for an ethos of community while never evading the concerns of diagnosis, Oliver Sacks offered something extraordinary both to medicine and to the promise of a collective life

Oliver Sacks, 1935-2015 Credit: Mars Hill Church Seattle/Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Oliver Sacks, 1933-2015
Credit: Mars Hill Church Seattle/Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Oliver Sacks, the neurologist and author who died on August 30, wrote poignantly of the entangled lives and diagnoses of his patients through his development of the neurological essay. Over the past year he followed up publication of a revelatory memoir, On the Move, with essays, sad and unexpected, on his recent diagnosis of metastatic cancer and the likelihood of his imminent death.

In the last of these pieces, published just before he died, Sacks reflected on the solace of the Jewish Sabbath and on the religious road not taken.

Sacks grew up in the London suburb of Cricklewood, home to generations of migrant families, including, some decades later, the writer Zadie Smith. Recently the neighbourhood has been in the news for the challenges faced by a group of residents who produce a website supporting Egypt’s banned Muslim Brotherhood, the residents investigated by national state security and protested by a far-right organisation, Britain First.

The question of sustaining the particular ethical and political commitments of a religious life was a challenge for the young Sacks, if in distinct ways at mid-century and given the entwining of his family’s learned German-Jewish religiosity with the moral and ascetic norms of the English professional middle class. Sacks’s family and its relations – both consanguineous and affinal, as anthropologists would put it – extended back and crosswise to include many noted rabbis, scholars, and artists, several of whom were leading members of the founding Ashkenazi elite governing the nascent state of Israel. The writer and Israeli foreign minister Abba Eban was a first cousin and President Chaim Herzog a relation by marriage: the Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz called the extended family “Israel’s answer to the Kennedys.”

Sacks would, in a moment of some personal chaos in 1955, travel to Israel and spend several enjoyable months working on a kibbutz. But he wrote in his final essay on the Sabbath that “the politics of the Middle East disturbed me, and I suspected I would be out of place in a deeply religious society.”

That sense of discomfort was elsewhere evoked by Sacks, across a lifetime of essays and interviews, through his intense and intimate but yet at times estranged relation with his parents and particularly his mother. Psychoanalysis, Sacks noted in On the Move, would save his life in the early 1960s in New York when he was living with a methamphetamine addiction. The drug in some ways had enabled an extraordinary and even beautiful form of life during his advanced medical training in California but his use of it was leading him ever closer to disintegration and death. His psychoanalyst was central, he would later write, to his survival. Whether the arguable narrative conventions of the psychoanalytic treatment of the time help make sense of how he would later narrate his family history and in particular his relation to his mother is uncertain, of course. But Sacks in recounting his own life as with his clinical stories conveys a sense of scrupulous regard for gesture, word, and intensity: one is seduced, honourably, into taking his recollection as fact in the writing of obituary. In any event, one might also note that despite his own writing helping to undo regnant, and in hindsight deeply troubling, psychoanalytic conceptions of autism and other conditions, Sacks maintained a lifelong interest in what psychoanalytic thought could offer.

Coming out

This discomfort with what he understood as religious speech registered for Sacks in several ways. There is the trauma of what we might anachronistically call his moment of coming out. Sacks writes of this in On the Move, and again in his last essay on the Sabbath, so it is worth paying some attention:

I was 18. It was then that my father, inquiring into my sexual feelings, compelled me to admit that I liked boys. “I haven’t done anything,” I said, “it’s just a feeling — but don’t tell Ma, she won’t be able to take it.” He did tell her, and the next morning she came down with a look of horror on her face, and shrieked at me: “You are an abomination. I wish you had never been born.” (She was no doubt thinking of the verse in Leviticus that read, “If a man also lie with mankind, as he lieth with a woman, both of them have committed an abomination: They shall surely be put to death; their blood shall be upon them.”). The matter was never mentioned again, but her harsh words made me hate religion’s capacity for bigotry and cruelty.

Both of Sacks’s parents were talented physicians, and his mother in particular would become an important figure he would turn to in crafting a clinical idiom as a writer.

Oliver_Sacks_8.150But though some of his discussions of home life were of its burdens of accusation and subsequent silence, as often its challenge lay in passion and noise. “I would hear them from my bedroom upstairs,” Sacks recalled in a 2002 interview with the Guardian’s Oliver Burkeman, “raised voices, endless argument, passionate poundings of the table. I longed for the quiet discourse, the rationality, of science.” Burkeman’s interview was on the occasion of the publication of Sacks’s first extended memoir, Uncle Tungsten, which centred on young Oliver’s love for chemistry and the order and parsimony of the Periodic Table, and his relationship with one of his uncles – whose business made light filaments out of tungsten which for Uncle Dave was the metal of the future.

Uncle Tungsten takes its reader through Sacks’ experience being sent away to boarding school during the evacuation of the Second World War, and of the violence and sadism of its headmaster. Chemistry was a particular solace, and it provided a language both for Sacks’s retreat from the violence of relationships, including the passionate attachments of the Zionist nation, and for his yearning for an often unattainable community and connection.

Natalie Angier’s 2001 review of Uncle Tungsten in the New York Times brings out this use of chemistry:

in the course of an otherwise matter-of-fact disquisition on the chemical nature of inert gases like helium, neon and xenon, which cannot combine with other elements to form compounds, Sacks inserts the sad and simple little footnote that he “identified at times with the inert gases . . . imagining them lonely, cut off, yearning to bond.”

Angier takes as a bit of a mystery Sacks’s late adolescent turn away from the rationalising solace of chemistry back to the heated parental field of medicine.

A clue, or maybe a red herring, to the mysteries encountered in reading Oliver Sacks is his frequent invocation of a need to be in motion. On the Move is organised around the theme and opens with a lovely set of pages on his early fascination with motorcycles. He discovers an unexpected community of fellow riders in the open roads around a London whose growth had not yet curtailed the possibilities of empty roads and fast riding.

The pleasures of roaming

Oliver Sacks on a BMW motorcycle, 1961. Credit: OliverSacks.com

Oliver Sacks on a BMW motorcycle, 1961. Credit: OliverSacks.com

Motion works in interesting ways across Sacks’s writing, allowing him refuge from the harsh commitments of institutional community or the dangers of punishing ties (the psychosis of a beloved brother, most notably): on the outskirts of London, and later in California, with his fellow riders Sacks encounters something like the anthropologist’s communitas, queer in its tending to emerge for him apart from normative structures of kin, couple, or community, and full of adventure.

And before motorcycles, there was Kipling:

Here, on the lower shelves so I could easily reach them, were the adventure and history books belonging to my three older brothers. It was here that I found The Jungle Book; I identified deeply with Mowgli, and used his adventures as a taking-off point for my own fantasies.

Even more than the boyhood pleasures of his parents’ library was the local public one, which offered a particular kind of fellowship in solitude. In an essay on libraries from which the previous quotation was taken, Sacks wrote that

I was not a good pupil, but I was a good learner, and in Willesden Library—and all the libraries that came later—I roamed the shelves and stacks, had the freedom to select whatever I wanted, to follow paths which fascinated me, to become myself. At the library I felt free—free to look at the thousands, tens of thousands, of books; free to roam and to enjoy the special atmosphere and the quiet companionship of other readers, all, like myself, on quests of their own.

Roaming would characterise Sacks’s third decade of life, lived mostly in San Francisco and Los Angeles during his Residency and Fellowship in neurology. America was a dream of lives in motion, Mowgli’s adventures for grown-ups. Sacks would travel with a trucker and his disabled friend across the country, relishing road stories offered in a new uncouth and sexed-up idiom. He would take ever longer and ever more solitary motorcycle rides across the Western deserts. He kept diaries – both his friend the poet Thom Gunn and one of his close aunts with whom he shared his writings were for different reasons not enamoured of these experiments in ventriloquism. Sacks would discover different possibilities for attending closely to the lives of others in the clinic, and his writing would begin to mark the particular urgency of his mode of engagement.

Pushing body and mind

Still in California, Sacks would work on his body. He had discovered body-building in London, taking part in a Jewish sports club, the Maccabi. If Sacks was becoming, as he would later confess to Burkeman, an “atheist with unkind things to say about Zionism,” he grew up amid the variety of early- to mid-20th century projects of a “muscular Judaism,” including the Zionism he did not take to and the psychoanalysis to which he did.

In the United States, muscularity opened Sacks to a more multicultural and apparently secular world, and each day he would leave the hospital in Los Angeles that he was training in to go work out on Muscle Beach in the nearby town of Venice.

Both Muscle Beach and his clinical practice exposed Sacks to the transformative possibilities of psychoactive drugs. Before his controversial experiments on the long term near comatose victims of the 1920s epidemic of “sleeping sickness,” which would be chronicled in his popular book Awakenings and the Hollywood film that followed, Sacks engaged in pharmaceutical self-experimentation.

Drugs enabled and enhanced his relation to his motorbike and the stranger socialities of fellow aficionados of the road: when he moved to New York and began to find a way forward in clinical medicine that had eluded him in the laboratory, his by then highly addicted use of speed enabled productive flights of thinking and windows into the challenges of neurological illness.

But the drugs also limited his access to such contingent fellowship: if the pleasures of the public library were somehow akin to the philosopher Leibniz’s monads, pleasures of isolates finding each other within themselves through reading, amphetamines revealed the periodic table – Sacks’s old chemical romance – pushing at and going over the edge of human capacity. In California, the road trips had become entirely solitary exercises in limit experience; in New York, some of Sacks’s close friends who helped him through his own crises of self-medication worried he would not long survive.

Before his controversial experiments on the victims of the 1920s epidemic of “sleeping sickness,” Sacks engaged in pharmaceutical self-experimentation

Sacks would later write of one of these friends, Carol Burnett, an African-American physician whose example in responding to the everyday racism and sexism she faced in the clinic troubled the limits of community among physicians. In On the Move, he wrote of racist remarks about her in Yiddish made by two senior preceptors and her responding to the two men, in Yiddish. If Jews had fought their way into clinical positions and institutional preeminence, despite considerable anti-Semitism in American medicine across much of the twentieth century, their own communal solidarity could turn on other yet more-devalued minorities. Burnett’s responding in Yiddish, some of which as a native New Yorker she could speak, in a sense offers the language as a vehicle that breaks open boundaries – realising both an African-American and a Jewish commitment to justice otherwise foreclosed by the two surgeons.

The neurologist’s method

Oliver Sacks, seen here at a TED talk in 2009. Credit: Steve Jurveston/Flickr, CC 2.0

Oliver Sacks, seen here at a TED talk in 2009. Credit: Steve Jurveston/Flickr, CC 2.0

Sacks’s clinical life and growing fame and influence is well chronicled. His writings on his patients and others would powerfully extend his own efforts both to rethink the confines of conception, diagnosis, and treatment for conditions like autism.   The prominent author Temple Grandin, arguably the first autistic celebrity making possible both a politics and an identity for persons diagnosed with the condition, achieved her stature in part given Sacks’ writing about her in his 1995 collection, An Anthropologist on Mars.

Sacks’s own totalising method has been termed anthropological, drawing on this title. Indeed, across his work – from his early book on migraine headaches through Awakenings and the essay collections – there is a continuous broadening of the gaze of a clinical discipline that had become intensively focused on the localisation of the lesion, armed with the dominant 20th century neurological conception of the adult brain having lost its early plasticity and capacity for healing.

But the figure of life-as-anthropology was that of Grandin, in describing learning to live in a world whose norms were not organised around one’s own practices of thought or regions of comfort.

In an interview published after Sack’s death, Grandin told Wired magazine reporter Sarah Zhang of her reading her friend’s last essay on the Sabbath and her thoughts on his getting to known yet another of his prominent cousins, the Nobel-winning economist Robert John Aumann, who was an Orthodox Jew. Aumann’s example offered Sacks the possibility of a life steeped in the Orthodox religious commitment of his childhood that was nonetheless scientific in the way his uncle’s passion for tungsten had promised. Sacks asked himself, in the essay, whether there might have been another way to hold on to the embrace of community and the ethics of religious commitment while becoming a clinical scientist.

In the interview, Grandin responded:

At the end of the article he writes, “What if A and B and C had been different? What sort of person might I have been? What sort of a life might I have lived?” I just burst into tears in front of the computer reading that. I was crying so much I couldn’t even print it out. I sent him this card just before he died: “I started crying at the end of the article when you said, ‘What if A and B and C had been different?’ If that had happened our paths probably would have never crossed. You have made a big difference in my life. Your life has been worthwhile, and you helped many people doing things to enlighten and help others to understand the meaning of life.” If Oliver had decided to stay an Orthodox Jew, his whole life of writing would have never happened. He just gave people so much insight into how the brain works. He just added so much to the literature of how the mind works, especially when the mind is a so-called not normal mind. He really got inside these minds. He got inside my mind.

Grandin knows her friend in a way other readers of the Sabbath essay may not. But perhaps Sacks’s last essay is less a disavowal of the road taken than a questioning of the easy divisions we are continually invited to make between the secular and the religious, between the modern and our historic attachments. Sacks is not repudiating his lifetime refusal of the seductions of community or of religious nationalism when they devalue or do violence to others. But he is holding, at the last, to the possibility of something beyond the care of the clinic.

In his own anthropology, Sacks brought insights from the humanities and psychoanalysis back into a science that had worked to purify itself from these in an often but not entirely successful search for greater understanding and rigour. In his clinic, he formed close attachments with patients and developed a passionate commitment to undoing the frequent violence of their institutional care. At times this humanism and its mode of writing produced claims that would lead to understandable frustration by clinical scientists with Sacks’s seemingly undisciplined approach. The figure of the maverick physician is no more innocent than the Company Man against which she offers an alternate clinical ethic, and the swell of praise literature that has come with Sacks’s metastatic cancer diagnosis and subsequent death, including this essay, may merit critical attention.

And yet in holding out for an ethos of community that simultaneously refuses and honours its seductions, in never evading the solicitudes of diagnosis and category while pressing medicine toward a larger totality, Sacks offered and offers something extraordinary both to medicine and to the promise, variably realised at home or in the library, on the road and in the clinic, of a collective life.

Lawrence Cohen is a medical anthropologist and the Sarah Kailath Professor of India Studies at the University of California, Berkeley.  He is the author of No Aging in India: Modernity, Senility, and the Family (OUP 1990) and numerous articles including “Song for Pushkin,” “The Gay Guru,” and “The Other Kidney.”