Joe Biden Intends To Seek a Second Term as US President

The US president says he plans to seek reelection in 2024 but is not ready for a full-blown campaign yet. Should he serve a second term, Biden would be 86 by the time he leaves office.

Joe Biden may have yet to announce his reelection campaign formally, but he made it clear on Friday that he intends to seek a second term as US President.

“My intention is… has been from the beginning, to run,” he told ABC news in a sit-down interview.

He was asked about his plans after his wife, Jill Biden, said in a separate interview that her husband would run again and that there’s “pretty much” nothing left to do but figure out the time and place for the announcement.

“How many times does he have to say it for you to believe it?” the first lady told the Associated Press during a visit to Kenya.

No rush to start campaigning

However, Biden said he was in no hurry to formalise his candidacy.

“There’s too many other things we have to finish in the near term before I start a campaign,” he said. “I’ve got other things to finish before I get into a full-blown campaign.”

At 80, Biden is the oldest sitting president, and he would be 86 at the end of a second term, should he gain reelection.

Although he was declared fit for his role earlier this week, there have been questions about whether he is too old to run for another term.

“It’s legitimate for people to raise issues about my age. It’s totally legitimate to do that.”

“The only thing I can say is ‘watch me,'” he added, referring to his record in office.

Republican opponents started campaigning

Poll results published by NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist Poll shows half of Democrats or Democratic-leaning independents think their party has a better chance of winning the White House in 2024 with Biden as its nominee.

That is in contrast to a poll released by the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research earlier this month which found just 37% of Democrats wanted him to seek a second term.

Thursday’s poll results, however, put Biden in a better place than former President Donald Trump, who announced his candidacy in November last year. It found 54% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents say the GOP has a better chance of winning the presidency in 2024 with someone other than Trump as the party’s nominee.

Nikki Haley, a former governor of South Carolina turned US ambassador to the UN under Trump, announced last week that she was running to secure the Republican nomination for president in 2024.

Florida governor Ron DeSantis and former vice president Mike Pence have also been touted as potential nominees for the Republican party.

This article was first published on DW.


Congressional Report Suggests Big Trouble for Big Tech if Biden Wins

The report from the antitrust panel of the House Judiciary Committee laid out a roadmap for the Democratic Party to put the brakes on the dominance of
Google, Apple, Amazon and Facebook.

Washington: A scathing report detailing abuses of market power by four top technology companies suggests a tough road ahead of new rules and stricter enforcement for Big Tech should Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden win the White House.

Antitrust experts and congressional aides said the 449-page report from the antitrust panel of the House Judiciary Committee, released on Tuesday, lays out a roadmap for the Democratic Party to put the brakes on the dominance of Alphabet Inc’s Google, Apple Inc., Amazon.com Inc. and Facebook Inc.

The election on November 3, 2020, approaching fast and a new Congress scheduled to be sworn in in January, action on the report‘s recommendations this year is unlikely and no new legislative changes are imminent. However, the findings boost the chances for new laws in the future and will inform existing investigations against large technology companies by state attorneys general and agencies such as the Federal Trade Commission.

The report reflects the views of Democrats on the antitrust subcommittee in the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives. Republicans on the panel released two separate reports on the investigation.

US Representative David Cicilline, chairman of the House antitrust panel, told Reuters in an interview on Wednesday he thinks a Biden administration would be receptive to the report. “He (Biden) has talked about how Big Tech platforms abuse their power,” said Cicilline, a Rhode Island Democrat. “He recognizes that this sort of economic concentration undermines democracy.”

Sarah Miller, executive director of the American Economic Liberties Project, a Washington-based group focused on monopoly power, said the report “lays out the Democratic Party’s position on tech platforms and how antitrust laws need to be refined and strengthened.”

Also read: Antitrust Hearing: US Lawmakers Accuse Big Tech of Crushing Rivals

“The report has done a lot of work to set up where and why a Biden administration should act and how it should prioritize the recommendations in the report,” she added. Miller is one of the hundreds of members of the Biden campaign’s tech policy committee.

William Kovacic, a former chair of the Federal Trade Commission, warned that the companies will “pull out all the stops” in lobbying against the changes.

Earlier this month, Reuters reported how large tech companies including Amazon were cozying up to the Biden campaign with cash and connections.

Biden has previously said antitrust enforcement has not been strong and that tech firms deserve a hard look from the federal agencies that oversee the competition. He has stayed away from calling for the breakup of large technology companies, saying it would be premature to do so without a formal investigation.

The House report on Tuesday broadly recommended that companies should not both control and compete in related businesses, but stopped short of naming a specific company. Anti-monopoly experts and congressional aides said the report, which details Big Tech‘s abuses, has the potential to influence the thinking of Biden on the issue.

A spokesman for the Biden campaign did not immediately comment.

The antitrust panel will take up the majority report after the October recess for formal adoption and will have a vote on it, counsels for the committee said. The next step will be coming up with legislation to put the report‘s recommendations into action.

House panel chairman Cicilline also said in the interview he expects legislation tackling Big Tech‘s market power to be introduced in the current Congress and more bills to be introduced next year.

(Reuters)

Even If Trump Refuses To Accept Defeat, American Democracy Will Survive Intact

The US has a long history of contested elections. With one exception, they have not badly damaged the American political system.

During the 2016 presidential campaign, then-candidate Donald Trump refused to promise to accept the results of the election. Likewise, in 2020, his continued assault on the reliability and legitimacy of mail-in voting has laid the groundwork for challenging a loss on the basis of voter fraud. He has also refused to promise to observe the 2020 results.

This has led some to worry that a contested election would severely undermine faith in American democracy.

Yet the US has a long history of such contested elections. With one exception, they have not badly damaged the American political system.

That contested 1860 election – which sparked the Civil War – happened in a unique context. As a political scientist who studies elections, I believe that, should President Trump – or less likely, Joe Biden – contest the results of the November election, American democracy will survive.

Legitimacy and peaceful transitions

Most contested presidential elections have not posed threats to the legitimacy of government.

Legitimacy, or the collective acknowledgment that government has a right to rule, is essential to a democracy. In a legitimate system, unpopular policies are largely accepted because citizens believe that government has the right to make them. For example, a citizen may despise taxes but still admit that they are lawful. Illegitimate systems, which are not supported by citizens, can collapse or descend into revolution.

In democracies, elections generate legitimacy because citizens contribute to the selection of leadership.

In the past, contested elections have not badly damaged the fabric of democracy because the rules for handling such disputes exist and have been followed. While politicians and citizens alike have howled about the unfairness of loss, they accepted these losses.

A man casts his vote in the US. Photo: Reuters

Contested elections and continuity

In 1800, both Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr received the same number of votes in the Electoral College. Because no candidate won a clear majority of Electoral votes, the House of Representatives followed the Constitution and convened a special session to resolve the impasse by a vote. It took 36 ballots to give Jefferson the victory, which was widely accepted.

In 1824, Andrew Jackson won a plurality of the popular and electoral vote against John Quincy Adams and two other candidates, but failed to win the necessary majority in the Electoral College. The House, again following the procedure set in the Constitution, selected Adams as the winner over Jackson.

The 1876 election between Rutherford B. Hayes and Samuel Tilden was contested because several Southern states failed to clearly certify a winner. This was resolved through inter-party negotiation conducted by an Electoral Commission established by Congress. While Hayes would become president, concessions were given to the South that effectively ended Reconstruction.

The contest between Democrat John F. Kennedy and Republican Richard Nixon in 1960 was rife with allegations of voter fraud, and Nixon supporters pressed for aggressive recounts in many states. In the end, Nixon begrudgingly accepted the decision rather than drag the country through civil discord during the intense US-Soviet tensions of the Cold War.

Finally, in 2000, GOP candidate George W. Bush and Democratic candidate Al Gore tangled over disputed ballots in Florida. The Supreme Court terminated a recount effort and Gore publicly conceded, recognising the legitimacy of Bush’s victory by saying, “While I strongly disagree with the court’s decision, I accept it.”

In each case, the losing side was unhappy with the result of the election. But in each case, the loser accepted the legally derived result, and the American democratic political system persisted.

The system collapses

The election of 1860 was a different story.

After Abraham Lincoln defeated three other candidates, Southern states simply refused to accept the results. They viewed the selection of a president who would not protect slavery as illegitimate and ignored the election’s results.

It was only through the profoundly bloody Civil War that the US remained intact. The dispute over the legitimacy of this election, based in fundamental differences between the North and South, cost 600,000 American lives.

The contested 1860 presidential election led to the Civil War, where 600,000 died, including these Confederate soldiers at in Gettysburg’s ‘the devil’s den,’ June or July 1863. Photo: Alexander Gardner, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division

What is the difference between the political collapse of 1860 and the continuity of other contested elections? In all cases, citizens were politically divided and elections were hotly contested.

What makes 1860 stand out so clearly is that the country was divided over the moral question of slavery, and this division followed geographic lines that enabled a revolution to form. Further, the Confederacy was reasonably unified across class lines.

While the America of today is certainly divided, the distribution of political beliefs is far more dispersed and complex than the ideological cohesion of the Confederacy.

Also Read: President Trump, the Pandemic and the Politics of the 2020 US Poll

Rule of law

History suggests, then, that even if Trump or Biden contest the election, the results would not be catastrophic.

The Constitution is clear on what would happen: First, the president cannot simply declare an election invalid. Second, voting irregularities could be investigated by the states, who are responsible for managing the integrity of their electoral processes. This seems unlikely to change any reported results, as voter fraud is extraordinarily rare.

The next step could be an appeal to the Supreme Court or suits against the states. To overturn any state’s initial selection, evidence of a miscount or voter fraud would have to be strongly established.

If these attempts to contest the election fail, on Inauguration Day, the elected president would lawfully assume the office. Any remaining ongoing contestation would be moot after this point, as the president would have full legal authority to exercise the powers of his office, and could not be removed short of impeachment.

While the result of the 2020 election is sure to make many citizens unhappy, I believe rule of law will endure. The powerful historical, social, and geographic forces that produced the total failure of 1860 simply are not present.

Alexander Cohen, assistant professor of political science, Clarkson University.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.