Pawan Kalyan’s Political Ascent Signifies the Consolidation of the Kapu Vote

The long-term success of Kalyan’s political strategy, however, will hinge on his ability to address the socio-economic issues facing the community.

The lavish Anant Ambani wedding festivities witnessed an intriguing digression when Pawan Kalyan, deputy chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, showed up dressed in an ascetic’s traditional outfit. His sartorial choice is emblematic of his strategic rebranding following the Jana Sena Party’s (JSP’s) triumph in the 2024 Lok Sabha election in Andhra Pradesh.

Kalyan’s rebranding, taking him from a vociferous campaigner to a seemingly venerable political figure, needs critical examination. His election campaign, characterised by acerbic rhetoric and controversies, marked the aggressive phase of his political strategy. It is in stark contrast with his post-victory consolidation phase, which has been more conciliatory. For example, he touched his elder brother Chiranjeevi’s feet, symbolising respect and humility. Even at his swearing-in ceremony, he repeated the gesture, as he was seen to be heralding a new era of Kapu consolidation, but maintained a reverential posture.

Kalyan’s rise signifies the resurgence, in Andhra Pradesh’s political milieu, of a community with a history of political marginalisation despite its numerical strength – the Kapus. Their historical struggle for political representation in the state is complex. Since the formation of the state in 1956, the political landscape has been dominated by the Reddys and Kammas, who have wielded power – political and economic – that is disproportionate to their share in the population, thereby marginalising the Kapus. Following the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, Kapus’ share in the state’s population is over 15%, while the share of Kammas and Reddys is 5% and 8% respectively.

Andhra Pradesh deputy chief minister Pawan Kalyan at the Ambani wedding. Photo: X/PK_Addicts

Leaders like Vangaveeti Mohana Ranga tried to consolidate Kapu political power even in the 1980s but establishing a political foothold proved challenging due to internal divisions and external opposition. When Chiranjeevi formed the Praja Rajyam Party in 2008, it, too, was seen as a significant attempt to galvanise Kapu support. Yet, it failed to achieve enduring political success. The Kapus’ struggle for political representation is intricately linked to their socio-economic status. Traditionally an agrarian community and ritually on a similar footing with the Kammas and the Reddys, Kapus have been adversely affected by Andhra Pradesh’s economic transformations, marked by the decline of agriculture and the rise of urban-centric economic policies and projects. These changes exacerbated economic disparities, deepening the marginalisation of the community.

In this context, the JSP’s recent victory can be attributed to its electoral strategies and its fortuitous inclusion in the Telugu Desam Party-led alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (forming the National Democratic Alliance in Andhra Pradesh). In the 2019 election, multiple parties were trying to woo the Kapus, including the YSR Congress Party (YSRCP) and the BJP. But the JSP then allied with the Left parties and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), creating multi-layered, sub-regional appeals to the castes that make up the Kapu caste group. The refracted electoral impact of this was felt in the state. 

The 2024 pre-poll alliance between the TDP, BJP and the JSP, on the other hand, became an opportunity to galvanise the Kapus as it fostered a caste group-based solidarity. This propelled Kalyan into unprecedented political prominence, despite fewer number of seats (18) for the Kapus in the alliance compared to the number of Kapus fielded by the incumbent YSRCP (23).

In his speeches, Kalyan’s political offering appears to amalgamate shades of left-populist economics blended with strong overtones of socio-political conservatism. He positions himself as a defender of ‘Dharma’, when he appeals to traditionalist sentiments, but also advocates for social and economic welfarism.

Studies of Indian politics have established that the support of intermediate or non-elite caste groups, such as the Kapus, is pivotal to sustaining upper caste hegemony over the social, political and economic terrains across India. What is less talked about is how this hegemonic enterprise is a two-way process as it helps the intermediate caste groups too. Kalyan’s ascent is a clear example of how this process works, for his leadership promises both social and ritualistic elevation to the relatively backward Kapu group. Kalyan’s alignment with Hindutva politics may not address the serious socio-economic issues that underpin its surge, but it does provide social, political, and cultural solace to the restive Kapu population.

Anthropologist Arjun Appadurai has argued that the ability of a community to aspire is itself a capacity, one that is not uniform across social groups, but influenced by socioeconomic status, education, access to resources, and so on. Historically, the ability of the Kapu caste to aspire for higher status was constrained by social, economic, cultural, and caste-based inequality. Hence, the community witnessed the Kammas and Reddys – who rest ‘above’ them in the socio-economic status hierarchy – consolidate their positions. At the same time it witnessed some backward and scheduled castes, positioned ‘below’ the Kapus in the traditional hierarchy, attain mobility at a quicker pace than them.

Seen in this context, Kalyan’s embrace of Hindutva promises to symbolically elevate the status of the Kapus through his rise to power (and through his rhetoric). However, it may not yield the substantial economic gains that the community needs. In other words, Hindutva can serve as a palliative, but it is not a long-term solution for the socioeconomic and educational mobility the Kapus need more than their leaders seek.

Kalyan’s quest for electoral and political stability is underpinned by nationalism and religion; he emphasises ideas like Dharma over material gain. His focus on social and political status, rather than socioeconomic mobility, makes his approach an antithesis to the politics of social justice. 

The long-term success of his political strategy will hinge on his ability to address each of these socio-economic issues. While the traditional values rhetoric has its appeal, it cannot replace the tangible improvements in economic and social status that come from redistribution of resources, creation of opportunities and democratisation of power and are critical for the socio-economic mobility of the Kapus and any other marginalised group.

Will Kalyan pave the way for a more inclusive and equitable society that he has promised Andhra Pradesh’s marginalised communities, or will he reinforce existing power structures? The coming years will reveal whether he can leverage his newfound influence to transcend the limitations of his brand of politics.

Vignesh Karthik K.R. is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow of Indian and Indonesian Politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies.

Andhra Pradesh: Pawan Kalyan Remains Elusive Even as TDP Anxious to Finalise Alliance

Chandrababu Naidu’s party is wary of contesting alone against YSR Congress Party. In case the TDP and JSP work out a deal, then it is to be seen if the BJP is also a partner. That will have implications for state polls as well as national elections.

Hyderabad: With state and Lok Sabha elections just about a year away in Andhra Pradesh, the main opposition, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), is quietly trying to come to an understanding with the Pawan Kalyan-led Jana Sena Party (JSP) in the hope of avoiding another heavy defeat like last time around.

Knowing that he holds the key to the TDP coming back to power, Kalyan is playing hardball – as so far, the TDP and JSP have not come to any understanding for an alliance. As of now, the actor-turned-politician Kalyan reportedly met former Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu more than once to discuss terms for an alliance, but so far nothing has been announced.

TDP insiders confirmed that aside from one official meeting between their party head and Kalyan, another also transpired. “The issue is mostly about seat sharing, over which discussions are ongoing. It is too early now to announce anything, but allying with JSP will definitely help us in districts like Ongole, Guntur, East and West Godavari,” said a TDP leader, not wanting to be quoted.

The Wire has learnt that the JSP asked for about 60 seats in the state polls. However, both sides did not comment officially when asked. While the TDP is the bigger player, it knows that victory in 2024 will be elusive if the two parties contest individually.

“Our surveys indicate that we can win about 120 seats easily with the alliance. Jana Sena can sweep both East and West Godavari districts due to support from the Kapu community,” said the TDP leader. Kalyan hails from the numerically powerful Kapu community – believed to be a little over 20% of AP’s population – and hence holds the key to the TDP’s fortunes next year.

TDP’s rout in 2019

The TDP, led by former AP chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu, suffered one of its worst defeats in the 2019 state and Parliamentary polls after it decided to contest on its own. It managed to win just 23 assembly constituencies (out of 175) and three Lok Sabha seats (out of 25).

Though the JSP did not win anything, it dented the TDP’s vote base, influencing the results in at least 40 assembly seats. The JSP managed to get a vote share of 5.5%. The Congress and BJP – both contesting on their own – could muster just around 1% of the vote share each in the state polls.

The ruling YSR Congress Party (YSRCP), which is sitting cosy currently, won 151 seats in the state legislature and 22 in the Lok Sabha. It is being helped by the Prashant Kishor-led Indian Political Action Committee (I-PAC). When contacted, a YSRCP functionary, who did not want to be quoted, said his party is expecting to win around 120 seats even if the TDP and JSP come together.

The TDP and JSP fell apart in 2018. Though the TDP broke off its alliance with the BJP because the party backed down from the promise of granting Special Category status to the state, Pawan Kalyan shocked Naidu in 2018 by censuring the latter in public. This prompted the TDP to call off its alliance with the JSP, which proved to be a fatal mistake in the 2019 elections.

N. Chandrababu Naidu. Photo: Facebook/tdp.ncbn.official

Playing hardball 

Pawan Kalyan, on his part, is keeping his cards close to his chest. While he has publicly mentioned that he may enter into an alliance for the next polls, he has not formally said he will go with the TDP. However, all indications from JSP and TDP are that some sort of deal is being cobbled up informally.

At a public meeting to commemorate 10 years since JSP’s formation in Machlipatnam, Kalyan told his cadre that no “secret” pact was made with the TDP or Naidu. He however went on to criticise the BJP – his current alliance partner. In case Naidu and Kalyan work out a deal, then it is to be seen if the BJP will also be a partner. That will have implications for state polls and national elections.

When contacted, JSP spokesperson B. Satya however said that the TDP needs an alliance more than his party. “They want an alliance because without it they will get wiped out. It is a necessity for them, and we won’t lose anything [even if contesting alone]. We did not contest in 2014. If the TDP asks us to join and makes Pawan Kalyan the CM candidate, then that is fine,” he remarked.

TDP leaders however scoffed at the idea and said there is no scenario where they Kalyan would be the CM face of the alliance. “When Pawan Kalyan said votes should not split earlier, he meant it should be unitedly given to him,” JSP’s Satya added.

Professor E. Venkatesu, an analyst and a faculty member from the University of Hyderabad’s political science department, said that as things stand currently, there is no possibility for the TDP to win on its own. But he was also skeptical of the party’s ability to win in an alliance.

“If the TDP and JSP come together, they will increase their vote share but it won’t be enough to win. The ruling YSRCP’s welfare schemes and strong consolidation of power in AP are formidable. Even if JSP and BJP contest together, for a triangular contest, there is no scope. Naidu’s son Lokesh has undertaken a padayatra, but it has no clear agenda as well,” professor Venkatesh pointed out.

He added that the ruling YSRCP’s Village Secretariat system (to decentralise governance on the ground level) established by Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy after he came to power has helped the ruling party develop a strong network. “On the government front, this has been helping them get information as well,” professor Venkatesu pointed out.

What Explains Pawan Kalyan’s Decision to Ally With BJP?

Many have been left scratching their heads after the actor-politician swung from the Left to extreme right.

Vijayawada: The latest turn of events in Pawan Kalyan’s political career has brought to the minds of many film buffs a popular ‘punch dialogue’ from his 2012 Telugu remake of Salman Khan starrer Dabangg. “Nakkonchem tikkundi, daniko lekkundi (roughly translating to ‘there is a method to my madness’),” says the character the ‘power star’, as Pawan Kalyan is popularly known, plays in the movie Gabbar Singh.

After Kalyan, the chief of the Jana Sena Party (JSP), made an appearance at BJP working president J.P. Nadda’s residence in New Delhi on a winter Monday, many of his fans were busy searching for plausible logic in the actor-politician’s decision to swing from the left to extreme right. This was followed by a joint press conference with the saffron party’s state leadership in Vijayawada, announcing an alliance. The parties unveiled a ‘road map’ to unseat the Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy-led government in the 2024 elections.

Pawan, who founded JSP in March 2014, in the run-up to that year’s general elections, helped the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and BJP come to power, though the party itself did not contest. By doing so, he did his part in the rise of right-wing politics in the state. This despite likening himself to Che Guevara and choosing a red star as his party’s symbol.

Also Read: Andhra Pradesh: BJP Joins Hands With Pawan Kalyan’s Jana Sena

Before the elections in 2019, he emerged as a dissenter and began to question the parties in power at the Centre and in the state. He demanded that the promise of granting special category status for the residual Andhra Pradesh be fulfilled. The actor-turned-leader cried hoarse over the “widening” south-north divide in the devolution of Central funds under the Narendra Modi dispensation.

JSP teamed up with the Left parties and Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) ahead of the 2019 elections, but the experiment had dismal results. Pawan Kalyan contested two assembly segments – one from his native West Godavari and the other in the Uttarandhra’s Visakhapatnam district – but lost both. His party won a single seat in the 175-member house, ending up with just 7% of the votes.

Pawan Kalyan, with his party’s symbol in the background. Photo: Facebook/Jana Sena Party

Aiming to shoot off BJP’s shoulders?

Many have been left wondering why the JSP chose to ally with the BJP in a hurry, though the next election is more than four years away. The answer may lie in the bullish attitude of chief minister Jagan and his YSR Congress Party.

Even after coming to power with a landslide victory, Jagan continued to make personal attacks on Pawan Kalyan. This acted as a signal for his party men, who allegedly began targeting JSP cadre.

This did not prevent Pawan Kalyan from speaking up against the government, especially on issues such as sand shortage, introduction of English as a medium of instruction in government schools and changing the stance on Amaravati as the state’s capital, irking Jagan more.

Pawan is a one-man army, sans an organisational structure. He understandably finds it difficult to take on the bullish YSR Congress and may have felt that an alliance with the BJP will prop his party up.

JSP spokesperson Bolisetty Satyanarayana confirmed as much, when he referred to the party as ‘relatively weak’. Speaking to The Wire, he said, “When we are relatively weak and our rival is strong, it has become a necessity to take BJP’s support to fight the Jagan government’s tyranny.”

BJP also hopes to grow

Meanwhile, the BJP also harbours its own hopes of playing a larger role in Andhra Pradesh. Although the saffron party rode to power in 2019 on the back of Modi’s nationalist rhetoric, it failed to open its account in Andhra Pradesh. While it sprang a big surprise in Telangana by winning four Lok Sabha seats, in Andhra ended BJP’s vote share was just 0.84%, much lower than NOTA (1.28%). The poor show was attributed to voters’ anger over the NDA government backing down on its promise to grant special category status to the state.

By 2024, the BJP is aiming to emerge as the main opposition, if not coming to power, by edging out Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP.

Also Read: Jagan’s Plan to Have 3 Capitals Leaves Parts of Andhra Pradesh Vexed

A senior BJP leader, wishing to remain anonymous, praised Pawan Kalyan as a crowd puller with a charismatic image. “He is an icon of the Kapu caste, a game-changing community in at least four coastal Andhra districts. With Pawan on board, we can forge a new formula of social engineering, combining Kapus and the issue of social justice, as sought to be championed by the JSP chief,” the leader said.

He said the party is also trying to woo leaders of the Kamma caste away from the TDP fold, assuring them of asylum in their current fight against the leaders of the Reddy caste, who back Jagan.

The current government’s plans to choose three capitals, instead of just Amaravati, has come as a handy tool for the BJP to lure the TDP’s core social group away. Most villages where the capital was supposed to be constructed were dominated by Kamma landowners and have much to lose if the plans are altered. The Jana Sena and BJP, at the joint press conference in Vijayawada, decided to fight against the proposed move to have three capitals.

The BJP and JSP will aim to oust Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy. Photo: Facebook

Is a merger likely?

Pawan’s meetings with the BJP have also triggered a debate over the prospects of the JSP merging with the BJP. This was the path his brother, Chiranjeevi, followed when he clubbed his Praja Rajyam Party with the Congress in 2011. In 2009, Chiranjeevi’s political debut saw his party win 18 assembly seats, but he soon merged it with the Congress in return for his elevation as a Union minister in the UPA-II government.

Analyst Vikram Poola did not rule out the prospect of Jana Sena merging with the BJP. “It may not take place immediately. It is quite likely to happen in the long run”, he said. Poola speculated that Pawan did not have the organisational strength or resources to run his party.

JSP spokesperson Bolisetty, however, ruled out such a possibility. “It is normal for any political party to have alliances. But it should not be construed as the precursor to a merger,” he asserted.

Gali Nagaraja is a freelance journalist who writes on the two Telugu states.

Andhra Pradesh: Unemployment Drives Construction Worker to Suicide

Unemployment is being attributed to the slump in the construction sector in the state following the cancellation of the free sand policy by the YSRCP government.

New Delhi: A plumber allegedly died by suicide after hanging himself at his house in the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh after blaming his woes on the state of unemployment in the construction sector in the state.

According to a report in the Indian Express, P. Venkateswarlu shot a video on his mobile phone where he said that he had been prompted into taking the extreme step after he was unable to look after his family due to lack of work.

“For the past few months, there is no work and it is becoming difficult to sustain the family. Hence, I am ending my life,” he said in a video clip shared by Telugu Desam Party chief and former Andhra Pradesh chief minister Chandrababu Naidu.

In the video, Venkateswarlu said that he hoped that his elder brother and sister-in-law would look after his son and that he wanted his wife to re-marry and live a happy life.

Expressing anguish over Venkateswarlu’s death, Naidu said that “it is heart-wrenching to see workers commit suicide due to lack of work in the last five months and unable to see their families starve”.

The state government should wake up at least now and pay compensation to families that have lost work, the former chief minister said.

TDP MLC D.M.V. Prasad, MLA M. Giri and other leaders visited Venkateswarlu’s house at Gorantla and offered his family relief of Rs 2 lakh from the party.

Venkateswarlu’s family has also alleged that the police remained indifferent when they sought to file a complaint after his death.

Also read: Is Jaganmohan Reddy Serious About Ending Sand Mining in Andhra Pradesh?

TDP leaders have claimed that a mason too died by suicide in the Guntur district a couple of days ago due to unemployment. “Construction activity has come to a standstill due to non-availability of sand. Lakhs of workers in the construction sector are suffering due to lack of work…,” TDP leaders said.

Jana Sena president Pawan Kalyan said that suicides by construction workers had shaken his conscience and appealed to all political parties to come together to support the 3.5 million construction workers. Kalyan also sought intervention from the Centre to resolve the crisis.

Unemployment is being attributed to the slump in the construction sector in the state following the cancellation of the free sand policy by the YSRCP government.

Last month, the YSRCP government, which came to power in Andhra Pradesh in May this year, cancelled the old sand policy, after alleging the existence of a sand mafia headed by TDP members. The new policy aims at addressing the issues of indiscriminate mining of sand, black marketing, hoarding, skyrocketing sand prices, artificial supply shortage and cross-border transportation. In April this year, the NGT had also slapped an interim penalty of Rs 100 crore for the state’s ‘inaction’ in preventing mining, which was later suspended by the Supreme Court.

At least three construction workers are reported to have died by suicide in a month following the state’s new sand mining policy, according to the Indian Express report.

Last Friday, TDP workers had held a protest in front of the Krishna district collectorate, demanding compensation for construction workers who were without work for the last five months,

(With inputs from PTI)