Tag: India-Maldives ties

Maldivian President Muizzu Reaffirms Commitment to ‘Strengthening Historic’ Ties with India

The visit of external affairs minister Jaishankar to the Maldives suggested that relations might have stabilised after the turbulence experienced during the initial months of the Muizzu administration.

New Delhi: Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu on Saturday, August 10, reaffirmed his commitment to “strengthening historic” ties with India, calling the country “one of our closest allies and invaluable partners.”

He made these comments during a ceremony for the handover of water supply and sewerage facilities on 28 islands in the Maldives, a project funded through the Indian government’s Line of Credit facility. The event was attended by Indian external affairs minister S Jaishankar, marking the first visit by a senior Indian minister to the Maldives since Muizzu took office last November.

The visit suggested that relations might have stabilised after the turbulence experienced during the initial months of the Muizzu administration.

Soon after taking office, the Maldivian president requested that India withdraw its military personnel stationed in the archipelago to operate three aircraft for search and rescue missions. Following discussions, India replaced the uniformed personnel with civilians from a public sector company.

Meanwhile, the Maldivian President made one of his first bilateral foreign visits to China. His government also informed India that it would not renew the hydrography agreement between the two countries.

Additionally, there was also a social media-led boycott by Indian influencers of Maldives as a tourist destination after three junior ministers made insulting posts of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. All three were suspended.

However, a sense of ‘normalcy’ began to return to relations, as evidenced by Maldivian foreign minister Moosa Zameer’s visit to India and, more notably, President Muizzu’s participation in Modi’s third oath-taking ceremony, following an invitation from New Delhi.

“I give you my assurance that my administration will extend complete cooperation towards further strengthening the historical ties between our nations and take it to new heights,” Muizzu said at the ceremony on Saturday.

According to the press note from President’s office, Muizzu said that has always been one of the closest allies and invaluable partners, facilitating and providing aid whenever the Maldives has needed it.

Noting that the initiatives would provide significant economic benefits, he added that these projects are key milestones in the Maldives’ bilateral relations with India.

The President also emphasized that the High Impact Community Development Projects under Indian Grant Assistance demonstrate both countries’ close engagement in socio-economic development.

The President concluded his speech by emphasizing that centuries of friendship, mutual respect, and a strong sense of kinship have nourished the relations between the Maldives and India. He further stated that Maldivians value the deep and historic ties with the Indian people and are committed to its preservation and enhancement.

He also expressed optimism, saying he anticipates seeing Maldives-India cooperation prosper and develop in the coming years.

After his arrival in Maldives on Friday, Jaishankar has already held talks with his counterpart, Moosa Zameer and witnessed the signing of various agreements, including for introduction of digital payments.

After the meeting with the visiting Indian minister, Maldivian defence minister Ghassan Maumoon tweeted that they “explored areas of future collaboration in safeguarding Indian Ocean peace and stability”. He also added that both “affirmed mutual respect for one another’s sovereignty and territorial integrity”.

New Maldives President-Elect Meets Indian Envoy, Handed Over Letter From Indian PM

In his first public speech after the electoral victory, Mohamed Muizzu reiterated his campaign pledges – especially the intention to “remove foreign soldiers from the Maldives within the constraints of law”.

New Delhi: India is taking a wait-and-watch position after the Maldives elected a new president, Mohamed Muizzu, who had campaigned on a platform that was largely targeting the incumbent Mohamed Solih for allegedly allowing Indian soldiers to be stationed on the island nation.

Three days after winning Maldives’ fourth multi-party presidential elections, Muizzu met with the Indian high commissioner Munu Mahawar in a courtesy call, who handed over a letter of congratulations from the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The Maldives election commission on Wednesday issued the official final tally for the presidential elections, with Muizzu ahead of Solih by more than 19,000 votes – a difference of eight percentage points.

While Muizzu will only be sworn in next month, he opened his diplomatic door with a series of meetings with foreign envoys on Wednesday.

The first in line was the UK high commissioner, followed by the Chinese and Indian envoys.

The Progressive Party of Maldives tweeted that Muizzu along with vice president-elect Hussain Mohamed Latheef had discussions with the Indian high commissioner on “further enhancing bilateral relations between Maldives and India”.

Mahawar tweeted that he handed over a congratulatory message from the Indian PM, who had already greeted Muizzu on Sunday morning after preliminary results were out. “Look forward to building on our productive discussions to further enhance India – Maldives relationship,” he tweeted.

Earlier, the Chinese envoy also handed over a letter to Muizzu.

The meeting between the Indian high commissioner and the president-elect was anticipated as the opposition’s campaign had been to target Solih for his administration’s close ties with India and raising questions about various agreements signed between the two countries.

Muizzu had also repeatedly accused Solih of allowing Indian soldiers to operate on Maldivian territory under the guise of operating helicopters.

In the first public speech after his electoral victory on Monday night, Muizzu reiterated his campaign pledges, especially his intention to “remove foreign soldiers from the Maldives within the constraints of law”. He had also claimed to be “pro-Maldives”, a response to the label of ‘pro-china’ that is attributed to the PPM-PNC coalition due to the alignment of former president Abdulla Yameen with Beijing during his term. 

Stating that people had voted for him due to his pledge to send back foreign soldiers, Muizzu said that the “efforts would commence immediately after he is sworn in”.

“Therefore, what I have to say to the ambassador who will come to meet me is close relations can be maintained based on this condition,” he added, as per local media outlet Sun.

However, it is not known if any of these issues were discussed during the meeting of Mahawar with the Maldives president-elect.

The newly-elected ruling coalition is expected to go through copies of agreements signed with foreign countries during the transition period of more than a month.

Therefore, Muizzu can only start any process once his presidential term starts formally in mid-November. But, even then, he has only indicated that it will be the start of negotiations.

Despite concerns, it is understood that India will wait to understand what the new Maldivian government has requested, especially since both sides will need to deal with each other as close neighbours for the next five years.

A foreign affairs advisor in the ruling PPM-PNC coalition Mohamed Shareef ‘Mundhu’ had told The Wire that the foreign troops issue will be a sticking point, but that the new government would like a conversation over it. At the same time, he also acknowledged that India is the biggest security stakeholder in the Indian Ocean region.

Maldives Presidential Election Headed to Runoff Round

The presidential race is widely seen as a vote on India’s involvement in the country.

Presidential elections in the Maldives seemed poised for a runoff round, after the two top candidates failed to secure over 50% of the vote on Saturday (September 9).

The official results of the first round are due to be out on Sunday.

However, preliminary results showed incumbent President Ibrahim Solih trailing behind his main rival Mohamed Muiz, with the former securing some 40% of the vote, as opposed to 46% for the latter.

The country’s Elections Commission had scheduled a run off between the first two candidates on September 30.

A vote on India’s involvement?

The presidential race is widely seen as a vote on India’s involvement in the country. As a prime benefactor, India has inched much closer under Solih’s “India-first” approach during his first term. The country also enjoys a small military presence in the Maldives archipelago.

Muiz, who is seen as the protege of former President Abdullah Yameen, has meanwhile promoted an “India out” campaign, and is expected to bring the country back to Beijing’s fold, as was the case during Yameen’s rule.

Muiz has also vowed to remove India’s military presence in the Maldives.

Yameen, who would have been Solih’s most serious contender, was banned from taking part in the vote by the Supreme Court, after he was convicted of corruption and money laundering.

Solih’s share in the vote has been dented after a member of his Maldivian Democratic Party, Mohamed Nasheed, broke away and fielded his own candidate. The candidate, Ilyas Labeeb, has barely secured 7% of the vote.

This article was originally published on DW.

Maldives: The People to Watch and the Factors at Play Ahead of Next Month’s Presidential Polls

While Solih remains the frontrunner, there is uncertainty if he would secure an outright win in the first round. With eight candidates in the fray, this is the largest pool ever taking part in a presidential election in Maldive’s history.

New Delhi: In a month, Maldivians will be going to general elections to elect their president. They will effectively signal the start of the election season in South Asia, with four other countries in the region scheduled to hold general polls within the next year.

After the polls close on September 9, a winner will be declared if he gets more than 50% of the votes. But if there is no one to cross the half-way mark, then a second round will be held within 21 days between the two front-runners.

In the 2018 presidential elections, Abdulla Yameen had campaigned for re-election following a term marked by controversy. During his tenure, Yameen had jailed all the main opposition leaders and supreme court judges in addition to antagonising India by harbouring close ties with China.

Therefore, when Maldivian Democratic Party’s (MDP) Ibrahim Solih, the joint opposition candidate, won by a margin of 16% in the first round itself, it was a big upset for Yameen. The key factor for the opposition victory had been huge voter turnout at 89.2%.

Five years later, Yameen is behind bars and disqualified from contesting the elections. However, it doesn’t mean that Solih will have smooth run. 

With eight candidates in the fray, this is the largest pool of candidates ever taking part in a presidential election in Maldive’s history. The second-highest count occurred in the 2008 presidential elections, where six candidates were in contention.

A look at the key candidates

Ibrahim Solih

On paper, President Solih should be doing well. There has been political stability during his tenure and the country managed to recover relatively well after the difficult pandemic years. His administration also repaired frayed relations with India without alienating China. 

However, his electoral calculations are not as favourable. Two parties of the erstwhile MDP-led ruling coalition are fielding their own candidates in the presidential elections. Former President Mohamed Nasheed split and formed his own party after he lost the presidential primary.

While Solih remains the frontrunner, there is uncertainty if he would secure an outright win in the first round. When the election advances to the second round with only two candidates, he will have to deploy his political acumen in garnering support from the remaining political parties to secure the majority of votes needed for victory.

Mohamed Muizzu. Photo: Twitter/@bkhussainmanik

Mohamed Muizzu

After Yameen failed to get relief from the Supreme Court on being blocked from standing in the presidential elections, he reluctantly endorsed the presidential candidate of his alliance partner, People’s National Congress (PNC). A civil engineer with a doctorate from University of Leeds, Muizzu had been the housing minister under the Yameen government, which is an important political portfolio due to the high demand for affordable housing in the limited urban areas in the archipelago nation.

In 2021, he was elected as the first non-MDP mayor of the capital city of Male’, which hosts nearly 40% of the country’s population. While Yameen had been behind bars, Muizzu had kept up contacts with China through outreach events.

According to Maldivian media, he said at an online webinar in September 2022 that relations between Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM) and Communist Party were the “foundation of diplomatic relations between Maldives and China.

While he is known to be close to Yameen, his role as mayor had meant a high-visibility political profile that seems to have fuelled his presidential ambitions. Muizzu officially left his party and joined the PNC only last week, after the latter announced that they will submit a presidential nomination as a contingency plan if Yameen was not able to clear the legal hurdles to stand for elections. He was then filed his nomination as the PNC’s presidential candidate, with Yameen eventually coming around to give his official endorsement.

Qasim Ibrahim

One of the wealthiest businessman in Maldives, Qasim Ibrahim of Jumhooree Party (JP) has always been seen to be a kingmaker due to his ability to swing elections in the second round.

He will be contesting elections for the third time, after standing in the 2008 and 2013 polls. Ibrahim may not have the numbers to win the elections outright, but he has a captive vote bank that is wooed by all parties. As the owner of several resorts, analysts believe that Qasim can ‘transfer’ votes from his extensive workforce, which could be enough to swing elections.

In the first multi-party presidential elections in 2008, he won 15% of the votes in the first round and was eliminated. Thereafter, he announced support for MDP’s Mohamed Nasheed, who eventually defeated long-term dictator Maumoon Gayoom in the second round. While he joined Nasheed’s cabinet, Qasim soon left after a fall-out. 

In the 2013 elections, he got 24% of votes in the first round. A sizeable amount of his support shifted Abdulla Yameen, who secured victory over Nasheed by amassing 51% of the votes during the second round.

Qasim couldn’t stand for elections in 2018 due to a conviction, but supported Solih as joint opposition candidate.

Despite declining Solih’s invitation to join the re-election campaign, Qasim’s next move will be closely watched to ascertain which side he aligns with, should a second round of voting take place.

The other players behind the scenes

Abdulla Yameen. Photo: Prime Minister’s Office (GODL-India).

Abdulla Yameen

For the former president, the 2023 elections will be a test of his political relevancy. After the Supreme Court rejected his appeal for overturning Election Commission’s (EC) rejection of his candidature due to conviction, Yameen had called on his own party and alliance partner to boycott the elections.

When the PPM-PNC’s top decision body rejected the boycott proposals, Yameen still did not accept it. If he couldn’t stand for elections, Yameen would have preferred another face from his own party, with names of former president Ahmed Waheed and his nephew Gasim Maumoon floating around. However, Yameen was obviously reluctant to push for Muizzu’s candidature despite the latter having expressed interest. 

Having his own proxy candidate would prevent Yameen from going into political obscurity. At the same time, Yameen would have preferred a surrogate candidate who was more politically dependent on him. This consideration stems from the recognition that even a purported proxy could readily break free from control, similar to how Yameen consolidated power and distanced himself from his elder brother Maumoon Gayoom after the 2013 elections. The mayor of Male, despite his public loyalty to Yameen and the party, had his own political base. 

Mohamed Nasheed

Right after the 2018 elections, there had been rumblings that Nasheed and Solih, childhood friends with familial links, would eventually clash due to the latter’s insistence on assuming a more prominent role. With Solih reluctant to support Nasheed’s demand of changing to a parliamentary system, the foundation for their estrangement was laid.

After Nasheed’s faction broke off from the MDP, he had been holding talks with other parties to agree on a common presidential candidate. But the talks broke down, with the main hurdle apparently being PPM’s insistence on Abdulla Yameen being their only presidential candidate.

While the Democrats have fielded their own candidate, he is also continuing to hold talks on a common strategy for the second round.

Maumoon Gayoom

Even after Nasheed ended his 30-year-old rule in the 2008 elections, Gayoom continued to be a dominant political actor in the Maldivian elections. Gayoom was presumed to be the real power when his half-brother, Yameen won the 2013 elections, but both of them soon found themselves on different sides. Gayoom, along with his son, Faris Maumoon were even jailed by the Yameen administration. 

With a new political faction, Gayoom joined the opposition, which included Nasheed, in supporting Solih. While his newly formed party Maldives Reform Movement (MRM) does not have the same clout, Gayoom has remained active behind the scenes. All of his four children are affiliated to different political parties, including Yameen’s PPM.

Despite being a member of the ruling coalition, Gayoom’s MRM had also decided to jump into the presidential elections. The EC had earlier dissolved MRM after the party failed to meet the legal requirement of 3000 members. MRM went to the civil court, which ruled against the EC’s move. However, Faris announced that he would stand as an independent candidate and submitted his nomination just before the deadline. With at least one member of his family in the fray, Gayoom has ensured that he remains part of the political calculations after September 9.

India Asks Maldives to Act Against ‘Malicious’ Media Reports Targeting High Commission Staff

“These attacks are motivated, malicious and increasingly personal,” wrote the Indian high commission in Malé on local media reports.

New Delhi: India’s high commission in Malé has asked the Maldivian government to take steps to protect the high commissioner and diplomatic personnel from “malicious” and “personal” articles in the local media.

A note verbale from the Indian high commission to the Maldivian foreign ministry, dated June 24, was published in the Maldivian media on Wednesday.

In the letter, whose authenticity has been confirmed by The Wire, India complained about  “recurring articles and social media posts attacking the dignity of the High Commission, the Head of the Mission, and members of the diplomatic staff by certain sections of the local media”.

“These attacks are motivated, malicious and increasingly personal,” wrote the Indian high commission.

It requested the Maldivian government to ensure the protection of India’s diplomats to  “prevent any attack on his/their person, freedom and dignity, and prevent any disturbances to the peace of the Mission or impairment of its dignity in accordance with relevant articles of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961)”.

Besides, the high commission also called for action “in accordance with International Law and Maldivian Law, against the perpetrators for these gross violations of the Vienna Convention”.

The diplomatic missive further noted that the repeated attacks through the articles and social media posts are “attempts to incite hatred and violence against India, the High Commission and members of its diplomatic staff”.

Quoting from the Vienna convention, the letter referred to Article 29 which stated that the receiving state will treat a diplomatic personal with “due respect and shall take all appropriate steps to prevent any attack on his person, freedom or dignity”.

It also referred to the preamble of the Vienna convention which stated that the purpose of these privileges “was not to benefit individuals but to ensure the efficient performance of the functions of diplomatic missions as representing States”.

The letter argued that the “repeated attacks on the dignity” of India’s diplomatic staff can impact the “efficient performance of the functions” of the high commission.

Asserting that the specified articles were harmful, the high commission told the foreign ministry that these could “damage the time-tested and mutually beneficial bilateral relations between India and the Maldives”.

With relations between India and Maldives having improved under Ibrahim Solih government, the opposition has criticised any India-related projects and developments as a way to attack the ruling party.  The opposition has also begun an ‘India Out” campaign over alleged Indian military presence from last year, which had led to reports of rising anti-Indian sentiment in the strategic Indian ocean archipelago nation.

UNGA Presidency: India Reiterates Support To Maldivian Foreign Minister’s Candidature

Addressing the Maldives’ ministry of foreign affairs in Male, foreign secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said India has always been supportive of the Maldives in various multilateral fora.

Male: India on Monday said the Maldives should play a more prominent role in the United Nations and reiterated its support to its Foreign Minister Abdulla Shahid’s candidature for the presidency of the 76th session of the UN General Assembly next year.

Addressing the Maldives’ ministry of foreign affairs in Male, foreign secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said in today’s globalised and interconnected world, multilateral engagement is very important. Maldives President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s address to the UNGA last year was appreciated by one and all, he said, adding that India feels that the Maldives should play a more prominent role in the UN.

“In this context, I am happy to reiterate the commitment made by our external affairs minister earlier during the virtual meeting with foreign minister Abdulla Shahid that India will support his candidature for the presidency of the 76th session of the United Nations General Assembly next year,” the foreign secretary said.

“With his vast diplomatic experience and leadership qualities, foreign minister Shahid has the best credentials to preside over the General Assembly in these tumultuous times. His presidency will also provide greater visibility to the Maldives,” Shringla said.

“We are happy that his term will coincide with our membership of the United Nations Security Council for 2021-22. We look forward to working closely with the Maldives in the United Nations,” he said.

India has always been supportive of the Maldives in various multilateral fora, he said.

“We are happy that the Maldives has re-joined the Commonwealth in February this year and can continue to benefit from this historic organisation,” Shringla said.

He said India has supported the Maldives in joining the Indian Ocean Regional Association where the Maldives can not only benefit but also bring a lot of value to this organisation.

Also read: Maldives: India Bids to Overtake China in Funding ‘High Visibility’ Infrastructure

“We also note the enhanced engagement of the Maldives with the United Nations and its specialised organisations,” he said. Shringla said India and the Maldives have had to face the enormous uncertainties that the COVID-19 pandemic has brought.

“In mitigating this impact on our people and economy, we were also happy to extend assistance to the Maldives in dealing with the crisis,” he said.

“India has striven to ensure that there are no disruptions in our support to the Maldives as was seen in the case of the continued supply of onions even in the wake of export restrictions imposed by India for others,” he said.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his visit to the Maldives in June last year said ‘Neighbourhood First is our priority; and in the neighbourhood, the Maldives is the priority”, he noted.

“PM Modi also said that India’s cooperation will always be focussed on the welfare of the people and based on the requirements and priorities of Maldives. It is no coincidence therefore that the Maldives was the first and the largest recipient of India’s COVID-19 assistance in our neighbourhood,” Shringla said.

“I have no hesitation in assuring you that this assistance will continue beyond COVID-19 and will manifest itself whenever the Maldives requires Indian assistance of any kind,” he added.

In his remarks at the National Stadium, Male while handing over children’s parks for 67 Islands in the Maldives under Cash Grant Projects, Shringla said the coronavirus pandemic has caused widespread disruptions.

“I am happy that even Covid could not stop or slow down India-Maldives cooperation. President Solih has himself publicly pointed out that India has been the largest supporter and assistance provider in dealing with the pandemic,” Shringla said.

Last month India provided $250 million financial assistance, as a concessional loan, leaving it entirely to the Maldives to decide its usage according to its priorities, he said.

“It is reassuring that when we emerge from the pandemic, we will emerge together with our partnership stronger than ever before. We will work together with you to mitigate the socio-economic impact of COVID-19,” he said.

The Maldives has reported 11,986 COVID-19 cases so far with 40 deaths.

India’s Strategy on Maldives Delivered Results, Says Ex President Nasheed

In an interview with The Wire, Nasheed talks about the subtleties of Indian diplomacy, the difference between the BJP and the Congress and the upcoming elections in Maldives.

In around two months, when Maldives will elect a new parliament, former Maldives president Mohamed Nasheed has a high chance of returning to power – not as the head of state, but as the leader of the political party with the majority in the house.

This would cap the Maldivian Democratic Party’s return to power after Nasheed ‘resigned’ in 2012 following a mutiny by the security forces – a possibility that even most optimists would not have predicted six months ago.

Now, with his childhood friend Ibrahim Solih as president, Nasheed’s role is being carefully calibrated. He has been campaigning for the parliamentary elections scheduled for April 7, but also visited New Delhi last week on the invitation of the ministry of external affairs.

In an interview with The Wire, he spoke about India’s role in the elections, Indian diplomacy and his job profile after the parliamentary polls.

Also Read: India-Maldives ‘Very Liberal’ Visa Regime to Come into Effect on March 11

Nasheed also maintained that China’s influence in Maldives will be curtailed and asserted that Chinese projects will be reviewed. Maldives faces an external debt crisis, with over 75% of its external debt of $1.8 billion owed to China.

Here are excerpts from the interview, which have been edited for clarity.

When you were in Delhi last time, the circumstances were completely different. You were invited by a think-tank and there was no official meeting with the Indian government. This time, you have been invited by the ICCR and have scheduled meetings with the Indian prime minister and the external affairs minister. How do you reflect on this change?

At that time, it was understandable that they couldn’t publicly make a show of meeting us, especially given the situation at home. And of course, what we are seeing right now is actually their true feelings towards democracy in Maldives and towards us. So, this is very refreshing and encouraging.

But when you were here the last time, you had a bit of a complaint that India was not being active and was not advocating democratic values.

I did say this. In hindsight, maybe, what we were looking for was support for a strategy that we had drawn up. But India had its own strategy, and in hindsight, they were very clever. Right now, what we understand is that both sides, India and us, were looking at the same outcome. Indian diplomats were extremely clever and they have actually delivered.

How did India help you?

By raising concerns. We also felt that India’s ability to reach out to other countries and to bring in other actors into the play helped in ensuring that Maldives has reasonably fair elections. Much of the international pressure worked because of India.

India did remain quiet compared to Canada, Australia and the UK. There were far less public statements. Admittedly, India was more vocal on the February 1 Supreme Court judgment.

There were a few statements… Of course, Indian diplomacy is not the same. It is not implemented in the same manner as some other countries might do. Again, I must say in hindsight, that this is fairly effective.

Maldives President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Credit: Reuters

One of the complaints often heard in the neighbourhood is that Indian diplomacy doesn’t always make it explicitly clear what it wants or doesn’t like. Has that been an issue in India’s relations with Maldives?

Countries such as ours, which are not so competent in reading diplomatic language and also do not have the capacity and means to observe and analyse things in the manner that India or some other country might do… Don’t quite know what is required. So, I think that we must do better in reading the tea leaves or India should be clearer.

Have you seen any change in the conduct of Indian diplomacy?

India is, in many ways, rapidly changing, especially in the manner that it is engaging with the international community. We are seeing boldness and frankness as well. It differs from political outlook. The Congress is more subtle but the BJP is very direct. The institutions remain as the basis.

The issue is not necessarily who forms the government. I think that diplomats are trained in a certain manner. So, your question is whether Indian diplomacy has changed? I think it becomes different when necessary. It has not yet seen a strong need to be so bold.

But, sometimes, it does not do any good (to be subtle). My conversations with a number of other regional leaders reveal that they too find similar difficulties (about understanding India’s demands).

Since you mention Indian political parties and their different approaches, do you think that there will be any change in foreign policy if there is a change of government in India?

Maldives policy (for India) is strategic. I can’t see how that can change. It should not change.

Also Read: Maldives Defence Minister: No Need for Close Military Ties With Countries Other Than India

Sure, but in recent years, Maldives’ importance to India has also increased due to the rising profile of China. Do you think a coalition government, with parties of different ideologies, would have a different political approach that could impact ties between India and Maldives?

I think that the BJP will come back to power.

Why are you so confident?

Because they have delivered a lot. They have delivered on Maldives. You should vote for them now (laughs).

That is a strong endorsement.

But they have delivered on Maldives. As a Maldivian, my interest is with Maldives. Nobody wanted to topple (Abdulla) Yameen. We wanted to have a free and fair election. So, that was facilitated and then the people spoke.

In 2013, the Indian government’s pressure also facilitated your candidacy for the presidential elections.

Yes. The difference between 2013 and 2018 is that we won in 2018 and we lost in 2013. But, yes, there won’t be much of a difference, whoever comes to power.

Maldives Election, Yameen

Former Maldives President Abdulla Yameen. Credit: Fred Dufour/Pool via Reuters

I understand that you conversed on the Chinese debt trap with your Indian interlocutors. Can you throw some light on it?

Basically, we are suggesting that we are heavily in debt to a single country. Therefore, that debt is used as a leverage, as a disciplining agent. That, to my mind, would not be in our interest or in India’s interest.

What should India do?

Maldives and many other countries must impress upon China that this is wrong. Do not do this. We all want investments, but make it more transparent and ensure that there is democratic oversight. We are asking China that there should be a tender process every time they give something. These loans should not be for unsolicited projects. Let democratic oversight remain so that these contracts can be scrutinised.

You have spoken earlier about reviewing Chinese loan terms. Is that finally going to happen?

Yes, it will happen. That’s what we have been saying. And the government is on it. The finance minister, foreign minister and the president have all said it. So, they are on it.

Will China get any new projects?

I think we should sort out the existing ones. Also, we can’t be giving out sovereign guarantees anymore. We just can’t take any more debt.

On the subject of the forthcoming parliamentary elections, why has the MDP decided to contest all the seats, even though the party is part of a coalition?

We run an organised structural party and we have branches on every island. Of course, we are not going to win 87 seats, but if we don’t field a candidate, it means that party activity on that island dies. Our party, rank and file and activists will not necessarily vote for another party just because there was no candidate from us. We are not a party which is strong only on one island. We have a core vote on every island.

Why won’t MDP supporters vote for another party in the coalition?

It is ideology. Today, the MMPRC list is coming out [editor’s note: this interview was recorded on February 14] with the names of all the people who have benefited from corruption. There are no MDP members or MPs on the list. But all the others are. So how do we go and defend them? Also, in many, many instances, we do not see eye-to-eye. For example, on income tax or judicial reforms.

Also Read: Interim Budget: Maldives Aid Allocation for 2019-20 Quadrupled

There is also difference of opinion on changing to a parliamentary form of government.

The reforms of the constitution on judiciary and the form of government must come from the president. I wouldn’t want to advocate in that regard.

How do you characterise your working relationship with the president? How will it change if you are elected to parliament?

The president will find it immensely relieving if I am in parliament… Otherwise, he was looking after parliament for me. All throughout, he was doing it for me. I need to do it for him now.

What would managing parliament mean exactly?

My job would be to manage legislation and ensure that nobody goes against the president. If I am not there (in parliament), it’s not easy to do it. Of course, we trust all our MPs and so on. But, if I am in there, it would become a different story.

In the past, we tried to deliver our pledges without proper legislative frameworks. That made life very difficult for us. Actually, it is a learning curve for us.

When we first brought in our social protection programme, we just did it without any legislation because it was passed in the budget. The constitution allows us to do that. But then, it became so difficult. Different ministries were not able to coordinate their actions. There were court cases. We were getting bogged down. Now we understand that a legislative agenda to deliver the pledges and empower the government is absolutely necessary.

How important is changing the form of government for you?

The MDP has always advocated for a parliamentary system. Even while I was president, we were doing that.

But there are differences of opinion even within the party.

There are. There are differences within the party.

Are you and the president on the same page on this?

I shouldn’t speak on his behalf, but we have aligned our political thinking all through our lives and have not seen any differences or disagreements.

My point here is that I will not move it (the constitutional amendment). If he wants to, he must. So, he would also be a good judge of how the government is going, what kind of challenges we will have, what the people will be thinking…

The MDP is the frontrunner in the parliamentary elections. But, would a ‘super majority’ for one party be good for Maldivian democracy?

Yes, it will be the best thing for the country. We are a responsible party. We have internal democracy.

I can’t see what wrong it can bring. I think there is a need for a majority in parliament for a single party. I mean, for God’s sake, which country has been able to run without that?

Indian ‘Advance Team’ in Maldives to Discuss PM Modi’s Visit for Solih’s Swearing-In

Since the transition to a new and more friendly government in the Maldives is considered crucial for India’s neighbourhood and Indo-Pacific policies, Modi’s presence at the November 17 event is being projected as a necessity. 

New Delhi: It now seems increasingly likely that Prime minister Narendra Modi will be headed to Maldives next week to see Maldivian leader Ibrahim Solih take over as the head of the island nation.

An advance team from the Indian government reached the Maldives on Monday to lay the ground work for Modi to witness the inauguration of Solih’s presidential term on November 17, sources told The Wire.

The visit of the advance team, sources say, caps several weeks of uncertainty over the prime minister’s presence at Solih’s swearing-in.

Maldivian president-elect Ibrahim Mohamed Solih arrives at an event with supporters in Male, Maldives September 24, 2018. Credit: Reuters/Ashwa Faheem/File Photo

Maldivian president-elect Ibrahim Mohamed Solih arrives at an event with supporters in Male, Maldives September 24, 2018. Credit: Reuters/Ashwa Faheem/File Photo

There is no official word on the visit yet, as the final shape will be given once the dates are locked into Modi’s schedule, which has been busier than usual due to forthcoming elections in five states.

The Wire had earlier reported on the internal discussions that were going on within the government to discuss the proposal for Modi’s visit. There was some uncertainty on the Indian side, as there was a view that the Indian prime minister may not be the main attraction at an event which could see other foreign invitees.

Modi’s trip to Maldives is much anticipated as it is the only south Asian country that hasn’t featured in his extensive travel itinerary over the last four and a half years.

The Indian prime minister was scheduled to visit Maldives in 2015, but the visit was cancelled due to a political volatile situation, with the opposition taking to the streets to protest against president Abdulla Yameen.

With Yameen putting opposition leaders behind bars and navigating his country into China’s orbit, the opportunities for Modi to travel to Maldives were negligible.

But the results of the presidential elections in September reversed the situation. In an upset, joint opposition candidate Solih defeated incumbent president Yameen with 58% of the votes polled on September 23.

Also read: Backed by India, Maldives Becomes IORA Member; Myanmar’s Entry Blocked at Last Hurdle

When Modi made the congratulatory call to Solih, the latter invited the Indian leader to Maldives for the inauguration.

However, there were a lot of considerations which go into the planning for a visit by the Indian prime minister. There was a perception in South Block that Modi could do a more substantial stand-alone bilateral visit to Maldives after the inauguration. With a lot of high-profile invitees to the inauguration, advice was given that the Indian prime minister may not get enough attention.

But, since the transition to a new and more friendly government in Maldives is considered crucial for India’s neighbourhood and Indo-Pacific policies, Modi’s presence at the November 17 event is being projected as a necessity. 

Just this week, the Maldives became the latest member of Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) after India pushed for its approval – another indication that India is enthusiastic about dealing with a new government. 

Sources also noted that Modi will get a “prime position” among all the invitees to the inauguration.

The organisers of the inauguration ceremony announced on Monday night that the event in the national football stadium would be a closed one, rather than being open to the public as initially proposed.

The justification given by the head of the inauguration committee and chairperson of Maldives Democratic Party (MDP), Hassan Latheef was the need for security due to the presence of several foreign leaders.

He also said that the invitation list was also a long one, which meant that the stadium may not be enough if the ceremony was open to the public.

Modi will certainly have a bilateral meeting with Solih. However, it remains to be seen if he will hold separate meetings with other Maldivian politicians, including former president Mohamed Nasheed.

As per sources, it would also be a quick ‘fly-in, fly out’ trip to accommodate Modi’s hectic schedule,

There would be more time to prepare ‘deliverables’ for Solih’s visit to India, which would be his first foreign destination as president.

Maldives Reaches Out; India and Pakistan Wage ‘Relic Diplomacy’ in Lanka

A weekly round-up of diplomatic matters that went below the radar.

New Delhi: Relations between India and her southern maritime neighbour – the Maldives – are undoubtedly going through a strained period. So it was quite surprising for the Indian military delegation at recent the Defence Services Exhibition in Kuala Lumpur to receive a request for a meeting from Ahmed Shiyam, the head of the Maldivian National Defence Force (MNDF).

The platform was the Defence Services Asia (DSA) 2018 event in Malaysia, which was held between April 16 and 19. India was represented by Lt Gen P.S. Rajeshwar, according to the DSA list of attendees.

Sources said that once a request for a separate bilateral meeting was received from the MNDF chief, messages were sent to New Delhi on guidance, since relations between the two countries are not at their best right now. South Block gave the green light and a meeting took place between the MNDF chief and the senior Indian army officer.

According to sources, there were no substantial discussions during the meeting. The tête-à-tête was largely confined to the MNDF chief expressing appreciation for India’s help in the capacity building of the Maldivian security forces.

However, it was still a significant interaction as the Maldives had earlier refused to take part in India’s Milan exercises and Defence Expo. The Maldivian government had claimed that the MNDF was unable to participate due to its duties during the state of emergency.

The rare visit by the Pakistani army chief, Qamar Javed Bajwa, to Malé soon after the state of emergency was lifted had also raised eyebrows. The disquiet was compounded by the fact that Bajwa suggested joint EEZ patrolling during his meeting with defence minister Adam Shareef Umar.

India and the Maldives had a significant diplomatic spat over the Supreme Court’s February 1 judgment that precipitated the imposition of the state of emergency in the island nation. The last public exchange had been over India’s statement after the end of emergency, which the Maldives had said was “not helpful”.

According to sources, the request for a meeting from the MNDF chief may have been done to show that it was business as usual in relations with India. While the conversation was polite and friendly, the Indian side was not ready to go all the way. The Maldivians had asked for a photo-op at the meeting, but this was denied by India.

India-Pak compete in Buddhist diplomacy

On Vesak, an important Sri Lankan festival, Buddhists commemorate the birth, enlightenment and death of the Buddha. It is also an opportunity for the Sri Lankan government to showcase its political and diplomatic muscle, with Colombo vying to get sacred relics from other countries to be displayed for public veneration during this period.

This year, India sent two sacred relics from Sarnath to Sri Lanka for the first time. According to the Indian high commission, “the sacred relics of Sarnath are yet another manifestation of the shared Buddhist heritage of India and Sri Lanka, which forms a spiritual bond between our two nations”.

Sacred relics from Sarnath being received in Sri Lanka. Credit: Twitter/@IndiainSL

Sacred relics from Sarnath being received in Sri Lanka. Credit: Twitter/@IndiainSL

Earlier, India had sent sacred relics from Kapilavastu in 2012 to mark 2,600 years of Lord Buddha’s enlightenment. Last year, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was himself in Sri Lanka for the Vesak celebrations and had gifted them 16,000 paraffin candles.

Buddhist diplomacy has been a part of India’s repertoire, with the NDA government holding seminars and workshops through affiliated organisations to highlight the religious linkage.

However, this year, there was a bit of a regional rivalry. When the Indian sacred relics reached Sri Lanka, two holy relics sent by the Pakistan government were also received in Colombo.

This is the second time that Pakistan has sent relics to Sri Lanka – but the first time that it has coincided with the sojourn of Indian relics.

“The advent and development of Buddhism owes a great deal to the ancient land of Pakistan. It was here that the religious activities of Buddhism reached its climax through well-organised missionaries and ultimately made it a world religion,” said the statement from the Pakistan foreign ministry copying the phrases used in 2016.Trump looks a

These relics were excavated from the largest stupa at Taxila. However, there were doubts from certain quarters in Colombo and Delhi on the “authenticity” of the relics from Pakistan. Publicly, there were no statements about the Pakistani relics, but apparently there were behind-the-scene mutterings about the genuineness of the relics among the main Buddhist associations.

Trump looks at Indian voting at the UN

Earlier this year, Foreign Policy reported that US permanent representative to the UN, Nikki Haley, wanted to link foreign assistance with countries’ voting records on issues important for Washington in the world body. Haley had been aggressive in indicating that she would be “taking names” against countries whose votes do not align with the US. After the UN General Assembly voted on a resolution criticising President Donald Trump’s plan to shift US embassy to Jerusalem in December 2017, there was another upsurge in interest in cutting foreign aid.

Since 1984, the US State Department has been publishing a report every spring comparing the US’s voting record with that of other countries. The latest report, which analyses voting records of UN members in 2017, tweaks the methodology to include abstentions when comparing how a country votes for General Assembly and Security Council resolutions.

As per the new formula, the overall voting coincidence for the rest of the world with the US in all UNGA resolutions is 31%. This is a dip from 41% (or 37% as per the new method) in 2016.

US ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley. Credit: Reuters

Using the new methodology, the global voting coincidence with the US in all UN General Assembly was 31% in 2017, which was a dip from 41% in 2016. The difference in opinion between the US and the rest of the world becomes even more on Israel-related resolutions, with just 15% voting coincidence. This figure, however, does go up to 49%, when it comes to “important” UN resolutions. It is defined as “votes on issues which directly affected important United States interests and on which the United States lobbied extensively”.

India’s individual numbers have been typically below average. India’s voting positions aligned with US in only 25% of UN resolutions. There was more alignment on the “important” UN resolutions at 38% – still well below the global average. On Israel related resolutions, India’s ‘voting coincidence’ with US stood at 7%.

India’s voting record has remained consistent in the UN across governments. Under the UPA government in 2013, India’s ‘voting coincidence’ for Israel-related resolutions, ‘important’ votes and overall was zero, 25% and 27.4%, respectively.

At the same time, a comparison with the first year, 1983, the report for the US Congress that was prepared shows some dramatic changes.

Excerpt from the 1983 Report to Congress on Voting Practices in United Nations

In 1983, the list of voting blocs in UN included the Warsaw Pact and India’s voting coincidence with US votes was 16.4%.

The state department reportedly listed ten ‘key issues’, which included resolutions condemning the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan, Cambodia (then Kampuchea), intervention in Grenada and El Salvador human rights policy. There were also three resolutions which directly attacked the US for violating arms embargo against South Africa, for collaborating on nuclear matters with the apartheid state and for providing assistance to Israel.

Not surprisingly, India did not vote in line with US position in any of the ten ‘key votes’ in 1983. India had abstained on the resolutions calling for withdrawal of foreign forces in Afghanistan and Cambodia. Indian diplomats voted in favour of resolutions that directly and indirectly criticised the US’s relations with South Africa, Grenada, Israel and El Salvador. The sole negative vote among the ten was for a resolution that called on the UN Secretary General to pursue investigation against countries for violating the 1925 protocol on prohibition of use of chemical and biological weapons.

Amid Souring Ties, India May Choose Indonesia Over Maldives in UNSC Elections

The current state of relations with Maldives, couple with Indonesia being a “more attractive proposition” due to its international clout, could lead New Delhi to withdraw its support for Malé.

The current state of relations with the Maldives, coupled with Indonesia being a “more attractive proposition” due to its international clout, could lead New Delhi to withdraw its support for Malé.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with President of Maldives Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom. Credit: PTI

New Delhi: When the time comes for India to choose between Maldives and Indonesia as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) in June, New Delhi may break its long-stated commitment to the Indian Ocean nation.

The Maldives had announced over a decade ago its intention to stand for election to the non-permanent seat in the Security Council for the 2019-20 term. Until now, India has consistently supported Malé’s undertaking.

However, complications have crept in – like Indonesia’s support for the Indian candidate for the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the current state of relations with the Indian Ocean nation – which have led to a re-think.

Sources told The Wire that there have been “indications” that India has changed its mind on keeping its commitment to the Maldives. The elections for non-permanent UNSC members are scheduled in June this year.

The official campaign had been launched for Maldives’s first-ever seat in the UNSC in 2016 – but India’s commitment precedes that. The earliest reference to India’s support was in the December 2008 joint statement during the visit of the then Maldivian president Mohamed Nasheed. This was reiterated after President Abdulla Yameen began his term in power.

After the official launch of Maldives’s maiden campaign for a UNSC seat in 2016, India had also renewed its commitment to back the bid, sources added.

Officials pointed out that India had supported the Maldives not only as a fellow South Asian country but also in a reciprocal gesture for its voting pattern for Indian candidates at international elections.

While India had been relatively circumspect about its strained ties with the Maldives government, the Supreme Court judgement of February 1 and the subsequent imposition of a state of emergency have led to the more public expression of unhappiness.

The latest verbal confrontation had been after the Maldives parliament had approved the extension of the state of emergency. India had termed the move as unconstitutional, which led the Maldives to directly rebuke the South Asian giant.

In an unusual move, United Nations Security Council on February 9 discussed the current crisis in the Maldives behind closed doors. This was a deviation from the norm, according to some observers, as the UN usually doesn’t take up the matter which is mainly about undemocratic practices within a country unless there was a demonstrable impact on international peace and security.

Following the declaration of emergency, Maldives had arrested two Supreme Court judges, including the chief justice, former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom and several other opposition leaders.

With Indonesia being the other candidate for the UNSC non-permanent seat, the contest had already been lopsided. With nearly all Western countries and India criticising Maldives government for imposing a state of emergency and not following the original February 1 SC order, the support for the Maldives to replace Japan at the UNSC may have diminished further.

According to sources, India’s view about its commitment to the Maldives had become more complicated due to the bruising fight at the UN over its candidate for the ICJ in November 2017.

Officials had started to consider the commitment as a “liability” with India involved in scraping together enough numbers at the General Assembly. It made New Delhi realise that Indonesia was a “more attractive proposition” due to its international clout.

India’s Dalveer Bhandari finally won the election after the UK withdrew its candidate Christopher Greenwood after he could not get the requisite numbers in both the Security Council and the General Assembly as stipulated.

Sources confirmed to The Wire that Indonesia did vote in favour of Bhandari, the Indian candidate at the ICJ.

With international election campaigns conducted on a quid-pro-quo basis, it is highly likely that India had given some type of assurance to Indonesia, most probably of a verbal nature.

Judge Dalveer Bhandari of the International Court of Justice. Credit: Facebook

In the first week of 2018, external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj went to Jakarta to attend the joint commission meeting.

It is learnt that Indonesian foreign minister Retno Marsudi had “thanked” Swaraj for “India’s support for Indonesia’s candidature”. However, The Wire could not find any public record of this acknowledgement. Swaraj’s media statement also does not refer to any such arrangement with Indonesia.

When asked if India has conveyed any change on its position on supporting Maldives’s candidature, the Maldivian ambassador to India, Ahmed Mohamed said, “We don’t go to the media and play public diplomacy… we will geographically remain in the same area, same vicinity, same neighbourhood. It is the responsibility of our people to strengthen ties, not to strain them”.

Meanwhile, South Block believes that the Maldives continues to be defiant in face of international criticism.

Sources claimed that India had suggested to the European Union to include phrases on “targeted measures” against the Maldives. The EU had also cautioned that there could be a more stringent travel advisory when it alluded to concerns about the impact on the safety of tourists. Maldives government responded that the state of emergency will be removed “as soon as the threats posed to national security are addressed satisfactorily”.

Meanwhile, Maldives withdrew its participation in the biennial Milan naval exercises hosted by the Indian Navy. The Maldivian embassy in India suggested that the move was “not extraordinary” considering that there was an ongoing state of emergency.

“The embassy would like to clarify that the Maldives is unable to participate in the naval exercise during this time due to the current circumstances of a state of emergency being in effect for those under investigation for serious crimes. During such a time especially, security personnel are expected to be at a heightened stance of readiness,” it said.

Over the weekend, a group of four international lawyers were deported from the Maldives, after being detained for ten hours. The group had arrived in the Maldives as a fact-finding mission on behalf of LAWASIA, led by its president Christopher Leong. The delegation also included the president of Bar Association of India, Prashant Kumar.

Maldivian immigration had claimed that the delegation had arrived in the Maldives without the requisite visa.

In a statement, LAWASIA president said that the delegation had started to prepare for a fact-finding mission following the foreign ministry’s offer of February 7 to visit the Indian Ocean nation to assess the situation. Leong listed out the correspondence made by the group with Maldivian authorities, including the foreign ministry, in order to give notice and ascertain the permit for bringing a fact-finding mission.

With no response to their last missives, the delegation arrived on February 25 and announced their intention at the airport. “Instead of providing guidance and facilitating the mission with a visa as would have been consistent with the open invitation issued by the government of Maldives to international organisations, the Maldivian authorities had instead refused entry to the members of the team, detained and kept them at a closed detention facility under guard and surveillance, and subsequently deported them,” said the statement.

The LAWASIA delegation’s mission was to assess the state of the judiciary in the Maldives, including the rule of law and the independence of the Judicial Services Commission.

“By such action (of deportation), the government of Maldives deprived itself of the benefit of an independent and impartial assessment by a fact-finding team not sponsored by any individuals, parties or organisations in the Maldives,” said the statement.