Hanuman Temple

There’s Temple Politics Where You Least Expect It – Bengal’s Jungle Mahal, for One

Before the invention of Ram Navami processions, which frequently results in riots, these temples served as the primary ‘logo’ and entry point to the grand Hindutva model in West Bengal.

On January 23, 2017 – nearly three years before the Supreme Court would give the historic verdict on Ram temple – in West Bengal’s Gangajalghati subdivision of Bankura, an old autorickshaw passed through the dusty village road. It was being chased by Santhali kids from Shiulibona village and as it sped up, I heard the announcement of the grand inauguration of a Hanuman temple near Jamshala village the next day.

Kids were excited, so was my key informant from Jamshala Shyamal Mandi, about the construction of the temple in their village instead of Shiulibona. The next day, I met Rabon Shoren, a middle-aged tribal gentleman, who introduced me to ‘Samayita Math’ – a quasi-religious Hindu centre in Shiulibona.

Samayita Math runs an open prayer hall and has installed a road-side temple-like structure in the village in the name of Marang Buru. Approximately one kilometre from the Susunia hills is the Santhali Disham shrine – the highest in the religio-political hierarchy of the Santhal tradition. The shrine has three erected stones and, now aided with a submersible pump set, an overhead tank for the visitors to have access to basic amenities. “All these are recent developments,” Rabon said.

On October 15, 2020, while driving from Purulia towards Ranchi, I decided to stay at the Pathersathi hotel in Chashmore, developed by the West Bengal government and run by local self help groups. It was easy to get rooms as not many were travelling during the pandemic. On my way, I encountered a Hanuman temple at each village we crossed. My travel partner Sukumar Hansda, a local young guy, saw my curiosity and said, “First they kept a Hanuman idol, then they constructed a plinth and then a temple.” On being asked who ‘they’ were, he said, “Hindus… they are many. Bajrang dal, Durgashakti, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram..” he continued.

Also read: Once a Maoist Hotbed, Bengal’s Jungle Mahal Is Now Battling Hunger and Anger

We realised that the hotel where we were staying was located exactly between two such temples – one at Dumardih Upar Para and another one at Velaidihi. There was another a little inside the village at Tanasi. All three were constructed almost overnight in 2019, a few months before the parliamentary elections. Before that they were open installations of Hanuman idols.

The three villages have mixed population, predominated by Hindus, a few hamlets of Santhal people and a small ghettoised Muslim settlement on the northern side. The three temples ran Hanuman Chalisa and the Ramayana on a loudspeaker that were directed towards the Muslim settlement. Visibly afraid, none of the Muslims, during my first visit, said anything about the temple. They maintained that such constructions or the loudspeaker, which was quite noisy even to my urban ear habituated with everyday cacophony, did not affect their everyday life.

During my subsequent visits to the villages over the last few years, I learned that all three temples were constructed by taking subscription money from the villagers which included both Hindus and Santhals. People belonging to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bajrang Dal from Joypur appointed village level volunteers for temple construction and now they are run by temple committees.

Evenings are well spent near the temple site and the mahant (chief priest) worships Ram and Hanuman, narrating stories of the great power. Villagers are also told that in a remote past, they protected local kings and their beautiful daughters from getting abducted by the ‘ruthless Muslim rulers’.

Background of Jungle Mahal

Between 2008-2011, Jungle Mahal (Bankura, Purulia and West Midnapore and Jhargram districts of West Bengal) had seen one of the bloodiest episodes of violence in independent India with a total of 505 civilians getting killed during the period.

Based on a longitudinal, mixed method study in a recently published journal article we have reported that while the rebel align party wins immediately after the civil war, their continuation depends on the nature of violence used by the rebel groups. In case of Jungle Mahal. the sudden disappearance of Maoist rebels, especially after the death of Kishen ji and their counterparts, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) or CPI(M)-controlled Harmad Bahini, led to an organisational vacuum. Such vacuum was never compensated and the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) government did what is termed as hyper-development using the non-elected arms of the local government.

Also read: BJP and the Art of Selling Hindutva Nationalism to Bengal

It was precisely in this moment of absence of organisations that Jungle Mahal saw a proliferation of Hanuman idols and temples. Coordinated precisely by Ekal Vidyalayas and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, the Ram Navami processions soon ventured on the newly constructed roads laid by the TMC.

The everyday image of Hindutva

Temple politics at the grassroots has been rather successful in translating popular support to gain electoral dividend for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The four major parliamentary constituencies of Jungle Mahal were won by the BJP with astonishing increase in electoral support base.

BJP’s vote share increased by 14.4% in Bankura, Purulia (42.1%), Bishnupur (32.1%) and Jhargram (34.8%) as compared to 2014. But it would be immature to associate BJP’s win solely to temple politics. There are reasons related to TMC’s failures as well. However, temple politics does play a crucial role in uniting an otherwise diverse pool of voters against a common enemy, the Muslims, for a common cause – ‘search for the true soul of Bharat’ and for a common insecurity that ‘Hindus are in danger’.

My ongoing ethnographic work is an attempt to find out people’s engagement in Hindutva ideology. If everyday polarisation through low-intense riots that resulted in wide spread of fundamentalist sentiments among both the communities is one of the mechanisms, invented traditions is another.

In parallel to this has been the construction of the Hindutva image among the villagers of the remote villages of Jungle Mahal. Before the invention of Ram Navami processions, which frequently results in riots, these temples served as the primary ‘logo’ and entry point to the grand Hindutva model in West Bengal.

A shrine in Kolkata where a Hanuman idol can be seen. Photo: Author provided

Today, while every village of Jungle Mahal region has a Hanuman temple, bright orange flags and relatively smaller Hanuman idols are kept in the pre-existing shrines of Shitala and Manasha cult which has been worshipped by the villagers since time immemorial. Spatial and boundary principles are attached to the traditional shrines and their archaeological continuity and significance is enormous.

Needless to say, these have created a special space in the mind of the people who worship them. It was the everyday form of benevolent local goddess who were supposed to be the protectors of people from snakebites and infectious diseases. They were never a part of the Hindutva ideology. These goddesses are usually worshipped by the women of these villages and men placing a Hanuman idol next to them is not only an intrusion of masculinity within the feminine sphere, but also an introduction of the masculine Hindutva thought in the folk tradition of village deities.

In several villages, where Hanuman idols are placed in existing sacred groves, villagers, including the women haven’t found it unusual. Hanuman’s stories are being narrated through oral traditions and in school-level texts. “There is no harm in having Pavanputra in the village, he is a Hindu devta and we should worship him,” a women from Gangajalghati said during a casual conversation among the villagers during my visit last year.

Therefore, the ideology of Hindutva is expanding its base among the poor and marginalised because of the narrative that the BJP and RSS has been so successful in building. We know that construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya is not where they would stop, perhaps it is just the beginning of their plan. And the temple politics in Jungle Mahal, which has helped BJP in bagging several constituencies, is just one small part of it. The groves and temples that were decked with bright orange flags of angry hanuman and Ram images on January 22 have further made an impact into the cultural-cognitive dimensions of these people.

Suman Nath teaches anthropology at Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam Government College and is the author of the book Democracy and Social Cleavage in India Ethnography of Riots, Everyday Politics and Communalism in West Bengal c. 2012–2021

How Polarisation Unfurled in Mandya Ahead of Lok Sabha Polls

A newly installed high-mast flagpole in Keragodu of Mandya district has turned into the epicentre of communal turmoil, just in time for Lok Sabha elections 2024.

The Indian national flag, the Tricolour, was fluttering atop a newly constructed 108-feet flag post in Keragodu village of Mandya when South First visited on Monday, 29 January. The shiny new high-mast flagpole is visible from every corner of the village.

Dozens of feet below the Tricolour, a photo of Hindu god Rama and a triangular saffron flag on a wooden stick is tied, as if in a mark of protest, to the flagpole that is now surrounded by police barricades. Villagers had shut down businesses in a “voluntary bandh” on Monday, protesting against police for replacing the saffron flag with the national flag a day earlier.

The flag post, contradictory to claims, is not on temple land but across the road from an old Hanuman temple. The land belongs to the government but the flag post, the villagers proudly claim, was built using funds they pooled together.

In the last week, this flag post has been used to hoist a saffron flag with Hanuman’s image and the Indian national flag, alternatively, several times. While everyone knows who hoisted the national flag, nobody seems to know who hoisted the saffron flag with a religious chant of “Jai Shri Ram”, especially since it was hoisted in violation of rules.

A flagpole that has unfurled polarisation

This newly installed high-mast flagpole in Keragodu of Mandya district has turned into the epicentre of communal turmoil, just in time for Lok Sabha elections 2024. This village is now divided between a saffron flag and the national flag. A visit to the village reveals a tale of mobilisation for the assertion of “Hindu identity”, subversion of mandate to break rules and eventual outburst of public outcry against the administration aided by half-truths and polarisation.

Saffron (Kesari) bunts adorned the Mandya-Gubbi Main Road, featuring flags depicting Lord Rama and Hanuman. These vibrant displays lined the main road, creating an unmissable welcome for commuters passing through Keragodu.

The village boasts of three heritage temples: The main Anjaneya (Hanuman) temple, the Basaveshwara temple, and the Vigneshwara temple. The latter two temples stand 100 feet apart on opposite sides of the road. The Gowrishankar Trust has been actively conducting religious programmes relating to all three deities of the village.

The flagpole in Keragodu, featuring a motorised flag ‘hoister’ and ‘lowerer’ is a sight to behold for the locals. Trust member Byre Gowda told South First, “One has to attach the flag to a frame and just press a switch, and the flag gets hoisted. There is another switch to lower it.”

Another Trust associate Shankare Gowda told South First that the flagpole was funded entirely by the villagers, who collected a total of ₹3.6 lakh, “Even daily-wage labourers contributed whatever they could to make it happen. There was absolutely no help, financially, from the village panchayat or the government for the installation of the flagpole.”

Permission sought, granted, and violated

Prior to the high-mast flagpole, there used to be a smaller iron flagpole.

Mangala Gowramma, a resident of Keragodu, told South First, “There would be frequent bhajans and pujas at the Anjaneya temple on Saturdays and we used to hoist the Hanuman flag on that small flagpole during Hanuma Jayanthi. We associate ourselves very closely with the Anjaneya temple, which is believed to be centuries old in Keragodu.”

Gowramma was just returning from the “padayatra” protest towards the District Collector’s office. “There is not even a single Ram temple in the entire Keragodu village. There is only this auspicious Anjaneya temple, which is the villagers’ favourite. We have been observing and celebrating all Hanuman festivities for the past 40 years. As the Ram Mandir was being built in Ayodhya, we thought that we would conduct a 48-day ritual starting from 22 January — the day of its consecration — and continue with bhajans and pujas at the Anjaneya temple,” she said.

Despite permission obtained from the village Mandal Panchayat for the Hanuman flag, Gowramma said that authorities unexpectedly replaced it with the Tricolour after Republic Day, leading to accusations of disrespecting the national flag.

“We observe two national holidays — Independence Day and Republic Day — by hoisting the Tricolour, and also Karnataka Rajyotsava by hoisting the Karnataka flag. We hoist the Hanuman flag during some occasions,” she said.

Gowramma questioned the timing of hoisting the flag at 3 pm and the failure to lower it after sunset, deeming it an insult to the national flag.

Who hoisted the saffron flag?

Meanwhile, Keragodu Mandal Panchayat President Naveen Kumar TS told South First that the new flagpole was installed by Gowrishankar Trust members and villagers, and was inaugurated on the evening of 20 January.

The trust sought permission from the panchayat on 29 December, 2023, after giving a written undertaking that they would hoist only the national and state flag on the newly-installed flagpole.

An undertaking dated 17 January, signed by seven members of the Gowrishankar Trust, assuring that no norms will be violated and taking responsibility for ensuring no unsavoury incidents take place, is also with the panchayat.

However, “someone” hoisted a Hanuman flag on the same night of the inauguration against regulations.

“Since the Hanuman flag was already hoisted and the Ram Mandir consecration in Ayodhya was the next day (22 January), we did not want to rake up any controversy and immediately called for a ‘Santhane Sabhe’ — a mediation meeting with all the Gram Panchayat members and the villagers,” Kumar said.

He added that a majority of villagers wanted the Hanuman flag to remain hoisted at that time, and only a couple of panchayat members objected to it, stating that if the panchayat gives permission for a religious flag this time, then other religious organisations might approach and seek permission to hoist their flag during some occasions.

The politics of a flagpole

A former Panchayat member, KL Krishna, told South First that the village of Keragodu is a JD(S)-dominated area. It was evident from the buzzing junction with tall hoardings and banners of JD(S) leader HD Kumaraswamy, his son Nikhil Kumaraswamy, along with local party leaders.

“A group of JD(S) and BJP workers, joined by Bajrang Dal activists, went around the village and collected around 1,000 petitions demanding that the panchayat grant permission for the Hanuman flag to be left hoisted until such time that the Anjaneya rituals are concluded,” Krishna said.

While on the ground, South First spotted a few Congress youth workers who had come wearing saffron shawls. They asserted that they were for Hindutva and hence, their presence there. They noted that though it is a JD(S)-dominated area, it looked like the BJP and the Bajrang Dal workers had already hijacked the JD(S)’ supporters.

When the petitions reached the village panchayat, they called for a general Gram Sabha meeting on 25 January between the villagers, comprising mostly of the Gowrishankar Trust members, and the opposing panchayat members who wanted to follow the norms and rules.

The panchayat decided that the villagers would observe “status quo” until the conclusion of the meeting as it was Republic Day the next day.

The panchayat members finally drew up the violations committed by the trust members for having hoisted a religious flag without permission. They immediately annulled the permission granted to the trust and directed them to lower the Hanuman flag and hoist the national flag.

However, the Hanuman flag continued to soar in the Keragodu skies and panchayat president Naveen Kumar maintained that he was unable to lower the religious flag — fearing for his life.

He, subsequently, brought the matter to the notice of higher officials, including the Executive Officer (EO), the Panchayat Development Officer (PDO), and the Taluk Panchayat Officer (TPO), who granted Kumar three days’ time to set right the issue.

Meanwhile, on the morning of Republic Day, the Gowrishankar Trust members, associates, and a few villagers brought down the Hanuman flag and hoisted the Tricolour with a decorated photograph of Mahatma Gandhi placed beneath the flagpole.

However, on the same evening, a member of the trust lowered the Tricolour and again hoisted the Hanuman flag.

This development was brought to the notice of the panchayat president, who inquired with the Gowrishankar Trust regarding who hoisted the Hanuman flag. The trust members maintained that they did not know who was responsible.

The drama that followed

Though the Gowrishankar Trust members and associates played a pivotal role in installation of the high-mast pole in the village, they told authorities that they did not know who hoisted the Hanuman flag on the evening of 20 January and again on the evening of 26 January.

Gram Panchayat President Naveen Kumar brought this matter to the knowledge of his EO, along with other panchayat officials from the district administration, and also informed the Superintendent of Police (SP) about the law and order situation.

On Saturday, 27 January, all the panchayat officials from the district administration, along with police security personnel, visited the flagpole spot and conducted discussions with the Gowrishankar Trust members, associates, villagers, and the panchayat members headed by Naveen Kumar. The authorities explained to the villagers that the norms of the panchayat should not be violated.

However, by then, messages had spread on WhatsApp that authorities had come to take down the Hanuman flag. A huge crowd gathered to protest against the panchayat officials. Since it was a sensitive matter, the officials attempted to explain to the villagers about the permissions and the norms of such a flagpole being installed on public land.

However, the villagers, by then, were joined by hundreds of others from surrounding areas such as Pandavapura, Basaraalu, Besagarahalli, Maddur, Mallavalli, Allegere, and Bilidhegalu at Keragodu mobilised by WhatsApp messages. Since the crowd grew exponentially, the authorities chose not to lower the Hanuman flag on Saturday but informed them that the Tricolour would be hoisted on Sunday.

On Sunday morning, around 10.30 am, around eight battalions of Karnataka State Reserve Police (KSRP) — headed by a Deputy Superintendent of Police rank officer — were deployed for maintaining law and order in the village. The district administration officials arrived at the flagpole to lower the religious flag and hoist the Tricolour.

They were once again opposed by villagers, who this time resisted along with a large number of women folk from the village and surroundings areas in the front of the flagpole. Allegations of administration and government being “anti-Hindu” flew thick and fast.

When the villagers refused to move away, the police resorted to lathi-charge, and the protesting women were taken into preventive custody. Three people were injured in the lathi-charge and they were taken to the hospital, administered first-aid, and sent home. The authorities lowered the Hanuman flag, hoisted the Tricolour, and barricaded the flagpole.

They further imposed Section 144 (curfew) in the village.

It was after this incident that BJP leaders like Ashwath Narayan, Leader of the Opposition in Legislative Assembly R Ashoka, and others visited the village and inquired into the matter. Ashoka slammed the ruling Congress for its “anti-Hindu” stand.

The fiery protest

As a response to the state government’s actions and the highhandedness of the police, on Monday, thousands of villagers were mobilised by the BJP and Bajrang Dal, who gathered initially at the Kaalikamba temple off the old Mandya-Mysuru highway, which is around 5 km from the Mandya District Collector’s office.

There were trucks loaded with high-decibel speakers and generator sets, and smaller vehicles following these trucks, distributing water bottles to the people who were participating in the padayatra to the DC’s office. It was a display of brash religious fervour with saffron flags bearing both Lord Rama’s and Hanuman’s pictures, songs of Bajrang Dal — a rather rare sight in Vokkaliga-dominated Mandya town.

Along with Bajrang Dal’s music blaring and the crowd going berserk while dancing on the road, it was a spectacle for the general public, who were clearly entertained.

Hundreds of Hanuman flags were distributed by the organisers of the protest to the general public.

By the time they reached the Mandya DC’s office, the entire government office was dotted with saffron flags. Leaders heading the rally continued with their speeches after which a memorandum was handed over to the Deputy Commissioner to allow the villagers to hoist the Hanuman flag on the flagpole.

They also stated that the ruling Congress government was attempting to incite communal violence by lowering the Hanuman flag.

Local politics

On its way ti the DC’s office, the rally briefly stopped at a junction where hoardings and banners of Congress MLA Ravikumar Gowda alias Ganiga Ravi were put up. He won the last Assembly elections by a thin margin of 2,019 votes against the JD(S) candidate BR Ramachandra who contested from the Mandya Assembly constituency.

The crowd started pelting stones, water bottles, and slippers at his banners. The police immediately resorted to lathi-charge and took control of the situation. They insisted that the rally keep on moving. Banners and hoardings placed along the entire stretch of highway running through Mandya town were torn and even set ablaze by agitators.

A few youth activists of the Bajrang Dal, who spoke to South First, said that the flagpole was built by a group of Trust members in Keragodu who are loyal to former prime minister and JD(S) leader Deva Gowda, HD Kumaraswamy, and his family.

As JD(S) contestant Ramachandra had lost the recent elections by a thin margin against Ganiga Ravi, the latter was not invited for the inauguration of the newly-constructed flagpole. They claimed that, for this reason, Ganiga Ravi settled scores by having the district administration intervene in the matter.

Mandya SP N Yathish told South First that there are a total of three cases registered in connection with the flagpole row.

“We have registered a case under Section 353 (assault or criminal force to deter public servant from discharge of his duty) of the Indian Penal Code against the villagers in Keragodu on 28 January. On 29 January, when the protest rally was taken up, we registered another case under Section 353 against unknown persons for pelting stones, at Mandya East Police Station. We have taken up another case of damage to public property at Mandya West Police Station,” SP Yathish said, adding that no one has been arrested so far.

This article was originally published on South First.

Srirangapatna: Section 144 Imposed as Hindutva Groups Threaten to Enter Mosque, Perform Puja

Hindutva groups plan to enter the mosque on June 4, though permission for any march or procession has been denied by the authorities.

New Delhi: With Hindutva groups threatening to enter a mosque in Srirangapatna town of Karnataka’s Mandya district and perform puja there on June 4, the authorities have decided to impose Section 144 from the evening of June 3 until June 5.

According to The News Minute, Shwetha Ravindra, the tehsildar of Srirangapatna, has imposed prohibitory orders in the town that would prevent any procession, protest or yatra from taking place. Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) prevents the gathering of four or more people, among other restrictions.

Hindutva groups have claimed that the Jamia masjid, located in the Srirangapatna fort, was built after a Hanuman temple was demolished. According to the Archaeological Survey of India, Persian inscriptions on the mosque say Tipu Sultan was the builder of this mosque, called Masjid-e-Ala, in 1782 AD.

According to reports, the ‘Srirangapatna Chalo’ march – called by Hindutva groups – has been denied permission. Yet, groups like the Vishva Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal are adamant that they will proceed with their plan to enter the mosque and perform puja. Pramod Muthalik, who is the head of the notorious Sri Rama Sene, has also supported the ‘Srirangapatna Chalo’ call.

Some Hindu activists have submitted a memorandum asking the district administration to conduct a survey, similar to the one conducted at the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi, according to The News Minute.

After the Gyanvapi mosque, several Hindu groups submitted similar requests to conduct surveys in mosques.

The Places of Worship Act, 1991 mandates that a mosque, temple, church or any place of public worship in existence on August 15, 1947 will retain the same religious character that it had on that day and cannot be changed by the courts or the government.

The law says legal proceedings with respect to the conversion of the religious nature of any place of worship existing on August 15, 1947, pending before any court, shall abate but no fresh suit or legal proceedings shall be started.

The Supreme Court, handing the Ayodhya title case to the Hindu litigants, had upheld the validity of the 1991 law, saying:

“In preserving the character of places of public worship, Parliament has mandated in no uncertain terms that history and its wrongs shall not be used as instruments to oppress the present and the future.”

Therefore, constitutional experts suggest that even if evidence emerges that a place of worship was built after an existing one was demolished, its character cannot be changed from what it was on August 15, 1947.

In Lakhnawi Tradition, Communal Harmony in Places of Worship Leaves No Space for Hatred

The history of Lucknow’s culture is replete with stories of harmony between Hindus and Muslims. Temples were either built or maintained by Muslim rulers. Some mosques were raised by Hindus.

Lucknow: “How times have changed. Gone are the days when people lived in utmost communal harmony and peace,” Nawab Mir Jafar Abdullah, descendent of Wajid Ali Shah, lamented, while watching the news on the Gyanvapi mosque case, in his house in Lucknow’s Sheesh Mahal area.

Recalling an incident, the Nawab said, “Once Nawab Wajid Ali Shah was captured by Britishers and was being taken to Metiaburj, where he was kept in exile in a place which was then a suburb of modern Kolkata. As rumour spread that this famous Nawab of Awadh was being forcibly transported to London, congregations of Hindu women gathered in temples across large parts of Awadh and started to sing, ‘Hazrat jate hain London, kripa karo Raghunandan (‘the Nawab is being taken to London, please bless him Lord Ram’).’

Nawab Mir Jafar Abdullah, descendent of Wajid Ali Shah, at his home. Photo: Aman

The history of Awadh is replete with tales of such communal harmony between Hindus and Muslims.

There are some prominent temples, not only in Lucknow but also in Ram’s town of Ayodhya, which were either built by Muslims or maintained by Muslim rulers of those times. Likewise, there are examples of some mosques or imambaras having been raised by Hindus.

Lucknow is not just the name of a city but it is synonymous with adab and tehzeeb (mannerism and culture). Its body may appear like a labyrinth of walls, roads, lanes and bylanes, but mannerism and hospitality are in its soul. The city is the epitome of love and brotherhood of the two biggest communities of the nation. What can be a better example of the Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb than Awadh’s fourth Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula’s mother Aliya Begum, undertaking the construction of Lucknow’s legendary 250-year-old Hanuman temple. If you find the temple’s old dome still adorned with a moon and a star, sure enough, it was because of her role in building this temple. This is the biggest and oldest Hanuman temple in Lucknow. Almost 30,000 devotees visit the temple every Tuesday and Saturday.

Hanuman Temple. Photo: Aman

Hanuman Temple’s old dome still adorned with a moon and a star. Photo: Aman

According to the temple priest, Pandit Jagdamba, “As the legend goes, once lord Hanuman appeared in Begum Aliya’s dream telling her that he is lying embedded in a garden and that he would be happy if she could have him extricated from that garden and get him installed in a temple. Aliya Begum identified the place and ordered excavation at the spot from where an ancient Hanuman idol was found and duly installed in what is this Aliganj temple today.”

Pandit Jagdamba. Photo: Aman

“Later, it was Nawab Wajid Ali Shah who started a mela (fair) around this historical Hanuman temple in Aliganj on the occasion of ‘Bada Mangal’ in the Hindu month of Jyeshtha,” he added.

The mela is a part of that old tradition that is being followed to this day, when one can witness it during the current month of Jyeshtha that started on May 17.

Also read: Collective Amnesia, Grudges and India’s ‘Lost’ Glory: Eight Years of PM Modi’s Politics

Nawab Wajid Ali Shah had also banned the killing of monkeys, which was declared as a serious crime. And as a patron of art, a poet, playwright and an exponent of Kathak, that was known as the dance of traditional storytellers, he wrote the famous Urdu play titled Radha-Kanhaiya in which he himself played the role of the popular Hindu Lord Krishna.

A few kilometres away from the Hanuman temple stands Kazmain Rauza (dargah) in old Lucknow’s Chaupatiyan. The Rauza was made in 1852. It is a replica of a sacred mausoleum in Iran that was built in memory of the 7th Imaam of Khurasan Hazrat Moosa of Shia Muslims.

Kazmain Rauza, in old Lucknow’s Chaupatiyan. Photo: Aman

What makes the Rauza of Lucknow so unique is the story behind its making. “As it can be found in the book Lucknow’s Lost Monument, written by Saiyed Anwar Abbas, Nawab Amjad Ali Shah had a courtier, Jagannath Aggrawal, who used to live in Lucknow’s Chowk. He visited Iran and saw the Rauza of Imam Moosa. He was so impressed by its structure and beauty that when he returned, he immediately ordered a replica of it to be made here. Not only this, he invited Persian artisans to assist in the execution of this mission. This was the first Rauza to be built by a Hindu,” Shamil Shamsi from old Lucknow said.

The 250-year-old monument has the same large, splendid and influential dome set on deep drums with four minarets in four corners and has the same mehrab (niche) as on the original tomb in Iran.

This has been a symbol of communal harmony in the city for centuries. The Rauza, made by a Hindu, receives hordes of Muslim devotees, who also strongly believe that this place is endowed with magical faith-healing. “Whenever I am in some problem or in pain, I come here. I express to the Imaam what my heart feels and it seems as if Imaam holds my heart. I find spiritual peace here,” a devotee told this reporter.

In the narrow lanes of Aminabad in Lucknow, a huge white structure with a golden gate and rectangular flower work will definitely catch the eye of every passer-by.

This mosque, popularly called as ‘Panditain ki Masjid’ or ‘Padain Ki Masjid’ (the Brahmin Woman’s Mosque), is special as it was built by a Brahmin lady for the Muslims of the locality to offer their prayers. According to Nawab Mir Jafar Abdullah,“Rani Jai Kunwar Pandey, who owned Aminabad, was a close friend of the Begum of then Awadh Nawab, Saadat Ali Khan. Their friendship was so strong that she got this mosque built as a gift to her friend Khadija Khanam, the wife of the Nawab.”

Panditain ki Masjid. Photo: Aman

In Lucknow’s Thakurganj mohalla, as the clock strikes 4 in the morning, the loudspeakers are adjusted as it’s time for azaan. The muezzin urges Muslims to come and offer namaz. Devotees offer namaz five times a day in what is popularly known as ‘Jhau Lal ki Masjid’. They also hold Majlis just across Jhau Lal’s Imambara, in the memory of the martyrdom of Karbala. This Imambara and mosque were not built by any Muslim but by Nawab Asafudaula’s Hindu wazir (minister), Raja Jhau Lal Shrivastav.

Mohd. Abbas, manager of Imambara Jhaulal, said, “This Imambara is special; there are many Imambaras built by the Muslims; but this is unique as it was built by a Hindu. Worshiping in this Imambara gives peace of mind and solace.” Expressing concern over today’s drastically changing social ethos, he goes on to add, “What gives the greatest joy is that there was a time hundred years from now, when there was so much affection, understanding and fraternity among people of different faiths.”

The list is never ending. Baba Gomti Das’ temple in Thakurganj is in the same lane as Jhau Lal’s Imambara. This temple was built by Nawab Asaf-ud-daula, who funded its daily running.

Baba Gomti Das Temple. Photo: Aman

Dhruv Lal Shukla, the priest of the temple, said, “Temples like Baba Gomti Das are a source of inspiration for us.” Hinting at the communal politics being systematically fuelled by vested interests, he said, “Earlier, there was so much brotherhood and amity among people of different faiths that there was no room for hatred.”

Evidently, it was Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula who set the real benchmark of communal amity and harmony in Awadh during the late 18th century itself. It is common knowledge that mourning of Muharram is observed for two months and eight days in Lucknow. During this time, the Shia Muslims wear black clothes and strictly shun any kind of celebration or music. However, Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula went out of his way to even participate in Holi, the Hindu festival of colours, during one such occasion.

According to a popular anecdote, once Holi happened to coincide with ‘Daswi Muharram’, and while the Nawab was returning after carrying out the traditional ceremony of burying the Tazia (miniature mausoleum), from the Talkatora Karbala, he was greeted by a group of Holi revellers who sought to put colour on him. What the Nawab did left his own courtiers dumbfounded.

Also read: Modi Will Be the Only Loser in the Game of Communal Polarisation From Jahangirpuri to Jodhpur

It goes as follows, “The entourage of Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula was passing through the old Chowk Bazar, where Hindus were busy playing holi. They asked the Nawab if they could put colours on him. Far from rebuking anyone, the Nawab alighted from his royal cart, greeted everyone and told Holi revellers to feel free to put the popular ‘gulal’ (coloured powder) on him. As the story goes, later, when his minister asked him whether it was appropriate for him to have joined a Holi celebration while he was observing Muharrum mourning, he clarified that he had done no wrong as he had simply participated in the happiness of people who were part of his family.”

That clearly reflected the extent to which he could mould himself in the larger interest of upholding his ideal of religious harmony. In Awadh, dozens of Hindu poets wrote dirges in the memory of Hazrat Imam Hussain. In keeping with the ‘Lakhnawi’ tradition of brotherhood, today’s well-known ‘Dastango’ (storyteller) and scholar Himanshu Bajpai, recites Marsiya or elegiac poetry.

“This is my passion and through this I wish to keep the rich Lakhnawi tradition alive,” said Himanshu, who hails from a highly traditional Brahmin family.

Himanshu Bajpai in Lucknow’s Chota Imambara reciting a Marsiya. Photo: Aman

In Lucknow’s Chota Imambara, Himanshu’s voice echoes as he narrates a Marsiya.

“Har martaba fariyaad thi aur nalaya-e-jan kah

Haq se ye hi karte the dua ro k basad aah

muztar hu bahut sabra ata kar mere Allaha

Aulad ke sadme se mera dil nahi aagha

Jati hai muhammad ki nishani mere ghar se

18 baras baad bichhadta hu pisar se”

This Marsiya expresses Hazrat Imaam Hussain’s pain over the death of his 18-year-old son, martyred in Karbala.

A River Comes to the People

Nanduwali in east Rajasthan started flowing again when the villagers decided to work with nature and not against it. The river is now lifeline to those settled on her banks.

A temple and a small pond at the origin of Nanduwali.

Gajanand Sharma is excited about the monsoon this year. He is building an anicut on the small stream that runs through his farm. “After the rain, the land will be filled with water and then I will sow wheat and reap record production in this area,” he prophesies. This forecast doesn’t come from his knowledge of astrology, but that of geology, gained over the years.

Anicut is a cement wall erected perpendicular to the natural flow of a river or a stream. The excess water overflows the walls while the water it can hold, gradually seeps down the earth, raising the groundwater level and replenishing wells. The water also brings fertile silt from upstream, enriching the land beneath it. This monsoon, Sharma’s farm at Ghewar village on the southern edge of Sariska Tiger Sanctuary in Alwar district of Rajasthan will witness this. The anicut will also recharge over a dozen wells downstream; the reason why the neighbouring farm owners too have chipped in with labour and finances.

Gajanand Sharma (with bucket) builds an anicut on his farm to humour water.

Besides anicuts, the region has several johads (ponds), medhbandhi (farm bunds) and a rich forest, that turn 20 villages in a radius of 160 square kilometres water surplus. The most evident indicator of the ecological wealth here is Nanduwali, the river which had gone completely dry once, but filled up again after the water table rose and seeped into its channels.

When it was worse

There was a time when these farmers believed that crops grow only with the rainfall on their farms and in wells. They had little knowledge about the underground movement of the water and how that can be enhanced.

“We were heavily dependent on rain and were reaping very little harvest. Only one third of the land could be cropped. Wells would dry up frequently forcing us to migrate to earn a living,” recalls Sharma who spent five years in Delhi doing odd jobs.

The condition of the lower caste families was worse. They either had no land or an infertile patch allotted from the common land that belonged to the village. The women would walk 2.5km to Nandoo village, which had more upper caste families, who gave them butter milk in return for managing animal waste. Men would work on others’ farms and get a small share of whatever grew in the good monsoon year. Those with fields and livestock also saw difficult times forcing them to sell their buffaloes because they could not afford to feed them. Huge money had to be spent on the transportation of fodder. Many families replaced the buffaloes with goats.

Today, Ghewar is dotted with pucca houses, good strength of livestock and abundant vegetable farms. A tourist resort has also come up on the outskirts offering rural life experience to the city looking for a break from the urban life. Water is available at 40-50 feet despite the monsoon deficit of over 40% last year.

But it’s not just about the water-harvesting structures or the wealth attained that make Ghewar and surrounding villages unique. Had it been so, many regions in Rajasthan have seen a spurt of watershed-management activities and subsequent growth in agriculture. But the real test takes place when these structures break down and the financial support withdrawn.

The water is available at a depth of 40-50 despite 2015 being a dry year.

Beginning of a change

Brothers Kunj Bihari and Satish Kumar from Nandoo village wanted to make their region water surplus. But the weak local economy and a divided society were the biggest barriers to their aspiration.

“Despite being a local, it took me one year to gain the confidence of the people. Even though johads are heritage of this region, the loss of traditional wisdom made people doubt if building johads and conserving the forest can assure more water in the wells. The real task was to make all castes sit and work together,” says Kunj Bihari.

Another challenge was to make the villagers self-reliant. Sambhaav Trust, which supported the work initially, was clear that the society has to partly fund the rejuvenation work. The villagers did not have money to contribute, but they chipped in with labour as part of their 25% share.

The good result yielded from the first johad built in Ghewar village helped. “In the first year, the water level of a well near the johad went up by 50 feet. This was real evidence of what we had been trying to explain. Once they started trusting us, all social boundaries were broken because everybody wanted to prosper. They were ready to meet all conditions,” Kunj Bihari says.

The brothers also depended a lot on the knowledge of the elderly, who recalled the systems once prevalent to connect the society with nature. In the past, the full moon and the new moon days were always kept for volunteer work which included strengthening johads or tree plantation. “We revived these traditions along with physical work. After all these years, everybody has realised the connection between social unity, ecology and farm production,” Kunj Bihari says.

Reconnecting with tradition

New red leaves are sprouting out of Dhaak (Butea monosperma/flame of the forest) trees but the canopies of Kadam (Neolamarckia cadamba), Dhonk (Anogeissus pendula) and Khejri (Prosopis cineraria) are mature enough to merge and shield us from the harsh summer sun. Peacocks raise a ruckus as we drive towards the Hanuman temple in Jahaj region, north of Nandoo. The unmetalled road, full of rocks and shrubs, give way to moistened earth until it merges with water. This is the point of origin of Nanduwali river, which nourishes the farms and the wells of several villages in the region. Around 20 small streams join the river in its onward journey towards Manglasar dam.

It’s difficult to imagine today that the whole stretch was once dry, but easy to comprehend why it’s flowing again. There was no plan to revive Nanduwali, but nature responded positively to the conservation efforts of the villagers.

Revival of traditional customs helped conserve trees.

In bygone times, the region used to have forests and grazing areas demarcated for specific purposes. If Dev Bani was a sacred grove never to be damaged, Rakhat Bani, a protected forest area, was to be used only during droughts. Kaankar was a forest area that separated the two villages and Charagah was the area for pasture. Dharadi pratha was another custom in which every caste had a sacred tree species. “Our caste has Khejri as its dharadi. We would pray to it on auspicious occasions, plant and nourish more of it and won’t allow anybody to harm it in front of us,” Kunj Bihari says.

In these villages, all these traditional practices were revived and special forest-protection committees were formed which penalised those who disobeyed the rules. This put a halt on the corrupt forest officials who allowed the villagers to cut trees in exchange for grains and ghee.

Thankfully, nature responded very well to such efforts. Today, there is little revenue land which is not covered by trees. Pipalvani is a stretch with hundreds of young pipal trees protected by the villagers. “More than plantation, it’s the protection from grazing that has helped with the green cover. Once villagers recognised the connection between forest, water and farming, they were willing to work with nature,” Kunj Bihari says.

A credible indicator of this transformation is that while the out migration has stopped, the in migration has started. Many people from villages as far as 50km, are taking fields on lease here. “Now only youth go out for higher education or jobs. It’s different from compulsive migration for survival 20 years back,” Kunj Bihari says.

There are 15 families of Raika community in this area. Raikas are nomadic camel herders at the bottom of the caste hierarchy living on whatever they get through occasional selling of camels. But they are now settled here and grow vegetables, wheat and mustard on 20 bigha of land which fetch them good money. “The land had no irrigation source earlier, but the construction of a johad nearby raised the water table. Now we have wells which irrigate the crops throughout the year,” says 30-year-old Jai Singh Raika. Buffaloes have replaced the camels and the community has pucca houses now.

Children of Raika community go to school while their parents tend to vegetable farms (in the background).

The resilient society

Gradually, when water conservation improved the agriculture production, the locals took over the financial responsibility. For the last three years, Sambhaav Trust has not spent money on the anicuts and johads that are being built.

The locals build and maintain these structures, and protect forests on their own while Kunj Bihari acts as a technical guide, whenever the need arises. “Everybody is an engineer here. They not only know about the surface and the underground trajectory of water, but also the components of structures that can be built,” Kunj Bihari says.

This knowledge has also led to better monitoring of government works as villagers are aware of the discrepancies in accounts and engineering. “Many times, the work done under the rural job scheme is of bad quality. Once we started objecting to that, not much work gets sanctioned for our villages. We are happy with that. At least public money is not being wasted,” says Sharma.

Kunj Bihari (right) with a farmer on his well.

The success story has travelled far and wide. Today, both Satish and Kunj Bihari are guiding the neighbouring regions in similar efforts. Just like Nanduwali nourishes the fields and the lives on its course, the people living on its banks are empowering others with their knowledge.

The article originally appeared in India Water Portal. You can read the article here.