When ‘Stop Adani’ Protests Reached the Sydney Cricket Ground

The pitch invaders had a specific demand: that the SBI shouldn’t provide the Adani group with a loan that they believe the SBI might be considering.

New Delhi: The first one-day international match between the Indian men’s and Australian men’s cricket teams saw crowds return to international cricket for the first time since March, when governments around the world banned mass gatherings in response to the coronavirus pandemic.

And almost immediately, the crowd made its presence felt.

At the beginning of the seventh over of Australia’s innings, two young men dressed in shorts and black t-shirts walked towards the fence between the Victor Trumper stand and the ground, climbed over and jogged onto the ground. The fronts of their t-shirts read “Stop Adani” and the back, “Stop Coal #StopAdani Take Action”.

One of the men ran around the boundary, holding up a white placard. The other ran towards the pitch with a placard of his own, as a rather puzzled David Warner looked on. The men’s posters had the same design: the logo of India’s largest bank, the State Bank of India, and below it the words “No $1BN ADANI LOAN”.

The pitch invaders had a specific demand: that the SBI shouldn’t provide the Adani conglomerate with a loan that they believe the SBI might be considering, and which would enable the Gujarat-based company to finance its financially troubled coal-mine in Australia.

“Millions of Indian taxpayers who are watching the first game of the Indian cricket tour have a right to know that the State Bank of India is considering handing their taxes to a billionaire’s climate wrecking coal mine,” Ben Burdett, identified as one of the protestors, was quoted as saying in a media release sent to journalists by the activist group Galilee Blockade – one of several groups in Australia that have been protesting the proposed development of the Carmichael coal mine.

Over the last few days, people have organised several protest actions around Australia, New Zealand and the US urging the SBI to not provide the Rs 5,000 crore loan that it is mulling for the Adani group, according to IANS. (The report only mentions “media reports” as the source of its information. The Wire has requested more details from IANS and will update this article if/when they become available.)

Tim Buckley, director of energy finance studies, South Asia, at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA), argues that if the story was false, the SBI would have denied it, which it so far hasn’t done. Both SBI and the Adani group are yet to respond to The Wire‘s requests for comment.

The loan is vital for the project, which Buckely has called a “climate bomb” and a “stranded asset”.

The project has drawn considerably public opposition since 2016. It has the Australian government’s approval to haul 60 million tonnes of coal a year, which would make it among the biggest coal mines in a world that’s also facing an acute climate crisis. Critics have contended that the mine would emit carbon dioxide in quantities the world can’t afford, and in fact doesn’t need given renewable energy is rapidly becoming cheaper than coal.

The Wangan and Jagalingou people – are the traditional owners of the land on which the mine is to be built – have also stood up against the proposed mine. They have argued that the mine would hamper their ability to “preserve” and “practice” their culture.

The Adani group and protestors in Australia have had a vicious relationship. The Wangan and Jagalingou people have also accused the company of interfering with and subverting the public consultation process to acquire the land. The company also faced allegations of hiring a private investigator to spy on the activist Ben Pennings and his family.

Lately, many protestors have organised under a ‘Stop Adani Alliance’, and have been organising more and more intense protests. ‘Stop Adani’ earrings, t-shirts and placards are a common sight in most Australian cities. It’s possible the company recently rechristened its Australian operations as Bravus Mining and Resources owing to a toxic flavour that’s become synonymous with Adani’s ambitions in the island nation.

Also read: The Adani Juggernaut Is Expanding on All Fronts, Australian Coal Need Not Be One of Them

The opposition efforts have already met with some success, having significantly delayed production. The Adani group had bought the coal tenements in 2010, planned for production to begin in 2014 and predicted peak production of 60 million tonnes of coal per year by 2022.

Production is yet to begin. The mine has missed several self-imposed deadlines. And according to the Adani group’s latest update, it expects production will commence in 2021. The group has also downsized the mine to a sixth of its original size and is now looking to produce 10 million tonnes of coal a year. However, it’s possible the company can expand operations to their intended and original size once the coal dust settles.

On the flip side, even the drastic downsizing hasn’t ameliorated financing woes. Key insurers have dropped out and as many as 49 banks and financial institutions seem to have deemed the project unbankable. This is where SBI is important.

“It would allow Adani to complete the project,” Buckley, who has tracked the project from the beginning, told The Wire. “Adani has been entirely unsuccessful getting any financial institution to finance it. This [loan] would provide the capital Adani Australia needs to build the mine and railway.”

And Buckley thinks it might be an imprudent deal for the bank to make. “The Australian subsidiaries [of the Adani group] are geared beyond their ability to fund the interest, there is zero collateral if the mine fails, and SBI would most likely be unable to find any financial house willing to refinance the loan,” he said.

In a report last year about the Carmichael mine, Buckley and IEEFA concluded that “the project would not open nor survive without billions of dollars in subsidies.” Today Buckley is of the view that the SBI loan, if it works out, could be one form of that subsidy. “Funding a coal mine in Australia that no other bank would touch is not sensible risk management. One would presume this is another example of cronyism.”

International sentiment has also shifted since the Adani group acquired the Carmichael mine ten years ago. Citizens have less demonstrated lesser appetite every year for new coal projects. So international financial institutions are also shying away from funding new coal. “Global capital is fleeing coal and coal power,” as Buckley said.

SBI recently raised $100 million through green bonds just to promote renewable energy projects. The French asset management company Amundi, one of the major investors in these bonds, has threatened to disinvest “immediately” if SBI were to finance the Carmichael coal mine.

“We consider SBI should not finance this project. It’s their decision, ultimately, but we’ve been extremely clear on the fact that if they decide to do it, we would immediately disinvest,” Jean Jacques Barberis, director of Amundi’s institutional and corporate clients division told Reuters.

The German state-owned development bank KfW, which has partnered with SBI to fund renewable-energy projects, has also tried to distance itself from the prospective loan. “KfW Development Bank cooperates with SBI exclusively with regard to the promotion of renewable energies and energy-efficient housing within India. The Carmichael mine project mentioned is not part of this cooperation,” it said in a press release.

Both SBI and the Adani group are yet to comment on media reports and the protests against the prospective loan.

Bond Owners Beware, Your Unethical Investments Can Be Bad for Business

Actively promoting values of life, liberty, environmental preservation and sustainability are not only beneficial to collective humanity, but can also be financially beneficial for investors.

For several months now, Venezuela has been battling a wide variety of crises, from economic to humanitarian. Millions of children are going to bed hungry, there is a burgeoning prison population with an overcrowding rate of 250%, and widespread riots and protests. The Venezuelan economy, as the New York Times reported, has completely collapsed, in spite of having the world’s largest oil reserves. The International Monetary Fund predicts that inflation will cross 2,300% in the coming year. Its government is doing virtually nothing to prevent malnutrition and crime, rejecting all foreign aid for political reasons.

Tracing the stories of investments

On May 26, 2017, Harvard economist Ricardo Hausmann raised a question that many in finance stay firmly away from – moral dilemmas over investments. His blog on Venezuelan government bonds – the now infamous “hunger bonds” – calling out investors buying these and thus funding the government, went viral. It ultimately culminated in Goldman Sachs, which was a major initial investor in these bonds, making a public statement saying they regretted the deal. Hausmann had an immense impact on the fate of these bonds.

The Venezuelan government is, of course, not alone in funding its controversial policies at home. A 2017 Reuters report states that China accounts for over two-thirds of total emerging market green bonds issuance and a fifth of the global tally, even though it is classed as the world’s bigger polluter by carbon emissions. According to the Climate Bonds Initiative, it issued $23 billion worth of green bonds in 2016. Similarly, the second issue of Poland’s sovereign green bond was extremely controversial. It was not picked up by Lombard Odier Investment Management, which argued that Poland’s climate strategy belied its position on issues of environment and sustainability, with coal continuing to remain the foundation of the country’s energy policy.

Ricardo Hausmann. Credit: Youtube

Ricardo Hausmann. Credit: Youtube

There is of course a counter-narrative to this story. Haussman is also an advocate of foreign military intervention in Venezuela. The effect of US sanctions, active military training and intervention in encouraging regime change in the region can in fact escalate the crisis. However, Goldman Sachs is not the only investor looking to invest without any ethical considerations. In 2017, Warren Buffet helped raise almost $200 million dollars in Israeli bonds, which had a huge impact on the market for these bonds. By endorsing this investment, Buffet effectively ensured that the state in Israel continued to prosper, and continued its racist and colonialist policies against the Palestinians.

When it comes to Goldman Sachs and Buffet, there is little that can be done to create ethical spaces in investing apart from public campaigns that raise the reputational risk of unethical investments. However, for non-institutional investors, the issue of ethical lapses in investing frequently arises from moral oversight or neglect. In such cases, more contextual information about investments can be beneficial. Grounding these decisions into stories about the nature of different governments – and the impact of such investment on ordinary people there – can be a powerful tool of social transformation.

Increasing cost of capital

Mitu Gulati and Ugo Panizza argue that increasing the cost of capital for an arguably illegitimate government may have an effect akin to a financial sanction. A fundamental way of increasing the cost of capital is through increased public information and disclosures. The authors argue for the public listing of bonds, with information on legal and ethical issues attached to their funding for the benefit of investors. The argument here is based on the premise that the more information people have about their investments, especially those which go into funding despotic governments, the more careful they will be about funding such regimes.

Despotic regimes seldom honour their debts, since there is very little incentive to do so, and successor regimes are not traditionally under an obligation to make future payments on such loans. This is known as the principle of ‘odious debts’. The concept of ‘odious debt’, although not absolute, is based on the purported odiousness of the previous regime, and the notion that the debt it incurred did not benefit the people, or was used to repress them.

Tim Harford, in his book Adapt, argues that the international community can impose significant costs on regimes by issuing pre-emptive declarations of odious debt. It warns investors, and significantly reduces the credibility of the odious regime in power. However, it is important to be mindful that declarations of such kind by governments can also marked by their geo-political ambitions and gains. Powerful governments like the US, which use their own treasury bills to fund their own military and wars, can create diplomatic pressure to conveniently declare certain regimes as ‘odious’.

The International Capital Market Association, in its ‘Green Bond Principles’, recommends tht issuers of any project with environmental benefits clearly communicate to investors their overall environmental sustainability objectives and how they will identify and manage potential environmental and social risks associated with the selected projects. Controversial issues, such as fossil fuel, extractive or nuclear-based activities, may also require additional transparency from the issuer.

Credit: Investment Zen/Flickr CC BY 2.0

However, some of the most popular global indexes rely only on specific liquidity, and structural requirements, and fail to include any ethical consideration in their criteria for issuing countries. The JP Morgan Global Index for instance, simply relies on World Bank-defined per capita income brackets, and each country’s debt-restructuring history. Any mention of ethical screening for issuers have only been introduced in limited sectors of energy, such as the JP Morgan-Blackrock collaboration on the J.P. Morgan ESG Index.

The ‘Equator Principles’, which forms a risk management framework adopted by 94 financial institutions in 37 countries for determining, assessing and managing environmental and social risk in projects, has only one taker from India, IDFC Bank. This comes almost 11 years after the Reserve Bank of India first released a notification stating that “the urgency for banks to act as responsible corporate citizens in the society, especially in a developing country like ours, need be hardly overemphasised. Their activities should reflect their concern for human rights and environment.”

The National Voluntary Guidelines on the Social, Environmental and Economic Responsibilities of Business, which offer a principle-based approach for companies to create a positive impact on people and the planet, are currently under review by the government. However, in spite of being a positive step, they remain completely voluntary, and largely ignored by the corporate sector in India.

Virtue has financial value

The crux of the argument is simple, and two-fold. First, investors should, as a matter of legitimate right, know what their investments are funding. The principle of exercising their choice in the truest sense will only be possible in light of full disclosure and public information. It is their right to making an informed choice in an environment of good governance. Second, despotic governments are more prone to reneging on their promises; they have little incentive to be incorruptible and efficient; and successive democratic governments may not be legally bound to honour the previous government’s rogue attempts to finance their actions.

Does virtue pay? Credit: Reuters/Jo Yong-Hak

Does virtue pay? Credit: Reuters/Jo Yong-Hak

The larger question, of course, is whether virtue pays, and if there was any commercial gain to be had from doing well, rather than simply doing, and doing good. Milton Friedman wrote against it years ago, arguing that ‘firms’ should not be in the business of ethics, but others disagree. In 2015, accounting professor Tomo Suzuki at  Oxford advocated a ‘One Additional Line’ financial reporting scheme for corporate social responsibility (CSR) in India. This simply meant that an additional line would appear on a company’s ‘Profit and Loss Account’ under expenses, as an independent item disclosing the amount of money being given to CSR. The disclosure has very little cost, and goes a long way in promoting a positive sense of competition between companies to do more around CSR. He argued that in time, shareholders come to attach more ‘value’ to companies that did more CSR than companies that did not, in addition to furthering massive improvements in healthcare, education and sanitation in some of the poorest areas in India. Virtue, in other words, has the potential to gain actual financial value.

There is evidence to suggest that motives which go beyond self-interest and are concerned with the idea of fairness allow people to internalise the effects of individual actions on others, and can contribute effectively towards better social outcomes. The global emphasis on climate change is one such example. It is also an imperative for financial regulations to evolve in a manner that is aligned to ensure that businesses and investors are attuned to ethical considerations while making investment decisions.

There is a lot to be said about the power of having more information in the hands of investors, the power of people, both individuals and local communities, to create institutions and environments of better governance. As of April this year, the Venezuelan government was reportedly inching towards a $50 billion dollar debt default on its publicly traded debt. This serves as a good example of how the legal and reputational risks associated with unaccountable governments and companies profiting out of investments is a far higher cost for investors to pay, compared to the cost of abandoning a few financial investments.

Shohini Sengupta is a Senior Resident Fellow at the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy.

Responsible Green Finance: Can Investors Make a Real Social Impact?

How to measure the real impact of green bonds? As France is issuing its first green bonds, the market in the global south could expand fast this year

How to measure the real impact of green bonds? As France is issuing its first green bonds, the market in the global south could expand fast this year.

wind-turbines-1117890_640

Windturbines and windfarms are one example of what green bonds can finance. Credit: Diego Torres/Pixabay/ The Conversation

At the beginning of 2017, France announced the launch of its green bonds scheme. A green bond is like a conventional bond, but one issued specifically to fund an environmental project.

The amount, not yet officially revealed, could be counted in billions of euros, thus constituting the first green sovereign borrowing scheme on this scale in the world. Poland launched its own green bonds scheme in late 2016, worth approximately €750 million

This is still considered to be a niche market, but its development potential is enormous and has soared over the last three years, especially since the signing of Paris Agreement on climate change.

How do green bonds work?

Green bonds work in the same way as conventional bond issues. Those financial tools are a form of loan made by private or public corporations, governments and institutions. Under various conditions and interest rates, they provide the borrower with external funds to finance long-term and diverse investments.

Green bonds concern sovereign (state), private and international business markets. They represent approximately $170 billion, or slightly less than 1% of the total international bond market.

Unlike regular bonds, green bonds are managed directly by the company’s general management rather than by the accounts management office, because of the potential impact they have on the company’s reputation and image.

With green bonds, it is possible to direct the amounts raised towards specific activities, assess a project’s environmental risk, track funding from the central treasury department (a report audited by a third party must allow cash flows to be monitored in the issuer’s statement), and ensure frequent reports on the use of the funds. Green bonds provide a vehicle for measuring the environmental performance of an investment project: the financing of a wind farm, setting up of renewable energy sites, green infrastructure, and so on.

There are many advantages for investors. They will know the precise project in which their savings are invested (‘I know what I’m funding’) and will therefore be in a position to judge the quality of the issuer through the various assessments of the green bond’s environmental risk and the issuer in general.

Can green bonds change and really impact social and environmental issues? Credit: bykst/Piaxabay/The Conversation

The advantage for investors lies primarily in the communication and legitimacy process, given the fact that the context puts some pressure on companies to meet investors’ impact request. They can thus prove the sustainability of their process up to the stage of funding, by linking their words and their actions.

This also ensures that a more direct dialogue between investors and issuers can be initiated than through equity funding, which does not allow investment projects to be identified consistently.

What is the real impact on the environment?

But the question of measuring environmental impact remains. How can the environmental benefits of an investment project be assessed? Does the solution lie in the standard application of a measuring tool or in the ad hoc measuring of each project, given that each project is funded differently?

Each green bond is different and the environmental impact will therefore most probably be measured by expectations for the project, its execution and results.

The effort required to set up a green bond often results in the issuer requesting additional remuneration from the investor in order to compensate for the cost of this effort. Pricing is complex, therefore, given that investors are not always prepared to pay more for a project that could have been funded by a conventional bond.

This can create an imbalance between supply and demand, but as is the case with responsible equity investment, green investors in the bond market are often prepared to pay more: price is not their priority.

A niche market that could grow

The climate talks in Marrakesh last year allowed African countries to take a closer interest in the issue of green bonds. Morocco, for example launched green bonds in November 2016 through several banks and public companies for a total amount in the region of nearly €150 million.

The Capital Markets Authority has said that the launch of the first Kenyan green bond will be realised in 2017. Other African countries such as Nigeria, the biggest economy in West Africa, are also preparing their own green bond launch. Nigeria expects a bond issue of €63 million for the funding of green projects for the first quarter of 2017 and a second issue for the end of the year.

Although European countries are always considered to be leaders in the private business market of green bonds issues, the interest and appetite for the development of renewable energy and sustainable economies is growing fast on the African continent, as it is in many Asian countries including India, Japan, South Korea and especially China.

Taking bonds to the next level

At present, as is the case with responsible investment, the green bonds market is concentrated in the hands of institutional investors and asset management companies. The majority of green bonds are issued by the Chinese market, which accounts for almost half of the outstanding amounts issued in 2016.

As the Chinese market is reserved for local investors, this does not allow a real expansion of the market. According to Novethic, some green bonds are also too small to allow certain large funds to subscribe to them.

Taxation can also pose problems for investors. American green bonds will not be attractive for European investors from a tax point of view, as their taxation is advantageous only for investors based in the US.

Does the green bond market allow investors to make a greater impact through their investments? The requirements promoted by the green bond principles for transparency, reporting, cash flow traceability and measuring the environmental impact clearly make this possible. But the market should cover broader themes than “low carbon” strategies and move towards the funding of water management, deforestation and the conservation of land and ecosystems.

The bubble created by the Paris Agreement should not suck the life out of the green bonds debate, even if it has the virtue of having initiated the debate, as these practices have now developed beyond the 2016 COP22.

The green bond model should also be extended beyond the environment, to social issues (social inclusion through housing and employment, health issues, community and humanitarian projects). Will the “social impact bonds” market allow social issues to be funded with traceability, reporting and impact measurement?

To achieve this, it will have to distance itself from the controversy over the state’s withdrawal from the social sphere in favour of private companies, and also from the debate over the financialisation of social issues.

The Conversation

Christophe Revelli, Professeur de finance responsable et conseiller scientifique du M.Sc. Finance de Kedge Business School, Kedge Business School

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.