Telangana Farmers’ Struggle to Sell Paddy Shows KCR Has Sown More Than He Can Reap

One farmer has died while waiting at a procurement centre and another has died by suicide, allegedly after finding no takers for his produce.

Hyderabad: Mamidi Beeraiah had been waiting in line for two weeks with 200 other farmers to sell his paddy when he collapsed on bags of his crops and died on November 5.

The 57-year old farmer from Ailapur village in Telangana’s Kamareddy district had suffered a massive stroke, it was reported.

Rajendar, Beeraiah’s elder son, told The Wire that the farmer had reached the Lingampet centre with three tractors of paddy, around 60 bags.

“I repeatedly called him on his mobile in the morning of the day [November 5]. When there was no response from him, I asked my mother to go to the centre and find out what has happened. She found him lying dead on heaps of paddy,” Rajendar said.

The Telangana Rytu Bhima Pathakam promises Rs 5 lakh insurance to families in such situations but is limited to land-owning farmers who have a pattadar pass book.

The K. Chandrashekhar Rao government has been paying an annual premium of Rs 3,200 for each ‘eligible’ farmer covering a total of 31 lakh farmers in the state in the age group of 18-59.

Also read: Telangana HC’s Landmark Order Extending Crop Compensation to Tenant Farmers Gives Hope

However, Beeraiah is a tenant farmer who cultivates no more than two acres of farm land. His family is doubtful they will receive this amount.

Another farmer

The authorities at paddy purchase centres issue tokens on a first-come-first-serve basis for farmers who wish to sell paddy. This system was introduced in the current kharif season.

However, out of the 6,500 paddy purchase centres, the state government has opened only 3,40 centres so far, even though reaping operations of the have season picked up and the produce has begun to reach purchase centres.

Failure to sell produce on time would mean exposure to rains and damage to the grain. With requests mounting, farmers have been waiting for several days for such tokens.

Though a purchase centre was opened at  Ailapur village, where Beeraiah lives, he decided to sell his crops at the neighbouring centre at Lingampet, close to where his land is located.

A few days after Beeraiah’s death, another farmer, Shankaraiah, of Hanumajipet in Banswada mandal of the same district was found dead in his paddy field. He was believed to have died by suicide by consuming pesticide.

Shankaraiah had had to secure permission from officials of the agriculture department to harvest paddy as authorities had imposed curbs on harvesting paddy in one go so as to reduce the rush at purchase centres.

S. Malla Reddy, secretary of the farmers’ union, Telangana State Rytu Sangham, told The Wire, “Deep in debts and under pressure from lenders Shankaraiah was worried about the sale of his produce.”

The FCI had stated that its procurement limit from Telangana would not cross 60 lakh tonnes this time. Photo: Caisii Mao/Flickr, CC BY 2.0

Politics and policy

Meanwhile, chief minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao has urged his party cadres to stage statewide protests against the NDA government’s alleged laxity in procurement of food grains from farmers.

The Food Corporation of India (FCI), the Union government’s agency, has been tasked with procurement of grains, but it has allegedly not been hearing pleas of the KCR government to lift stocks from his state and has been citing demand and supply issues.

Ironically, with the ‘one nation one market’ objective, the Narendra Modi government had claimed to have begun the effort to eliminate state-owned agencies from the purview of procurement so as to allow growers to sell their produce anywhere in the country.

Though KCR’s party had opposed the farm laws in the parliament, the chief minister, however, also dismissed demands from opposition parties to adopt an assembly resolution opposing them.

With an electoral setback in the just-concluded by-poll in Huzurabad, KCR is keen to capitalise on the paddy issue to counter the Union government.

Meanwhile, the FCI had stated that its procurement limit would not cross 60 lakh tonnes this time and that it would not procure para-boiled rice in the kharif season, citing a drop in the demand for the particular variety in the market.  

Keeping in mind FCI’s procurement restrictions, KCR had imposed a blanket ban on paddy cultivation, asking farmers to go for alternative dry cops. This had sparked protests across the state.

Also read: Why KCR’s Crop Regulation Policy Has Telangana Farmers up in Arms

While KCR has often stated that his government is committed to procure even the last grain from farmers, bumper crops in the last couple of years have made it a near impossible task for him to keep his word.

The KCR government has improved irrigation in the last seven years by building major dams like Kaleswaram and Devadula, besides offering free power for agriculture and a cash incentive scheme, the Rytu BandhuKCR has even expressed his wish of turning his state into a “koti yekarala maganam”, which means a state with one crore acres of fertile lands.

Consequently, paddy area under irrigation canals and bore wells increased to up to 64 lakh acres from 12 lakh acres before the state’s formation and paddy production in a year reached 2.5 crore tonnes.

“Even if the FCI accepts 60 lakh tons out of total output of 2.5crore tonnes from the state as per its commitment and the state is to retain another 25 lakh tons for self-consumption, it is difficult to find takers for another 65 lakh tons in excess,” adds Malla Reddy.

G.V. Ramanjaneyulu, an agriculture scientist who heads the Centre for Sustainable Agriculture, said the plans of the government to promote paddy cultivation lacked “rationale and forethought”.

“After all, paddy is a water-intensive crop requiring a huge quantum of 60 lakh litres for just an acre. In addition, water in Telangana has to be mechanically or physically brought to the fields, which consumes a lot of energy,” he said, adding that it is high time farmers shift to market-driven crops with relatively less production cost.

The production cost of a kilogram of rice in Telangana is estimated at Rs 39.

Why KCR’s Crop Regulation Policy Has Telangana Farmers up in Arms

Despite producing the crop they were asked to, farms aren’t able to find buyers at the right price.

Hyderabad: Anvesh Reddy, a paddy producer from Telangana’s Nizamabad district, decided to burn his produce to mark his protest against the state government’s crop regulation policy, which he had followed.

Anvesh grew sanna rakalu (a super fine paddy variety) on his 3.5 acres of land, in line with the state government’s policy urging farmers to substitute doddu rakalu (a coarse variety). The yield drastically dropped to 30 quintals – 10.3 quintals per acre. With the coarse variety, his usual total yield is about 70 quintals.

The drop in yield is due to devastating pests associated with the particular variety he had sown. Besides, sanna rakalu is a low-yielding variety associated with high costs of cultivation. At the end of the day, his produce failed to fetch him the minimum support price (MSP) of Rs 1,880 per quintal fixed by the government. There are no takers for the produce in the open market and the government has failed to come forward for procurement.

Crop regulation policy

Unveiling the so-called crop regulation policy, chief minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao or KCR promised market facilities for all crops prescribed by his government, saying the policy intended to make the job of cultivation a profitable business. Accordingly, the government prompted farmers into demand-driven crop cultivation.

The promises also came along with a veiled thread – farmers failing to follow the policy would be deprived of Rythu Bandhu and other welfare benefits. The Telangana Rashtra Samithi government has granted Rs 8,000 per acre for each farmer per year across the board under the Rythu Bandhu scheme.

Also read: Why Governments Need to Advise Farmers on Alternative Cropping Patterns

Paddy growers in Nizamabad, Nalgonda, Siricilla and Kamareddy districts burnt their produce to mark their resentment on the government’s reported failure to chip in and procure their produce at the MSP. Protests erupted ahead of the by-election at Dubbaka held on November 3, providing ammunition to the opposition parties.

Excess production and a market glut

The growers are demanding Rs 2,500 per quintal – a price more than the MSP by Rs 620 per quintal. Millers, though, are not purchasing stocks even at Rs 1,400 per quintal – much less than the MSP. Taking KCR at his word, farmers had sown paddy on 58 lakh acres in the current season, 50% more than previous years. The expected output was one crore tonnes.

The TRS government, since the formation of Telangana as a separate state, has succeeded in stabilising irrigation facilities, leading to increased production.

Ramanjaneyulu G.V., director of the Centre for Sustainable Agriculture, a non-profit NGO, told The Wire, “The government, through the crop regulation policy, has done two things which it ought not to have done – promoted cotton and paddy cultivation.”

The Food Corporation of India (FCI), the principal state actor in the business of procuring food grains, is all set to become redundant thanks to the Narendra Modi government’s new farm laws.

Cotton stocks produced in the previous year were already piled up in warehouses as China, a major international buyer, backed out and 90% of textile industries and handloom units remained defunct as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Telangana chief minister K. Chandrashekar Rao. Photo: Facebook/KCR

When there is already a glut in the market, excess production will only worsen the situation, Ramanjaneyulu pointed out, saying the government should have expected this while pushing its crop regulation policy. The Centre, as per the policy, procures rice at Rs 32.70 per kg and supplies it back to the states through the public distribution system at Rs 3 per kg, in line with its rice subsidy scheme. The Telangana government makes available the subsidised rice at Re 1 per kg to below poverty line families. Any increase in the price of the super fine variety, as per the growers’ demands, means an additional burden of Rs 6-7 per kg on the state government.

Ramanjaneyulu said 30-40 lakh tonnes of the total food grain produced (about one crore tonne) in the kharif season is more than sufficient for local consumption and central procurement agencies are not able to procure the remaining produce.

K. Nageswar, former member of the Telangana legislative council, said the responsibility of ensuring farmers’ income security against market shocks and natural disasters lies with the government, since the growers followed the crop regulation policy.

Violent protests

An irate group of maize growers stoned the house of Jagityal MLA Vidyasagar Rao of the ruling TRS, protesting the regulation policy.

Maize cultivation is not prescribed in the regulated farm policy and that the government will not ensure market intervention to procure maize cultivated by farmers. Regardless of the government’s policy, the growers produced 12 lakh metric tonnes of maize – and more than half the produce is finding no takers in the market.

Also read: Farmers in 3 States Suffer as Punjab Mandis Are Flooded by Produce from UP, Bihar

S. Malla Reddy of the CPI(M) affiliated peasants’ body, Telangana Rythu Sangham, blamed the NDA government and its “lopsided” import policies vis-à-vis food grains for the distress among maize producers. The import duty on maize has been slashed from 50% to 15% and the Centre has imported 50 lakh tonnes of maize, leaving local growers high and dry. Allowing produce from other states into local markets also adds to maize growers’ woes, Malla Reddy said.

Warning signals for TRS?

Farmers’ distress, which appears to be snowballing into a major market crisis, has sent out warning signals to KCR’s party. The TRS already lost face after the humiliating defeat of Kavitha, sitting MP and daughter of the party patriarch, from the Nizamanad Lok Sabha seat in the last general elections. Her defeat was a result of resentment from turmeric famers, after Kavitha allegedly failed to keep her election promise to lobby with the Centre for a turmeric board to ensure a fair price for their produce.

Around 180 turmeric growers contested on the Nizamabad seat, securing an aggregate of around 98,000 votes. Kavitha lost to BJP’s Aravind by 70,000 votes – so she would have won if that farmers’ votes had gone to her.

Issues triggered by the crop regulation policy may also worsen farmers’ suicides in the state. As per data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) for 2019, Telangana recorded the fourth-highest number of farmer suicides in the country last year. According to the report, 491 farmers in the state died by suicide in 2019, of whom 373 were farmers cultivating their own land and 118 were those cultivating leased land.

Uttar Pradesh: Unable to Sell Sugarcane, Farmer Dies By Suicide in Tikait’s Bastion

The farmer’s family said that he committed suicide due to financial stress as he had not been paid his sugarcane dues. Pending dues of sugarcane farmers in UP currently total Rs 18,000 crore.

New Delhi: A 55-year-old sugarcane farmer, Om Pal Singh, died by suicide on Thursday by hanging himself from a tree in Muzaffarnagar’s Sisauli, home of legendary farmer leader Mahendra Singh Tikait, who, in the late 1980s and 1990s, had made several governments bow before the demands of farmers. Since his demise in 2011, his sons Naresh and Rakesh have taken charge of the Bhartiya Kisan Union and Sisauli continues to be the BKU’s bastion.

Om Pal’s family said that he committed suicide due to financial stress as he had not been paid his sugarcane dues. According to them, most of his crop is still standing in the field and he saw no avenue for sales.

“The day he hanged himself, the Khatauli sugar mill said that it would not be accepting sugarcane anymore. He had dues of around Rs 25,000 from the sugar mill which had not been paid since February. He was in dire need of money,” Ram Pal Singh, the deceased’s uncle, told The Wire over the phone.

Delayed payment to sugarcane farmers from sugar mills is a perennial problem in Uttar Pradesh. As per law, the mills are supposed to clear payment within 14 days of delivery of cane or pay interest. Before coming to power in UP, the BJP had promised that it would make sure that this law was implemented. However, pending dues of sugarcane farmers in UP now total Rs 18,000 crore.

Also read: After 3-Year Delay, Government Releases Farmer Suicide Data

Om Pal’s problems were made worse this season due to the lockdown as he had been unable to sell to local jaggery producing units, or kohlus. During the initial days of the lockdown, several kohlus in the region did not function due to the lockdown and now many have still not reopened due to financial stress or because the migrant workers who worked them are no longer there.

“He tried to contact several kohlus but not even one was functioning. He had no place to sell his crop. He had no money and he saw no avenue where he could get some cash from,” his uncle said. “And about 150 quintals was still standing, there was no place to sell it.”

Om Pal was a small farmer with around one acre of land. He had a large family – a wife, five daughters (two of whom are married), one son – and was the sole breadwinner. The family relied largely on earnings from their farm, where they grew sugarcane – as is the case in much of western Uttar Pradesh.

The state government has announced a compensation of Rs 5 lakh from the chief minister’s relief fund.

The police and district administration have said that a ‘land dispute’ with his brothers – and not the pending cane dues – was the reason for Om Pal’s suicide. “The sugarcane dues were not an issue behind the suicide. Om Pal hanged himself following a land dispute with his two brothers. Locals told us that while Singh was looking after the whole land, his two brothers were rarely seen in the field. This is why Singh was asking for a larger share in the farm income,” Virendra Kasana, in-charge of Bhauri Kalan police station told the Indian Express.

The family has denied this. “There was no land dispute. All brothers had equal land. All of us are stressed due to non-payment of sugarcane dues. We have lost someone in our family and the police is trying to blame us. This is very sad,” said Jaiveer, Om Pal’s brother.

According to Kuldeep Tyagi, who is the president of the Bhartiya Kisan Andolan – an organisation working in western UP –  farmers across western UP are facing financial distress despite having an assured price for sugarcane. “Those days of prosperous western UP are over. In the last few years, we have seen several farmers who have committed suicide. The price they get for sugarcane has remained stagnant. On the other hand, the cost of living has gone up. So, farmers are finding it difficult to make ends meet,” Tyagi said.

Union minister of state for animal husbandry, dairy and fisheries Sanjeev Balyan, who is member of parliament from Muzaffarnagar, said that the region needs more sugar mills. “Each year we are producing more and more sugarcane. But the number of sugar mills has remained the same. That is one major reason for the problem of delayed payments,” he told The Wire.

Also read: Mahendra Singh Tikait’s Kisan Union Rattles Delhi Again After 30 Years

Jitender Hooda, a farmer from the region, says that the problem is severe if farmers in Tikait’s own village commit suicide. “Mahendra Tikait was one of the biggest farmer leaders in the country ever. And this has happened in his own village. It says a lot for the condition of farmers in the region and the level of political power they have now. It points to the decline of the BKU,” he said.

Another farmer in the region also pointed fingers at the BKU. “What has the BKU been doing all these years since Baba Tikait passed away? Why they have not ensured that farmers get payment on time? They are only interested in doing deals with political parties and building palaces for themselves,” the farmer said.

BKU chief Naresh Tikait admitted that the the union’s clout has reduced. “This is true. Things are not the same as they were. We are not as well respected even among farmers now. The government also does not listen to us. We are trying hard to get our union back to where it was,” he told us over the phone.

Satendra Kumar, a sociologist who has studied the politics of western UP, argues that the decline in the level of power wielded by the BKU is a symptom of a broader problem where the farmer as a political entity has declined in status. “Political parties have abandoned farmers. Farmers don’t matter to them. And this is why organisations like the BKU have very limited power because the farmer is no longer as valuable in the political system as before,” he said.

If you know someone – friend or family member – at risk of suicide, please reach out to them. The Suicide Prevention India Foundation maintains a list of telephone numbers (www.spif.in/seek-help/) they can call to speak in confidence. You could also appear them to the nearest hospital.

In Haryana, ‘Corruption Has Taken A New Form, Crime At An All-Time High’: Yogendra Yadav

The Swaraj India founder breaks down why the BJP may just come out on top in the Haryana assembly polls despite its record over the past few years in the state.

For the last seven odd years, psephologist-turned-politician Yogendra Yadav has closely followed the politics of Haryana, first as a leader of Aam Aadmi Party and then as the founder and national president of Swaraj India. He has also campaigned extensively in the state.

On his return after a nine-day Jan Sarokar Abhiyan, which covered 13 of the 22 districts of the state, he spoke to Gaurav Vivek Bhatnagar of The Wire about how farm distress, unemployment, crime against women, economic slowdown and indebtedness of the state have only increased during the rule of first BJP government under chief minister Manohar Lal Khattar. He also breaks down why the BJP is hoping to stage a comeback thanks to a disheartened and fractured opposition.

Hailstorms at 43° C Wreck Farming in Latur

Villagers in Maharashtra’s Latur district are baffled by the heavy and intense hailstorms in summer that have hit them this past decade.

His roof didn’t quite come down on him, but it did chase Gunwant around his farm. That image remains vividly etched in his mind. “The tin-roof of the shed on the edge of our land was torn off and came flying towards me,” he recalls. “I hid under a pile of hay and managed to come out injury-free.”

It isn’t every day you get chased by a roof. The one Gunwant Hulsulkar was running from in Ambulga village had been ripped off by deadly winds accompanying a hailstorm there this April.

Emerging from under the hay-pile, Gunwant, 36, could barely recognise his own farm in Nilanga taluka. “It couldn’t have lasted more than 18-20 minutes. But the trees had fallen off, dead birds were scattered around, and our livestock was badly injured,” he says, pointing to the damage-marks left by the hailstorm on the trees.

“There is a hailstorm or unseasonal rain every 16-18 months,” says his mother Dhondabai, 60, sitting on the steps outside her two-room stone and mortar house in Ambulga. In 2001, her family shifted from cultivating pulses (urad and moong) to nurturing mango and guava orchards across their 11 acres. “We need to look after the trees through the year, but an extreme weather event of just a few minutes destroys our entire investment.”

It wasn’t a one-off phenomenon that occurred this year. Extreme weather episodes, including torrential rainfall and even hailstorms, have showed up in this part of Maharashtra’s Latur district for over a decade now. Uddhav Biradar’s small one-acre mango orchard, also in Ambulga, collapsed in a 2014 hailstorm. “I had 10-15 trees. They died with that storm. I made no effort to revive them,” he says.

“The hailstorms continue,” 37-year-old Biradar adds. “It was painful to see the trees after the storm of 2014. You plant them, take care of them, and then they are blown away in minutes. I do not think I could go through all this again.”

Gunwant Hulsulkar. Photo: Parth M.N./People’s Archive of Rural India

Hailstorms? In Latur district of the Marathwada region? This is a place where, for well over half the year, the mercury is at or above 32° C. The latest hailstorm struck in the first week of April this year when temperatures ranged between 41-43° C.

But as almost every farmer here will tell you in exasperation, they can no longer figure out the behaviour of the taapmanhavaman and vatavaran (temperature, weather and climate).

Also Read: Indian Farmers Are Building Food Forests to Fight Climate Change, Agrarian Crisis

What they do comprehend is that the number of rainy days annually has dropped, while the count of hotter days has risen. In 1960, the year Dhondabai was born, Latur could expect at least 147 days annually that would see temperatures of 32° C or above, as data from an app on climate change and global warming posted by the New York Times shows. This year, that would be 188 days. When Dhondabai turns 80, there could be 211 of these very hot days.

The latest hailstorm struck in April this year when temperatures ranged between 41 and 43 degrees. Photo: Nishant Bhadreshwar/ People’s Archive of Rural India

“It’s hard to believe we are approaching the end of July,” Subash Shinde told me when I visited his 15-acre farm in Ambulga last month. The farm looks barren, the soil is brown and bears not a hint of green buds. Shinde, 63, takes out a handkerchief from his white kurta and soaks off the sweat from his forehead. “I usually sow soybean by mid-June. This time around, I might stay away from the kharif season altogether.”

Farmers like Shinde, in this 150-kilometre stretch linking southern Latur to Hyderabad in Telangana, mainly cultivate soybean. Till around 1998, Shinde says, jowarurad and moong were the primary kharif crops here. “Those required consistent rainfall. We needed a timely monsoon for a decent harvest.”

Shinde and most others here shifted to soybean around the year 2000 because, he says, “it is a flexible crop. If the weather patterns change a bit, it does not collapse. It was attractive in the international market as well. We ended up saving money at the end of the season. Plus, the post-harvest leftovers of soybean could serve as animal fodder. But over the past 10-15 years, even soybean has not been able to deal with the erratic monsoons.”

Wrecked safflower (top left; Photo: Narayan Pawale/People’s Archive of Rural India); a field after the hailstorm (top right; Photo: Nishant Bhadreshwar/People’s Archive of Rural India); destroyed watermelon (bottom left; Photo: Nishant Bhadreshwar/People’s Archive of Rural India); wilting jowar (bottom right; Photo: Manoj Aakhade/People’s Archive of Rural India)

And this year, “those who have sown their crops are now regretting it,” says G. Sreekanth, collector, Latur district. “Because the initial showers have been followed by a dry spell.”  There has been only 64% sowing (all crops) across the district. In Nilanga taluka, 66%. Obviously, soybean, which accounts for over 50% of the total cropped area in the district, has taken a big hit.

Latur is in the agricultural region of Marathwada and has a normal annual average rainfall of 700 mm. The monsoon arrived on June 25 this year and has been erratic since. At the end of July, Sreekanth told me that there had been a 47% shortfall below the normal rainfall for that period.

Also Read: Alternative Grains Can Help India Allay Impact of Global Heating on Agriculture

In the early 2000s, says Subash Shinde, an acre of soybean yielded 10-12 quintals on an investment of around Rs 4,000. Nearly two decades later, the price of soybean may have doubled from Rs 1,500 to Rs 3,000 a quintal, but, he says, cultivation costs have tripled and per acre output has halved.

The data of the State Agricultural Marketing Board support Shinde’s observations. In 2010-11, soybean acreage was 1.94 lakh hectares, and production was 4.31 lakh tonnes, says the Board’s website. In 2016, soybean covered 3.67 lakh hectares, but production was just 3.08 lakh tonnes. An 89% increase in acreage, but a 28.5% fall in production.

Madhukar Hulsulkar, 63, Dhondabai’s husband, points to another feature of the present decade. “Since 2012, our use of pesticides has increased a lot. Just this year, we have had to spray 5-7 times,” he says.

Dhondabai chips in with more insights on the changing landscape. “We used to come across kites, vultures and sparrows regularly earlier,” she says. “But for the past 10 years or so, they have become rarer and rarer.”

Madhukar Hulsulkar under his mango tree: ‘Since 2012, our use of pesticides has increased a lot. Just this year, we have had to spray 5-7 times’. Photo: Parth M.N./People’s Archive of Rural India

“Pesticide use in India is still below one kilogram per hectare,” says Atul Deulgaonkar, Latur-based environmental journalist. “The US, Japan and other advanced industrial nations use 8-10 times as much. But they regulate their pesticides, we do not. Ours contain cancerous elements, which affect the birds around the farm. It kills them.”

Shinde blames critical changes in climate patterns for the productivity drop. “We used to have 70-75 rainy days in the four-month monsoon period [June-September],” he says. “It would drizzle, consistently and gently. In the past 15 years, the number of rainy days has halved. When it does rain, it pours maddeningly. And that is followed by a 20-day dry spell. It is impossible to farm in this weather.”

The India Meteorological Department’s data for Latur support his observations. In 2014, rainfall in the four monsoon months was 430 mm. The next year, 317 mm. In 2016, the district got 1,010 mm in those four months. In 2017, that was 760 mm. Last year, Latur got 530 mm in the monsoon season, of which 252 mm came in the single month of June. Even in the years where the district receives its ‘normal’ rainfall, the spread and dispersal have been most uneven.

As Chandrakant Bhoyar, senior geologist with the Groundwater Surveys and Development Agency, points out: “Torrential rainfall in limited time results in soil erosion. When, instead, it drizzles consistently, that helps the groundwater recharge.”

Shinde can no longer depend on groundwater because his four borewells are, more often than not, dry. “We used to strike water at 50 feet, but now even borewells 500 feet deep are dry.”

That throws up other problems. “If we do not sow enough, there is no fodder for the animals,” says Shinde. “Without water and fodder, farmers are unable to maintain their livestock. I had 20 head of cattle until 2009. Today, just nine.

his is in Latur district of Marathwada, where for more than six months it’s above 32 degrees Celsius. Photo: Nishant Bhadreshwar/ People’s Archive of Rural India

Shinde’s mother, Kaveribai, still sharp and alert at 95, says “Latur was a hub of cotton since Lokmanya Tilak introduced it here in 1905.” She sits on the floor with folded legs and needs no help to get up. “We used to have ample rainfall to cultivate it. Today, soybean has taken its place.”

Shinde is happy his mother gave up active cultivation around two decades ago – before the hailstorms began. “They devastate the farmland within a few minutes. The biggest sufferers are those who own orchards.”

Also Read: Alternative Grains Can Help India Allay Impact of Global Heating on Agriculture

In this relatively better-off southern belt, orchard-growers have indeed been particularly hit. “The last hailstorm came in April this year,” says Madhukar Hulsulkar, taking me into the orchard where many yellow spots are visible on the tree trunks. “I lost fruit worth Rs 1.5 lakhs. We are down to 50 trees from the 90 we began with in 2000.” Now he’s considering giving up on orchards as “the hailstorms are becoming inevitable.”

Latur has, over a century, seen many shifts in cropping patterns. Once dominated by jowar (sorghum) and other millets, and to a lesser extent maize, it took to cotton in a big way from 1905.

Then came sugarcane from 1970, sunflower briefly, and large-scale soybean cultivation from 2000. The spread of cane and soybean was quite spectacular. In 2018-19, cane covered 67,000 hectares (say data from the Vasantdada Sugar Institute, Pune). And from one sugar factory in 1982, Latur now has 11. With the cash crops came the inescapable borewell explosion – there is no count of how many have been drilled – and intense groundwater exploitation. Over 100 years of cash cropping in a soil historically attuned to millets has had its inevitable impacts on water, soil, moisture and vegetation.

Also, forest cover in Latur is just 0.54%, says the state government website. Below even the pathetic Marathwada-wide average of 0.9%.

Kaveribai Shinde, 95, recalls, ‘Latur was a hub of cotton… We used to have ample rainfall to cultivate it’. Photo: Parth M.N./People’s Archive of Rural India

“It would be wrong to make a narrow causal equation between all these processes and climate change,” says Atul Deulgaonkar. “And difficult to support with hard evidence. Also, such change occurs across large regions and not within the human-drawn boundaries of a district. Marathwada, of which Latur is a small part, is experiencing profound changes in some ways linked to growing agro-ecological imbalances.

“But some correlation between the multiple processes does seem to exist across the larger region. And it is intriguing that extreme weather episodes and hailstorms really arrived and surged a decade after the last big crop shift and major changes in land use and technologies. Even if human activity cannot be condemned as the cause, it certainly contributes in significant measure to the climatic imbalances we’re seeing.”

Meanwhile, people are bewildered by the rising number of extreme weather episodes.

“Every agricultural cycle puts farmers under greater stress,” says Gunwant Hulsulkar. “That’s one of the reasons behind farmers suicides. My kids would be better off working as clerks at a government office.” His perspective on farming has changed with the climate.

“Agriculture increasingly seems a waste of time, energy and money,” says Subash Shinde. It was different in his mother’s time. “Farming was our natural choice,” says the effusive Kaveribai.

When I bid Kaveribai farewell with a namaste, she offers me a handshake instead. “Last year, my grandson saved money and made me travel on a plane,” she says with a proud grin. “This is how someone greeted me on the flight. The weather is changing, I thought our greeting habits should also change.”

This article was originally published in the People’s Archive of Rural India on August 26, 2019.

PARI’s nationwide reporting project on climate change is part of a UNDP-supported initiative to capture that phenomenon through the voices and lived experience of ordinary people.

Budget 2019 Reeks of a Lack of Real Ambition

While troubles on the low investment are simply assumed away, the silence on major issues like job creation and the viability of agriculture was deafening. 

In terms of economic vision, it has always been difficult to make sense of the Narendra Modi government. 

The previous five years were hardly inspiring in economic terms: relatively little was done in terms of positive changes to address the major problems in the economy. Most economic policies of the earlier government – including some more problematic ones – were simply continued, often in a renamed or repackaged form, while the regime was punctuated by the twin disasters of demonetisation and the badly botched and rushed implementation of the goods and services tax.

Meanwhile, especially before the general election, the government put its head in the sand and simply denied the most obvious economic problems. It encouraged changes in the estimation of the GDP that were opaque and appeared to be unfortunately partisan, creating scepticism about the reliability of the data within and outside the country.

It suppressed unsavoury economic data like the report of the employment and unemployment survey emanating from its own statistical agency, which showed falling labour force participation especially of women and historically high open unemployment. It refused to admit the problem of low investment rates that were afflicting industry.

It offered a minor sop of cash transfers to some farmers in lieu of addressing their significant and growing problems that had resulted in a year of almost continuous farmers’ protests. Overall, it kept insisting that everything is fine in the economy, despite all evidence to the contrary.  

Also read: Union Budget 2019-20: All You Need to Know

Even so, a lot was expected from this first Budget to be presented by the new government. After all, this government now has enormous political capital, having just comprehensively won the recent election, despite all concerns about how that election was run, and so it can afford to announce big policies. Modi had already shown himself to be able to make bold decisions (demonetisation was certainly a bold decision, albeit a crazy and disastrous one).

The prime minister and other government officials have gone on record over the past few days, with extravagant claims of transforming the country through a ten-year vision of a “new India”, in which the size of the economy will supposedly more than double in just five years. (This is what the prime minister’s goal of achieving a $5 trillion size of GDP by 2022 amounts to, even with the optimistic assumption of a stable exchange over the period.) 

And there was much talk of blue sky thinking and bold moves to deal with the economic challenges ahead.

So what did the Budget finally deliver on these expectations? In the wake of all the promises, most people were left scratching their heads trying to identify even one big idea or significant move. 

Certainly, the silence on major issues like job creation and the viability of agriculture was deafening. 

The low investment rate was simply assumed away – in line with government arguments that investment has anyway bottomed out and will now increase. The problems in the banking and non-bank finance sector did get some much-required attention, but the proposed moves are minor and may well be inadequate to deal with the scope of the problem. Despite much emotion expended on small enterprises, there is really nothing that would improve their conditions significantly. 

People watch Nirmala Sitharaman’s Union Budget 2019-20 speech at an electronics store in Kolkata. Image: PTI

As has become usual in the last few years, the Budget was extremely optimistic in the matter of estimating future revenues. GST revenues are projected to go up by more than 13% over last year’s receipts, a tall order given the already poor receipts of the first quarter. 

There is a sop to the middle classes in terms of the increase in the exemption rate to Rs 5 lakh income per year, which it is claimed will be counterbalanced by slightly higher taxes on the very rich. The Centre has continued to centralise and bypass Finance Commission awards – surcharges and cesses, which do not have to be shared with state governments, are projected to account for around 16% of the projected tax revenues.

On the expenditure side, the lack of action may be even more surprising. The only big increase is on the pre-election scheme of cash transfer to farmers, the PM-KISAN, which will eat up Rs 75,000 crore. Infrastructure development is supposed to be a big priority of this government, but only the railways gets a reasonable additional allocation of just under Rs 13,000 crore (leaving out the high hopes of vast amounts to be raised through Public-Private Partnerships). 

Also read: Union Budget 2019: Fiscal Deficit Target for FY’20 Pegged at 3.3%

Road transport and highways get an increase of only 5.6%, barely keeping pace with projected inflation, while rural development fares even worse, with an increase of less than 5%.  

Other social sector spending mostly just about increases in line with the increase in nominal GDP, in other words remains around the same. The absence of any mention of the supposedly flagship Ayushman Bharat health insurance scheme in the Budget speech fits with its absence in the detailed budget papers, but it is no less surprising for that. 

Instead, the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana – which was supposed to be rendered defunct by the new scheme – has seen its tiny allocation increase from Rs 2,770 crore to Rs 6,656 crore – a tiny drop in the ocean of the projected requirement. As it happens, I am not an admirer of this scheme, which seeks to substitute two layers of private providers for a better funded public delivery scheme. But does the lack of outlay suggest that the government is also no longer so enamoured of this scheme? 

The surprise, then, is in the lack of ambition. 

But perhaps this confirms something that became quite clear before the elections: this is a government that is less interested in improving people’s economic conditions than in capturing people’s hearts and minds for its own goals. 

That is why one of the chapters in the Economic Survey, when combined with the new “ease” of taxation using only Aadhaar as announced in the Budget speech, should give us all pause. For those of us worried about the possible abuse of Big Data, its forthcoming marriage with Big Brother, as indicated by this Budget, may be the single most important indicator of the future intentions of this government.

Jayati Ghosh is a professor of economics at Jawaharlal Nehru University.

The Four Areas That Sitharaman’s First Budget Can Make a Difference

Women, agriculture, exports and textiles are other focal areas that this budget can effectively tackle.

Finance minister Nirmala Sitaraman is scheduled to present her first Union Budget next week, which will set the agenda for the next five years.

Budget announcements are an annual media spectacle and are often analysed extensively for the ‘signaling effects’ they carry in the form of market sentiment and the government’s own priorities.

In some ways, budgetary outlays announced during the interim Budget or vote-on-account presentation earlier this year by Piyush Goyal, are likely to be actualised in Sitharaman’s presentation with certain revisions and additions. 

However, India’s current economic situation demands a bolder action plan from the finance minister to touch upon some critical areas.

Also Read: Nobody Should Be Surprised If This Year’s Defence Budget Hardly Sees a Boost

The economy’s current position is on a downward trend in terms of sectoral performance for almost all key growth drivers.

While more work is clearly needed on the private investment and labour-and-land law reforms front, there are four other focal areas that this budget can tackle. These areas should ideally be the focus of this government in the first year of its second term. 

W for Women

As India’s first full-time woman finance minister, it would be timely for Sitharaman to make structural changes that can help empower the agency of women (across age groups and classes), by increasing their employability and participation in the organised labor force. 

The under-performance seen in India’s growth levels in recent years can be in part chalked up to the lack of women in organised employment opportunities across sectors.

By 2013, only 27% of adult Indian women who were looking actively for employment had a job, compared to 79% of men then. 

A careful observation of the charts below, drawn from the recent employment survey numbers,  reflect how female-male unemployment rates have only worsened in the last five years.

Source: Author’s Calculations from PLFS and NSS survey results

The female unemployment rate in 2017-18 came to an all-time high of 12.8% in urban areas and 7.7% in rural areas (do note these are numbers only for organized formal employment which is less than 20-25% of India’s overall employment landscape).  

Between 2005-2012, almost 20 million women dropped out of the workforce, which is equivalent to the entire population of Sri Lanka. India’s rapid urbanization process hasn’t allowed the situation to get any better and there are a number of reasons for this including including lack of transport and mobility for women, safety conditions in employment and living opportunities in urban metropolises along with pre-existing social conditions. 

Source: Author’s Calculations from PLFS and NSS survey results

A national-level budgetary signal for women safety and mobility – at  the rural, urban and inter rural-urban connectivity levels – will be a huge boost for not only enhancing overall economic productivity. It would act as a catalyst for employers to hire more women in sectors where women work participation has stayed low.

A strong case can also be made for increasing the number of ‘working-women hostels’ and promoting ‘exclusive transport for working women’ across urban spaces. 

Also Read: What Work Choices Are Indian Women Making and Why?

Two other significant areas where fiscal support from the Centre can help improve ‘employability’ of women, especially for those entering the workforce after completing graduate level education, are increased public funding for existing/new girl-enrolled schools & colleges across states and subsidising ‘care services’ to help working women with children. 

Most evidence from research undertaken in recent years – which have analysed the ‘missing’ state of women in India’s employment landscape – have attributed this trend to predominantly these two factors. Tackling the increase seen in dropout of girls from college in rural and semi-urban spaces shall require an exclusive focus and support from the government. This can come in the form of offering more scholarships and funding opportunities to girls across social classes in fields of science and technology in addition to making schools and college more accessible and safe for girls.

The rise in India’s care economy – important specifically in the deeply patriarchal zones of family structures, where women are expected to spend more hours at home to take care of children or the elderly – requires financial and government support. Both in terms of increasing ‘care-sensitive’ infrastructure for dependents (children and senior citizens), and complimenting this with subsidised costs for affording such infrastructure (especially within rural areas where the presence of anganwadis have tried to provide nutritional support to infant kids). 

Feminising India’s growth trajectory requires bold, persistent reforms in this regard and this year’s budget offers an opportunity to be a step in this direction. If done right, women will have greater time for themselves, which in turn will jump-start their ability to skill themselves and enter the workforce. Any national government that only recognises female agency in terms of ‘motherhood’ is deeply problematic. 

A national message shared to increase women employability would require a comprehensive financial push in financing multiple areas for gender-equality – education, transport, employment creation and subsidizing care costs, Such measures, if taken, can go a long way in not only providing a women-centered direction to India’s employment trajectory.

A for Agriculture

The second area requiring a budgetary focus is the ailing agricultural landscape. The common consensus is that the Narendra Modi government failed to push for any structural reforms in the agricultural sector – starting from reorganising land markets – to other difficult decisions on pricing, market connectivity, crop insurance and easier credit. 

Most of these warrant legal reforms too, especially for changes land ownership and acquisitions. 

While direct cash transfers to India’s farmers shows that the government has an agenda, it needs to fine-tune its thinking. A key step in this regard would require the Centre to recognise an average farmer’s needs (and concerns), more from the lens of an entrepreneur who finds it difficult to make maximum economic benefits.  What to cultivate? Where to cultivate? How to cultivate and at what price to sell? And for whom to cultivate? 

Also Read: NDA 2.0’s Big Rural Challenge Will be Doubling Farmers’ Income by 2022

Raising farm productivity is crucial not only from the perspective of increasing farm incomes, but critical in raising rural demand and thus further reviving the manufacturing sector. What fiscal announcements are made in increasing credit supply channels for farmers across states, and in increasing their access (and affordability) to crop insurance will be key.

For the industrial sector to revive itself, agriculturally-speaking, we need to grow at a minimum of 4% (currently from a GVA level at 2011-12 base price, this growth rate is at -0.1%). 

There are leaves to be taken out of China’s book, specifically what it did in the 1980s and 1990s, where the country’s agri-sector saw an average growth rate higher than 3-4%, enabling their manufacturing sector to grow as well. 

While direct cash transfers to India’s farmers shows that the government has an agenda, it needs to fine-tune its thinking. Photo: Anindito Mukherjee/Reuters

E for Exports

For any increase in agricultural productivity to benefit the macro-economic landscape, a robust ‘farm-to-factory’ supply channel remains vital for the manufacturing sector to also benefit from rise in production of agri-based commodities. As observed previously, India’s significant leverage in domestic production has been in its cooperative style of business across states (as seen in cases of sugar, dairy, textiles, micro-finance- to cite a few). 

Local development of ‘Commodity-based Cooperatives’ (CBCs) can not only help in providing a ‘self-sufficient’ environment for food, clothing and financial needs for almost a 1.3 billion population base, but can also add great export value for India’s expansion in regional export markets. 

Figure 3 below breaks down the pattern seen in India’s export market over the last five to six years. A deeper look into product-wise categories of exports from India to all exporting partners over last five years shows a substantive decline in exports – sharpening since year of 2015.

Some might argue that the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) regime  worsened these trends then and in the following years.  

Source: Author’s calculations from WITS DatabaseConsidering more than 50% of the rural population is engaged in producing agri-products, their overall representation in export shares and margins – including for those sourced from animal husbandry, wood and other raw materials – remain dismal.

Strengthening the ‘farm-to-factory’ connect is vital in structurally addressing this. And financially supporting this through tax-based and other targeted expenditures – if announced in the Union Budget – can allow for boosting production in large scale ‘agri-based commodities inputs’, as part of other manufacturing products (like textiles and clothing, cement, metal etc.).

This would help in both, enhancing agricultural productivity for higher income-returns and improve India’s troubled export sector. 

T for Textiles

A critical area where Indian export potential (and demand for its products) has remained high but supply-side bottlenecks have inhibited its rise is in the textile and clothing segment (export share in 2017 being at 12.6%). 

The Interim Budget made provisions for increased allocations in ‘Remission of State Levies’ (ROSL) with the aim of encouraging textile sector production. Some have argued that an inclusion of cotton-yarn and fabrics under the ROSL scheme can perhaps benefit their production patterns too. 

However, it is useful to point out that while budgetary outlays or incentives through tax-exemptions are often argued as the ‘most ideal’ scenario for textile-led (or other medium scale) export production, a reflection from Arvind Subramanian’s Economic Survey study – released a couple of years ago – offered some useful insights on how most of such announced packages don’t work as desired. 

In June 2016, the Union Cabinet announced for a Rs 6,000 crore package for the apparel sector. The largest component of this package included rebates on state levies (ROSL) in an attempt to offset indirect taxes levied by the states (when VAT was there) that were embedded in exports. After the package, the ROSL increased export incentives by between 2.8 % – 3.9%. 

Subramanian’s team, in testing the success of this export package, highlighted how “the package increased exports of readymade garments (RMG) made of man-made fibres (MMFs)”, but made no “statistically positive impact” on readymade garments made of other fibres (silk, cotton etc.), and the impact man-made fibres increased gradually over time (by September 2017). 

An important policy implication from this observation made then with insights for now too, includes allowing the GST council (and finance ministry) to do a comprehensive review of ‘embedded taxes’ for products left outside the GST (say petroleum and electricity) and those that arise from the GST itself (for example: in case of input tax credits that get blocked because of ‘tax inversion’ – where taxes further back in the chain are greater than those up in the supply chain). 

Such a review can help in bringing significant changes to the structure of financial benefits – usually offered via Budget based announcements – and over time help in elimination of certain ‘embedded export taxes’ that otherwise inhibit manufacturing exports in textile and clothing. 

Deepanshu Mohan is associate professor and director, Centre for New Economics Studies at O.P. Jindal University. He is a visiting professor to Department of Economics, Carleton University, Canada.

Rajasthan Farmer Kills Self, Holds Gehlot and Pilot Responsible

In a suicide note, Sohan Lal Kadela said the Congress government’s failure to waive farm loans left him deep in debt.

Jaipur: Troubled by mounting debts and subsequent intimidation by bank officials that they would action his land, a farmer from Sri Ganganagar district in Rajasthan killed himself on Sunday.

The farmer, Sohan Lal Kadela (41), a resident of Thakri village in Raisinghnagar block, left behind a video and a suicide note blaming chief minister Ashok Gehlot and deputy chief minister Sachin Pilot for his death. He said the government’s failure to implement the promise of waiving farm loans from nationalised banks within ten days of the conclusion of the 2019 general elections drove him to take his own life.

In the note, Kadela wrote, “Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot are responsible for my death. No one else shall be blamed for it. Within ten days after the general elections, they promised to waive farmers’ debt [from nationalised banks]. What happened to their promise? I request that my body not be burnt until the debt of all brothers [farmers] is waived”

He added:

“The unity of the farmers will be seen now. File a criminal case against Ashok Gehlot. I request my fellow village men to maintain unity. My welfare of my family is now your responsibility, please take care of them.”

As per the family, Kadela owned approximately eight bighas of land in the district, for which he had taken two loans of around Rs two lakh each from the regional branch of the Syndicate bank in Raisinghnagar. Over a period of years, the debt worsened and it became impossible for him to repay the bank.

Speaking to The Wire, Kishan Lal, brother of the deceased farmer, said that a loan waiver was Kadela’s last hope. “Some of his land was acquired by the government under the Bharatmala project, for which no compensation has been paid till date. The remaining land wasn’t adequate to earn enough money to clear the debt.”

Government casts doubt

However, the government and the police cast doubt on the claim that Kadela killed himself because of debt. Speaking to The Wire, superintendent of police in Sri Ganganagar, Hemant Sharma, said the investigation has revealed “certain facts” about the farmer.

“Kadela was also a businessman who owned a kiosk shop for additional income. In 2008, he attempted to consume a spray and in 2018, a case under attempted suicide and unlawful assembly was registered against him. This suggests he had suicidal tendencies, one of which is on record. He also sold a property in Jodhpur, through which he earned a huge amount. However, these are just our initial observations and nothing conclusive,” he said.

Deputy chief minister Sachin Pilot, in a press conference, claimed the deceased farmer was not under debt. “Whenever a person dies or kills themselves, it’s absolutely unacceptable to us. I’ve been told that the person was not actually in debt. But whatever the matter, someone has died. It’s a sad incident and our government is fully committed to securing a better future for farmers,” he told reporters.

Kadela’s daughter Minakshi said there could be no other plausible reason for his suicide except accruing debt. “Bank officials kept pressuring him to pay the debt and not wait for any waiver. Under this pressure, he consumed poison and ended his life. We hold the Congress government responsible for my father’s death,” she said.

Sachin Pilot and Ashok Gehlot at the AICC headquarters in New Delhi. Credit: PTI

Locals agree Kadela was in debt

Even locals suggest that Kadela wasn’t is a financially strong situation. “Sohan was not able to make money from his farm, so he started a kiosk shop. But that too didn’t help in repaying the debt. He was under stress,” Kalu Thori, district president of All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) told The Wire.

During the Lok Sabha polls, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] extended support to the Congress party, particularly because of its promise to waive farm loans in the state. However, after news of Kadela’s suicide broke, the party staged protests in eight tehsils in the district on Tuesday. “We are protesting to remind the Congress government of its promise to the farmers,” Santveer Singh, associated with the AIKS in Sri Ganganagar told The Wire.

In the past year, the state has seen two loan waivers: once by the Vasundhara Raje-led BJP government and again by the Ashok Gehlot government. However, they have not helped alleviate the farm distress.

The Raje government effected a one-time waiver of up to Rs 50,000 for small and marginal farmers who had defaulted on short-term loans from cooperative banks.

Also Read: Farmers’ Crisis: Are Loan Waivers, MSP Hikes, Assured Income the Solutions?

The Congress government, in February, began to waive outstanding short-term crop loans till November 30, 2018 of the primary cooperative land development banks and central cooperative banks – primary agriculture cooperative societies (PACS) and large area multi-purpose cooperative societies (LAMPS).

Short-term crop loans which were transformed to Medium Term Conversion (MTC), Medium Term Conversion Rephasement (MTCR) and Medium Term Conversion Rephasement and Reschedulement (MTCRR) due to natural disasters have also been included.

Chief minister Ashok Gehlot said in February that in the first phase of the waiver, the government will waive loans of cooperative and development banks. It will then move to waiver loans taken from commercial and rural banks.

On the one hand, the BJP’s waiver is under the scanner after allegations surfaced that it benefitted the cooperative societies, not farmers. On the other, the Congress’s waiver, which provides larger coverage to farmers who have taken loans from commercial banks, is yet to be implemented.

If you know someone – friend or family member – at risk of suicide, please reach out to them. The Suicide Prevention India Foundation maintains a list of telephone numbers (www.spif.in/seek-help/) they can call to speak in confidence. You could also appear them to the nearest hospital.

The Life of Labour: Revisiting Land Reforms; Clean Chit to CJI

Latest news updates from the world of work.

The Life of Labour, a compilation of important labour developments from around the world, will be delivered to your inbox every week. Click here to subscribe.

Why Punjab needs to revisit land reforms and hike farm subsidies

Down to Earth magazine reported on a new paper, published in the Journal of Rural Development, covering 1,007 farmer households and 301 agriculture labour households in 27 villages in Mansa, Ludhiana and Hoshiarpur in Punjab. The study throws up remarkable new statistics. 85% of farmer households are in debt, with the average debt exceeding Rs 5 lakhs per household. Even agricultural labourers are in debt, averaging around Rs 60,000 per household. An average marginal farmer household makes less than Rs 1.5 lakh annually.

Also Read: Why Short-Term Measures Won’t Address Punjab’s Agricultural Distress

The report also says that since 2011, more than 9 crore people have abandoned farming because of the sector’s consistent decline. The government’s inability to push through meaningful reform means there is an implicit tax on farmers and policies are meant to primarily benefit corporate interests.

Gender and work

Justice Bobde panel gives clean chit to CJI in sexual harassment probe

After stunning stories by The Wire, Caravan and Scroll, a panel was constituted to explore the allegations against the Chief Justice of India. The Hindu reports that “The Justice S.A. Bobde in-house committee has found “no substance” in the sexual harassment allegations levelled by a former Supreme Court staff member against Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi.”

Firstpost reported that the woman expressed apprehension that she was “not likely to get justice” from the panel which not only refused her request for presence of lawyer Vrinda Grover during the proceedings but also told her if she did not participate “they would proceed ex-parte”. She indicated that she had hoped for justice from the panel but is now frightened and disappointed that they have not tried to aid her at all.

Domestic workers’ right to form trade union: Delhi HC issues notice

The Delhi Domestic Workers’ Union has been trying to achieve recognition from the government, but was rejected in 2016. Since then, they have been appealing and have now reached the Delhi high court. A previous Madras high court decision says, “Only persons engaged in trade or business could be allowed to form trade unions, domestic workers do not come within  the definitions of industry or workmen under the Industrial Disputes Act , and domestic work is neither a trade nor an industry.”

But Justice Midha provided some hope when he said that in present times, there was a greater need than ever for the unorganised sector to have safeguards and be able to practise collective bargaining.

A rally by domestic workers.

Precarious work

In Bengaluru, daily wage labourers struggle to get even 10 days of work a month

In the seventh of IndiaSpend’s 11-part series on informal labour in India’s big cities, the Kurubarahalli neighbourhood in Bengaluru is in focus. Every day, there are 1,000-1,500 workers waiting for jobs, mostly as plumbers, painters, carpenters and masons. One person told the wesbite that before demonetisation, he earned Rs 600 per day, but now earns only Rs 400. Business owners have admitted that they are paying their workers less. Another person told IndiaSpend that there has been a huge drop in sales of bricks since the implementation of GST.

Like China, India also has a gruelling work culture

Jack Ma of Ali Baba made news recently when he discussed the overwork culture, referred to as 996 – 9 am to 9 pm, 6 days a week. A Times of India article says that overworking isn’t new to India’s tech sector. Startups expect their employees to always be available. This includes Sundays, late nights and holidays.

“During the first two or four years, yes, people work six days a week and many a time, for 12 hours daily, or even 14 to 16 hours. But it’s not sustainable,” one person said. “Also, as the company matures, it requires an experienced senior management and industry experts, who are not used to crazy hours. So then one makes more accommodative HR policies. Today, as a nine year-old company, we work only five days a week.”

Death at work

‘Govt of India is responsible for my death”

Biswajit Majumdar, an engineer, who didn’t receive his salary for the last 28 months, committed suicide and and left a suicide note on his fridge that said “I quit. Government of India is responsible for my death.” Newsclick reports, “Since the Nagaon mill shut down in 2017, three employees have taken their own lives. Since the last 28 months, there has been no salary and have also stopped Provident Fund, pension and gratuity.” The workers have tried everything, according to them, including protests and hunger strikes but nothing has worked.

Also Read: On May Day, India’s Temple Builders Demand Workplace Safety Against Silicosis

On May Day, India’s temple builders demand workplace safety

Adivasi and Dalit labourers of Pindwara have been building temples. On May Day, 400 of them took to the streets of Pindwara’s industrial area. The workers had been trying to raise awareness around the occupational disease of Silicosis. The Wire reports, “According to the Sirohi district’s health department, over 1,650 of these temple-building workers are dying due to a fatal, untreatable lung disease.”

Carving of silica-rich stones for temples underway, releasing toxic, super-fine dust. Given the lack of effective safety and dust-control mechanisms in these stone-carving factories, workers end up inhaling large volumes of this deadly dust for 7-8 hours a day. The lethal silica in this dust scars their lungs and rapidly diminishes its capacity to take in oxygen. This leads to Silicosis, a fatal and highly debilitating disease with no cure. Credit: Yuvraj Dhir

121 workplace deaths in FY18 at India’s top companies

Based on annual filings, RTI requests, and e-mails, there were 121 deaths in 33 of India’s biggest companies during the 2018 fiscal year. These include fire accidents, falls, road and truck accidents etc. as the causes of death. In FY2017, there were 96 deaths while there were 120 deaths in FY2016.

Other news

In Chhattisgarh, factory employees and farmers fight Centre’s ‘anti-worker’ policies

Chhattisgarh, one of the least developed states in India, also has a large population of mine workers and farm labourers. In last year’s state elections, the people voted out the three-term BJP government and ushered in a Congress government. This was attributed to the deepening crisis in both the farm and non-farm jobs scenario in the region.

Also Read: Protesting Exploitation, Women Workers From Garment Industry Paint Bangalore Red

For the general elections, farmers’ and workers’ unions from across the state have united to campaign against the policies of the Centre. They say the Centre has neglected the agrarian crisis and is unable to create quality jobs in the industrial sector.

All major central trade unions barring the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS), affiliated to the Sangh parivar, have campaigned against the BJP-led NDA government. Firstpost reported this as part of its series ‘Election on Wheels’.

International news

Turkey’s garbage collectors open a library with discarded books

Housed at a unoccupied building of the sanitation department headquarters in Ankara, the capital of Turkey, stands a monument to the ingenuity of workers as well as the ‘wealth’ available in what we consider ‘waste’. With over 6,000 books, categorised into various themes and topics, is a library raised by the garbage collectors of Ankara.

Starting as a small attempt to provide books for the workers and their children, it was opened to the public last year. It is managed by the workers, with active support from the municipal administration. With more books being donated, it is sure to become a great source of learning. Here is a report on the library.

Cyprus serial killer case exposes abuse of migrant women

The murder of five migrant women workers and two girls by an army officer in Cyprus has revealed the underbelly of the migrant work system even in an economic region with strong labour laws, such as the European Union.

The victims were all migrant workers from Philippines, India and other Asian countries. They had been reported missing, in some cases for over three years. It was the confession of the accused that has revealed the extent of the serial murders.

The failure of the police to investigate the cases thoroughly has led to criticism from migrant workers, and rights organisations. They allege that these crimes expose a certain level of callous approach to crimes where migrants are victims. They also discuss the systemic failure of regulation to protect these workers, who suffer from harsh working conditions and minimum wage violations, yet remain stuck with employers for fear of losing their work permits.

While the Cyprus government has assured an investigation into the police failure. Activists are demanding action to implement labour laws more effectively and create a more conducive work environment for migrants.

Fourth Phase Sees 64% Turnout; Violence in West Bengal, Odisha

There were several reports of malfunctioning EVMs.

New Delhi: Incidents of violence in West Bengal and Odisha that left a Congress worker dead and EVM glitches were reported in the fourth phase of Lok Sabha polls on Monday which saw 64% turnout in 72 seats across nine states.

In the heartland states, where the BJP had won 30 out of 32 seats in 2014, 67.73% turnout was recorded in Rajasthan (13 seats), 58.56% in Uttar Pradesh (13 seats) and 67.09% in Madhya Pradesh (6 seats), according to the Election Commission.

West Bengal recorded a high turnout at 76.66 in the eight seats, though clashes broke out between supporters of TMC and BJP in Nanoor, Rampurhat, Nalhati and Suri areas of Birbhum seat, leaving several people injured.

In Barabani, BJP candidate from Asansol and Union minister minister Babul Supriyo’s vehicle was vandalised allegedly by TMC workers outside a polling station while in Dubrajpur area central security forces personnel reportedly opened fire in the air to disperse irate people who attacked them when they were barred from entering the booths with mobile phones.

Security personnel make for for Babul Supriyo’s car after it was allegedly attacked by TMC supporters in Asansol during the fourth phase of the Lok Sabha elections on April 29, 2019. Credit: PTI

An FIR was registered against Supriyo for allegedly getting into an argument with polling officials, an election official said. The ruling Trinamool Congress and the BJP accused each other of intimidating voters in the state, which has seen violence in all previous three phases despite stepped up central forces deployment.

The stakes are high for the BJP which had won 56 of these 72 constituencies in the 2014 polls. About 12.79 crore people were eligible for voting in the fourth phase. With this round, polling has been completed in 374 seats out of 543.

According to a senior police officer, violence was reported from several places in six parliamentary seats in Odisha, where the turnout was 64.05%.

A Congress worker was stabbed to death in Balikuda-Erasama are of Jagatsinghpur seat while he was returning from a polling booth. The victim, Lachman Behera, had recently quit the BJD to join the Congress, the official said.

Clashes between supporters of the ruling BJD and the BJP were reported from Jajpur Kendrapara and Balasore Lok Sabha seats amid allegations poll rigging.

Technical glitches in EVMs delayed polling in 60 booths, but it resumed after the snags were rectified.

During a mock-poll in Madhya Pradesh, electronic voting machines were replaced at 207 polling booths as some glitches were found. EVMs were also replaced at 106 polling booths after the voting began, according to officials.

Polling was peaceful in Rajasthan, with tribal dominated seat of Banswara recording the highest voting percentage at 72.34, followed by Barmer which recorded 72.21% voting, according to state election officials.

Nearly 55.86% voting was recorded in Maharashtra (17 seats), 59.02% Bihar (five seats) and 64.38% Jharkhand (3 seats), according to data provided by the Election Commission.

In Kulgam district of Anantnag constituency in Jammu and Kashmir, 10.5% polling was recorded, amid isolated incidents of stone pelting. This was the second of the three-phase polling in the sensitive seat.

Billionaires and Bollywood stars lined up outside polling stations along with the common folks in Mumbai, where polling was held in six constituencies. Celebrities including Amitabh Bachchan, the Khan troika of Shah Rukh, Salman and Aamir, Deepika Padukone, Sachin Tendulkar along with his wife and Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray cast their votes in Mumbai. Actors Priyanka Chopra, Rekha, Aamir Khan and his wife Kiran Rao were among the early voters.

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In Uttar Pradesh, opposition Samajwadi Party’s alleged that many EVMs malfunctioned and in Kannauj, from where SP chief Akhilesh Yadav’s wife and sitting MP Dimple Yadav is contesting, several party workers were prevented from coming out of their homes to vote.

In Kanpur, BJP workers allegedly tried to barge into a polling booth and clashed with the police. A case was registered against BJP leader Suresh Awasthi and six others in this regard, Kanpur District Magistrate Vijay Vishwas Pant said.

Reports were received of EVMs malfunctioning in Bidhauna area in Kannauj following which polling remained suspended for over an hour. Complaints were also reported in Etawah under Auriaya district, with voters claiming they had to wait for hours at polling booths in Tilak Mahavidyalaya, Sahupur, Ajitmal and Dalelnagar to cast their votes.

According to a report from Hardoi, an elderly woman voter complained that the presiding officer at Jamkara booth forcibly pressed the EVM button. The sector magistrate removed the officer and handed him over to the police.

CP candidate Kanhaiya Kumar after casting his vote in Begusarai, Bihar, on April 29, 2019. Credit: PTI

Besides Dimple Yadav, prominent candidates in the fray in this phase are former ministers Salman Khurshid (Farrukhabd) and Sriprakash Jaiswal (Kanpur) of Congress, UP minister Satyadev Pachauri (Kanpur) and Sakshi Maharaj of BJP (Unnao)

In Bihar, voting was delayed due to EVM malfunctioning at three polling stations in Munger, two polling stations in Darbhanga and three polling stations in Begusarai, from where CPI’s Kanhaiya Kumar and BJP Union minister Giriraj Singh are contesting, official sources said.

Voting was also held for 41 assembly seats in Odisha and the Chhindwara assembly by-poll in Madhya Pradesh, where chief minister Kamal Nath is contesting.

Elections to 542 Lok Sabha seats is being conducted in seven phases between April 11 and May 19. The results will be declared on May 23.