Author: Shruti Jain

Shruti Jain is a reporter at The Wire.

Explainer: Do Farmers Have Reason to Criticise the Draft Seed Bill?

Rakesh Tikait recently said if the farmers’ movement had not taken place, the Centre would have enacted the Seed Bill by now. What makes it problematic?

Jaipur: The Narendra Modi government’s draft Seed Bill, 2019, has once again caught headlines with farmers’ leader Rakesh Tikait bringing it up during his recent call to cut power lines to 16 states if the Centre does not address farmers’ demands.

Tikait had stated that if the farmers’ movement had not taken place, the government would have enacted the Seed Bill by now, in an effort to benefit private seed companies.

The Wire takes a look at why the 2019 Seed Bill is being criticised by farmers’ organisations:

What preceded the Bill when it came to regulations relating to seed in India?

The drive for an organised seed programme was given a legislative assent by the enactment of The Seeds Act, 1966. The idea was to supply quality seeds to farmers in order to increase agricultural production. To enforce this Act, The Seed Rules, 1968 were formulated.

Still, the law was restrictive in nature as it regulated only the notified varieties of seeds. In 1983, The Seeds (Control) Order under the powers of the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, was passed to control the distribution and supply of seeds.

Two decades later, The Seeds Bill, 2004, was brought to repeal and replace The Seeds Act, 1966. It was referred to the parliamentary standing committee which made strong recommendations against the bill.

The committee scrutinised the provisions of the Bill largely in respect of how it dealt with the enforcement of farmers’ right to produce and sell seeds against the profit-making interests of private companies.

Shantabai Chikhale, a farmer, harvests damaged soybean crops at Kalamb village in Pune district in Maharashtra, November 11, 2019. Photo: Reuters/Rajendra Jadhav/Files

Just a few years ago, in 2001 and before the introduction of this Bill, The Protection of Plant Variety and Farmers Rights Act (PPVFRA) was enacted. It had provisions to safeguard farmers’ rights in the seed trade. The need for this law was felt at that point due to India’s commitments to the World Trade Organization (WTO), honouring which could pave for the entry of multi-national companies in the seed business.

Amid legislative complications, the Narendra Modi government brought a draft Seed Bill in 2019 that only partially incorporates the recommendations made by the parliamentary standing committee.

What are the points of objections raised by the standing committee?

The committee had primarily spoken against the fact that the Bill made it obligatory for farmers to register their seeds and conform to a “minimum limit of germination, physical purity and genetic purity.” It reasoned that such provisions go against the farmers’ right to produce and sell the seeds, and opens up the market entirely in favour of the private sector.

The committee recommended keeping tabs on private players by enforcing a strict regime of price regulation of seeds and removal of their self-certification.

Also read: The Problem With the Draft Seed Bill 2019, for Indian Farmers

It also raised the need of restarting the seed crop insurance scheme launched during the ninth Five Year Plan period, among other notable suggestions.

Does the 2019 Seed Bill incorporate the recommendations made by the standing committee?

The current draft Bill has accepted many of the recommendations of the standing committee. However, on many crucial points it is still silent.

The committee had recommended to amend Clause 1(3)(b) to specify that the law will be applicable to every producer of seed “other than a farmer” and the Bill has included it. However, the suggestion of broadening the definition of “farmer” under the Bill to include even those who “conserve traditional varieties [of seeds] or add value to them” do not find a place in the Bill.

This implies that there is no compulsion on farmers now to register their seeds but if any person other than farmers or companies – perhaps a member of an indigenous community – tries to, they would not be able to produce and sell the seeds.

Also read: Farm Bills, Small Farmers and Chasing the Agri-Dollar Dream

The committee had also recommended the development of a mechanism to check on the misbranding of seeds so that low-quality and undesirable seeds are not sold in the market but the Bill has no such mechanism.

Farmer leader Rakesh Tikait. Photo: PTI

The committee had not suggested to include “synthetic seeds” within the definition of “seed”. However, the Bill included “synthetic seeds” as well as “hybrid seeds” within the definition.

The committee had emphasised on farmers’ participation. It had particularly asked to include farmers’ representatives from various geographical zones in the Central Seed Committee. While the Bill has included them, it has also diluted the demand by adding a qualification to it. The Bill states that the farmers’ representation would be “on rotation” indicating the government’s reluctance to make the farmers a party in the implementation of seed regulations.

The committee also laid massive emphasis on the price regulation of seeds by the Central Seed Committee or the state-level committees but the Bill did not address it.

Significantly, the committee wanted a provision where people could oppose the registration of a new kind or variety of seeds on the basis of either harm to environment or other compelling reasons. In line with this, declaring the origin or the parentage of the seed was also suggested. However, the Bill did not include any of these recommendations.

What is at stake for farmers?

With the expansion of the private sector into the seed business across the country, the price of seeds has sky-rocketed which is in turn is increasing the cost of cultivation. For instance, Pioneer, a private company dealing in mustard seed sells at the cost of approximately Rs 750 per kilogram. Same is the case with other private companies.

Since the farmers do not have an assured production, keeping in mind various natural disasters, they often do not get back the amount they invest and due to lack of money to repay credit, they often find themselves trapped in debt.

Pehlu Khan Case: With HC Expected To Hear Appeal, Here Are Key Facts Ignored by Trial Court

Six of the accused were acquitted in 2019 for lack of evidence, but the order came under wide criticism.

Jaipur: There has been no advancement in the lynching case of dairy farmer Pehlu Khan after a trial court in Rajasthan’s Alwar district acquitted six of the accused in 2019 for lack of evidence. In 2020, the Ashok Gehlot-led Congress state government and Khan’s son had filed an appeal in the high court, but so far there has been no response from the court regarding the acceptance of the appeal.

However, as per advocates in the case, the hearing of the appeal is expected next month. “We are hopeful that the high court will take this matter on April 15,” advocate Nasir Ali Naqvi told The Wire.

The acquittal order had drawn wide criticism on the grounds that the witnesses were not duly cross-examined, apart from additional evidence not being admitted. The trial court also did not appreciate crucial evidence and did consider the testimony of key eyewitnesses, critics say.

Also Read: A Detailed Breakdown of Exactly How Justice Was Denied to Pehlu Khan

With the case expected to be heard by the high court, The Wire takes a look at some of the key facts that were apparently not appreciated at the trial stage.

Alibi of accused was not thoroughly cross-examined 

The controversy began when the six men – associated with a local right-wing group – who were named by Khan in his dying declaration were discharged by the police. The police had concluded that these persons, namely, Om Yadav, Hukum Chand, Naveen Sharma, Sudhir Yadav, Rahul Saini and Jagmal, were at a nearby gaushala (cow shelter) at the time of the incident.

However, during the trial, this claim could not be established. The witnesses presented by the defence stated in their testimonies that the accused persons had come to the cow shelter on the day of the lynching with cows along with two policemen namely, Vikram Singh and Raghubir Singh. On the other hand, these policemen didn’t specifically state that the accused were with them. Even then, they were not cross-examined to establish the presence or absence of the accused at the cow shelter at the time of the lynching.

Extrajudicial confession 

The extrajudicial confession of one of the accused, Vipin, to NDTV, was not appreciated by the trial court even as he had revealed, on air, how they assaulted Khan, resulting in his death consequentially. His confession was aired on August 6, 2018.

As per the Indian Evidence Act, 1872, a confession made to a person other than a judicial magistrate is not strong evidence to establish the criminality of the person. However, it still is a better piece of evidence than a confession made in police custody.

Crucial electronic evidence not included 

The lynching was filmed on the mobiles of the mob which attacked Khan and his son. It was supposed to be cogent proof of the culpability of the accused. However, the trial court refused to admit this evidence on record, merely on technical grounds.

As per the investigation officer in the case Parmal Singh, a mobile phone was confiscated from the accused named Ravindra and photographs out of the filmed video were developed. However, it was not admitted as evidence due to lack of certificate, a condition mandated under section 65 B of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872. The said clip was also not sent for forensic examination.

It is interesting to note that the defence didn’t raise any objection over the certificate compliance of the developed photographs exhibited in the court. It only objected that the record of the call details record was not a certified copy.

In a slew of cases, the Supreme Court has laid down a varied interpretation of the obligation to produce a certificate for electronic evidence under the said section. In 2005, the Supreme Court in State (National Capital Territory of Delhi) vs Navjot Sandhu, held that e-records furnished without a certificate will still be made admissible as secondary evidence. The idea was to consider this obligation as only a procedural measure.

However, in 2014, the apex court in Anvar P.V. vs P.K. Basheer overturned the Navjot Sandhu ruling stating, “Generalia specialibus non derogant.” This meant special law will prevail over general law. In this context, it means that the modes of proving secondary evidence will not have any application in the case of electronic evidence.

Supreme Court building. Photo: The Wire

Again, in Shafhi Mohammad vs State of Himachal Pradesh, the Supreme Court had specifically stated that the certificate for electronic records is only a procedural provision. It is applicable in cases when electronic evidence is produced by the person who is in control of the device and hence, able to provide a certificate. In cases when the person is not in possession of the device, the electronic evidence can be accepted as secondary evidence.

In the latest judgment of Arjun Panditrao Khotkar vs Kailash Kushanrao Gorantyal and Ors, the apex court has restored the Anvar P.V. decision. Therefore, the present status is in the favor of mandatory certification of electronic evidence for admissibility.

Also Read: Pehlu Khan Case: Police Statement to Court Indicates Rajasthan CID Diluted Probe

Witness who turned hostile not thoroughly cross-examined

During the trial, one of the witnesses named Ravindra Yadav had turned hostile. Still, the trial court didn’t consider his statement even after he was cross-examined by the public prosecutor. He had said earlier, “I saw thousands of people gathered on the other side of the road. I filmed them for a few seconds and went away. I didn’t recognise any person among the crowd.”

After turning hostile, he stated, “People from the pick-up [Pehlu Khan and his sons] were standing on the road and some persons including Dayanand and others from the village were beating them. I asked them to stop but they didn’t listen to me and continued beating them.”

Rajasthan’s BJP Unit on a Shaky Ground with Vasundhara Raje-Satish Poonia Rivalry

With nearly two years left for the next assembly polls, the internal feud in the party is being seen as a source of friction among senior leaders in the party, and believed to be costing the party dear.

Jaipur: The brewing infighting within the ranks of the Rajasthan’s Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) has come out in the open with loyalists of former chief minister Vasundhara Raje and current state unit chief Satish Poonia publicly criticising each other.

Last month, an attempt by Raje loyalists to launch a forum to exert pressure on the party leadership to project her as a chief ministerial candidate for the next assembly polls was countered by Poonia’s camp with a similar forum. Given that the next assembly elections are almost two years away, in December 2023, the internal party feud is seen by many as costing the party’s image among people.

Later, when Raje missed a crucial core committee meeting of the party, headed by Poonia, it played into the hands of rumour mills that there is a possible rivalry between the two.

Adding to this, Raje’s loyalists have now issued a press release holding the current party leadership in the state responsible for the party’s loss in the recently concluded local body polls. Though the press statement did not name Poonia specifically, it referred to him as a “particular person”.

Chhabra MLA, Pratap Singh Singhvi, and former MLAs Prahlad Gunjal, Bhawani Rajawat, Vidya Shankar and Babulal Verma, in a statement issued on February 8, wrote, “On the directions of a ‘vyakti vishesh’ (particular person), the state unit has caused massive loss to BJP’s stronghold in Rajasthan’s Hadoti. If things do not change, nobody will be able to save the party’s boat from sinking.”

“Upon the instructions of a particular person, people who didn’t have any connection on the ground were made election in-charges and tickets were distributed. It is because of all this that such a situation has arisen,” the statement added.

Also read: Is Vasundhara Raje Losing Political Ground in Rajasthan’s BJP Unit?

The matters further worsened on Tuesday after party leader and Rajya Sabha MP Kirori Lal Meena, a staunch Raje critic, spoke on the issue.

Meena rubbished the infighting reports calling them “wrong” and “misleading”.

“Neither Raje is being sidelined nor is she going anywhere herself,” he said.

However, on being asked if Raje is the most accepted leader of the party in the state, Meena replied, “Raje has held various important posts of the organisation, including the chief ministerial post in the state twice, and there is no question of her being sidelined.”

Raje presses ahead

Meanwhile, it is rumoured that Raje is likely to announce a yatra (rally) in March to assert herself in the state politics and her loyalists are preparing the ground for it.

“March 8 is madam’s birthday and she is going to make a big announcement,” a Raje’s loyalist told The Wire on the condition of anonymity.

Despite the fact that there are nearly two more years left for the assembly polls, Raje camp’s moves are indicative of her insecurities in the party, perhaps, with the growing influence of Poonia over the party.

Her loyalists see Poonia as being unfavourable to Raje. In the past few years, he has overseen and allowed appointments of Raje’s detractors in key positions of the party.

Also read: Rajasthan: BJP Ally RLP Threatens To Quit NDA Over Central Farm Laws

Those in the BJP feel that after Raje, Poonia is now trying to sideline former home minister and the leader of opposition Gulab Chand Kataria. Kataria is seen as number two in terms of seniority in BJP’s Rajasthan unit, after Raje.

According to sources, the names recommended by Kataria from his turf Udaipur for the party’s executive board have not been included. On the other hand, party workers from adjoining districts of Dungarpur and Banswara, of Poonia camp, have made to the board.

Similarly, for the BJP’s youth division, the names of party workers from Udaipur suggested by Kataria have also been ignored. Sources say that he has recommended Gajendra Bhandari and Chandrasekhar Joshi but in vain. However, Poonia’s aide Kuldeep Sharma from Udaipur has been included in the state executive.

All of this is being seen within the ranks of BJP as Poonia’s attempt to sideline his rivals ahead of the 2023 assembly elections in the state.

The recent developments in the BJP state executive are leading to friction among senior leaders, and many of them have already “alerted” the party high command in Delhi of the goings-on.

Cross-Border Couples Rejoice as India Resumes Visa Service To Pakistanis

The Sodha Rajput community’s tradition of cross-border marriages had run into hindrances after the Pulwama attack in February 2019.

Jaipur: In a move that will provide major relief, the Indian High Commission in Pakistan has granted permission to cross-border couples to apply for visas.

“We received an email [from the High Commission] saying that now we can apply for a visa,” Mahendra Singh from Khejad ka Paar in Rajasthan’s Barmer, who got married to Chagan Kunwar, a Sodha Rajput woman from Pakistan in January 2019, told The Wire.

The visa service was halted almost two years ago, when relations between India and Pakistan were strained following the Pulwama terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir in February 2019 and India’s retaliatory airstrike in Pakistan’s Balakot.

This decision forced several couples to remain separated. The Sodha Rajputs based in Pakistan’s Umerkot follow an age-old tradition of marrying their daughters to Rajput families in India’s Rajasthan.

Also Read: For These Cross-Border Couples, Strained India-Pak Ties Mean an Indefinite Separation

For the wedding ceremony, the Indian Rajput men travel to Pakistan via the Thar Express, a special passenger train from Bhagat Ki Kothi in India’s Jodhpur to Karachi Cantonment in Pakistan’s Sindh.

After the wedding, the couples try and obtain visas to return to India together.

However, due to the strained relationship between the two countries, several Pakistani brides who were married just a few days before the Pulwama attack were not able to come to India and live with their husbands.

Their husbands had alleged that the Indian government was refusing to grant these visas as it was not ready to improve relations with Pakistan.

The Wire had in September 2020 documented the plight of some cross-border couples.

The deputy high commissioner in Islamabad had told The Wire then that the borders were shut. He added that due to COVID-19, regular visa services for Pakistani nationals were suspended.

However, this time, there is also a stipulation on the mode of travel. The email from the High Commission states, “Visa issued will be valid only for the air route, and for a limited duration.”

Pilot Gets Cold Shoulder From Rahul Gandhi at Rajasthan Kisan Mahapanchayat

According to sources, this treatment was a reaction to Pilot’s conduct of holding the kisan mahapanchayats on his own, days ahead of Gandhi’s visit.

Jaipur: Apart from extending solidarity to the farmers who are protesting against the Centre’s three farm laws, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s kisan mahapanchayat in Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh district saw a massive deviation from the usual protocol of chief minister Ashok Gehlot and former deputy chief minister Sachin Pilot sitting beside Gandhi on the dais. Even the typical raising of hands in unity didn’t occur at the rally. All this has once again paved way for speculations of instability in the Congress government in the state.

This time, Gehlot managed a seat adjacent to Gandhi, while Pilot sat away from him in the same line. As per reports, Pilot also didn’t sit in the car in which Gandhi was taken to the mahapanchayat spot from the airport. However, Gehlot and the new Rajasthan Pradesh Congress Committee chief Govind Singh Dotasra, who replaced Pilot, were in the car with Gandhi.

Further, Pilot didn’t get a chance to address the mahapanchayat in Pilibanga town of Hanumangarh even as Gehlot, Rajasthan Congress in-charge Ajay Maken and Dotasra spoke from the dais. However, Pilot addressed the public in the second rally in Sri Ganganagar.

According to sources, this treatment was a reaction to Pilot’s conduct of holding the kisan mahapanchayats on his own, days ahead of Gandhi’s visit.

These mahapanchayats by Pilot were not attended by any Congress leader and not endorsed by the party.

It was seen as simply a show of strength by Pilot. Discourse on Congress politics in Rajasthan is consumed by talks of infighting between Gehlot and Pilot, and Pilot’s holding of massive rallies by himself is expected to be quite damaging to the party’s image in the eyes of the public.

Also read: With Growing Trust Deficit for Modi Govt, Will Opposition Gain From the Kisan Mahapanchayat Model?

Gandhi is on a two-day tour to Rajasthan to hold kisan mahapanchayats at various districts in Rajasthan, including Pilibanga in Hanumangarh district and Padampur in Sri Ganganagar district.

In the mahapanchayat, Gandhi sat on a charpoy. In his address, he took on the Modi government, saying, “I will explain to you why Modi is bringing these three laws.”

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi addresses farmers rally at Rupangadh near Ajmer, Rajasthan, Saturday, Feb. 13, 2021. Photo: PTI

He said that the laws would snatch employment from 40% of India’s population, ruining the lives of farmers and small traders.

“The first law is to abolish the mandis. With the second law, any industrialist will be able to buy sugarcane from anywhere in the country and stock it, which means they will have the power to control the price. This will legitimise hoarding. As per the third law, the companies will sell all the fruits and vegetables, leaving behind nothing for the small traders.”

Gandhi also said that Modi can’t stand up to China while alleging that Indian territory has been ceded to China by his government.

Also read: In Rahul Gandhi, Mahua Moitra’s Fiery Speeches, a Glimpse of a Spirited Opposition

“China took away thousands of kilometres from India and the defence minister says that an agreement has been reached. The agreement here is that the Modi government has handed over the Indian land to China.”

He added that Modi government will be forced to take back the laws as the Indian farmers are standing against them.

“Narendra Modi doesn’t realise the power of India’s farmers and labourers. When the Britishers couldn’t stand before India’s farmers, who is Narendra Modi?” he said.

Chief minister Gehlot didn’t miss the chance to praise Gandhi for fighting against the Modi regime on behalf of the farmers. He said, “The only leader in the country who can challenge Modi ji is Rahul Gandhi.” He further added that the farmers across the country were looking up to Rahul Gandhi for raising their issues.

Rajasthan: Why Is Sachin Pilot Holding Kisan Mahapanchayats Ahead of Rahul Gandhi’s Visit?

Through the rallies, the former deputy chief minister is trying to demonstrate that his influence has not diminished, even if his stature has.

Jaipur: Just a few days ahead of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s visit to Rajasthan to lend support farmers who are protesting the Centre’s three farm laws, former deputy chief minister Sachin Pilot has been holding massive “kisan mahapanchayats”.

While these meetings have been well attended, the state’s chief minister Ashok Gehlot, cabinet ministers and the Congress party’s key functionaries have distanced themselves from the rallies.

This has once again added fuel to speculations that the rift between Pilot and Gehlot has not yet been settled. Last year, Pilot publicly rebelled against the chief minister, alleging that the latter has sidelined him in the state administration. As a result, Pilot was sacked from the position of deputy chief minister and as the president of the Rajasthan Pradesh Congress Committee (RPCC).

These mahapanchayats are being held across various districts in the eastern Rajasthan, known to be a stronghold of Pilot and the MLAs who support him.

Sources suggest that by picking up the farmers’ issue, Pilot has pounced on the opportunity to show his strength, even before Gehlot and the top leadership could register their solidarity with the ongoing farmers’ protests in the state.

The timing is also significant, perhaps intended to demonstrate to Rahul Gandhi that his influence among the people has not diminished, even if his stature in the party has been.

Naturally, this has not gone down well with Gehlot, which is evident from the fact that the official social media handle of the RPCC has not shared anything about the rallies being held by Pilot.

On the other hand, the MLAs in Pilot’s camp are busy gaining traction for him both on the ground as well as social media. Bharatpur MLA and former tourism minister Vishvendra Singh, who was sacked from his position for being an ally of Pilot, has called him “kisano ka Pilot” (farmers’ Pilot). He has even created a symbol for the Pilot faction, a vertical aeroplane with moustaches over Rajasthan’s map, perhaps meant to signify Pilot’s “grip” over the state.

Other Pilot camp MLAs such as Murari Lal Meena, Ved Prakash Solanki, P.R. Meena, Harish Meena, Rakesh Pareek and G.R. Khatana have been involved in organising the mahapanchayats across eastern Rajasthan, which will be held throughout this week.

These developments also assume significance in the wake of a long-due cabinet expansion of the Gehlot government, which has been delayed for about two months now.

The Pilot camp has been quite vocal about seeking positions in the Gehlot cabinet as a reward for its remarkable performance in the local bodies and Panchayat elections held recently.

The cabinet reshuffle is expected to be taken up during the Budget session, which will start on Wednesday.

Apart from putting on record through the mahapanchayats that his appeal in Rajasthan has not been affected despite his fall in rank, Pilot criticised the Centre for bringing the laws in amid the pandemic.

“None of the state governments were consulted before formulating these laws, no farmers’ organisation was asked and the three laws were hurriedly passed in the House and forcibly imposed on the country,” he said in his address at the Dausa Kisan Mahapanchayat.

The mahapanchayat in Dausa had also adopted a memorandum addressed to President Ram Nath Koving, demanding the immediate repeal of the farm laws, withdrawal of cases registered against the protesting farmers and compensation to the families of farmers who lost their lives in the agitation. They also reiterated the demand that the minimum support price (MSP) system should be made a legally binding right.

Is Vasundhara Raje Losing Political Ground in Rajasthan’s BJP Unit?

The former chief minister’s tendency to step into the background when the party is not in power has this time given the opportunity for many of her critics to rise through the ranks.

Jaipur: The political clout of former Rajasthan chief minister Vasundhara Raje seems to be declining within the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP). Recent political developments hint that Raje’s path to the top position, if indeed the saffron party manages to come to power in 2023, is not going to be a cakewalk.

While Raje has traditionally tended to ‘disappear’ when the BJP is voted out of power, only to return to the scene around a year before the next elections, her absence this time is paving the way for many to rise up the ladder.

While Raje is seen as the undisputed leader of the BJP’s state unit, in the past two years, the party has appointed several of her staunch critics in key positions.

Two recent developments hint that the party could be heading towards infighting. Those loyal to Raje made attempts to cement her position in the party by launching a forum that demanded Raje should be the chief ministerial candidate in the 2023 assembly elections. The forum is called ‘Vasundhara Raje Samarthak Manch Rajasthan’ (VRSMR).

However, to counter this, a parallel forum to support BJP state president Satish Poonia was also launched.

Soon after an outfit to support Raje’s candidature for the CM post was launched, a similar outfit to support BJP state president Satish Poonia’s candidature was floated. Courtesy: Patrika

Raje also missed the party’s crucial core committee meeting, leading to rumours that she was deliberately sidelined.

It must be noted that during the 2018 assembly polls in Rajasthan, the rift between then-BJP national president Amit Shah and Raje became public. The latter opposed the Shah’s proposal to choose Gajendra Singh Shekhawat as the state unit chief. She instead brought in Rajya Sabha MP and RSS veteran Madan Lal Saini.

However, the party’s loss in the assembly elections paved the way for the Narendra Modi-Amit Shah duo to assert their control over the state unit’s politics.

Post Saini’s demise in June 2019, Satish Poonia, an RSS volunteer, replaced him as the BJP’s state chief.

Several Raje critics appointed to key positions

Poonia is quite clearly not Raje’s ‘yes man’. As Rajasthan BJP’s president, he has approved the induction of several well-known Raje detractors, including RSS poster boy and Ramganj Mandi MLA  Madan Dilawar. Other critics of Raje who have received Poonia’s nod are Rajsamand MP Diya Kumari and senior leader Ghanshyam Tiwari.

Dilawar wasn’t on talking terms with Raje after he was denied a ticket to contest in the 2008 and 2013 assembly elections. However, in 2018, he replaced Chandrakanta Meghwal, the then sitting legislator from the Ramganj Madi seat.

During her term as the CM, Raje directed the Jaipur Development Authority to seal Kumari’s Raj Mahal Palace in 2016.

Kumari, who is a member of the erstwhile Jaipur royal family, was irked by this move and led protests against Raje with the support of the Rajput community.

Both Dilawar and Kumari were appointed as the BJP’s state unit’s general secretaries last year.

Ghanshyam Tiwari was a staunch critic of Raje and accused her government of large-scale corruption. He had quit the party in 2018 over the BJP government’s move to gag the media from reporting on allegations of corruption against the judiciary and legislature. He joined the party again last month.

For the position of leader of the opposition too, former home minister and RSS man Gulab Chand Kataria was chosen, against Raje’s will.

Relations between Raje and Kataria have never been the best. Ahead of the 2013 polls, Kataria had asserted himself as the chief ministerial candidate and declared his intention to conduct a yatra. He was forced to roll back this decision after Raje threatened to quit the party, along with a significant number of MLAs. In 2018, Raje made him assist her in the ‘Gaurav Yatra’.

To compensate, Rajendra Rathore, a seven-time BJP MLA and a close aide of Raje’s, was declared Kataria’s deputy. He had been seen as the frontrunner for the LoP post.

Gulab Chand Kataria. Photo: Facebook/Gulab Chand Kataria

Further, the party appointed another Raje critic, Gyan Dev Ahuja, the state unit’s vice-president. Raje had denied him the party’s ticket from the Ramgarh seat, after which he announced that he would contest independently from the Sanganer seat. After taking up the vice-president post, Ahuja thanked Amit Shah.

Senior leaders in the BJP say that these political developments are not “unnatural”.

Speaking to The Wire, LoP Kataria said, “There is absolutely no question about who would be the chief minister if the BJP comes to power.”

“At this point, we all have to work. There is no competition as such among anyone. It’s the Central leadership which will decide who becomes the CM,” he added.

Asked to comment on Raje’s absence from the core committee meeting, Kataria said, “She has other roles to perform.” This was perhaps a reference to Raje’s role as one of the national vice-presidents of the BJP.

Kataria was also not present at the meeting, as he was campaigning for the municipal elections.

Another leader said that even if Raje is being sidelined, it is a necessary development. “Isn’t it quite natural that the party will look for new and young faces? This happens in every organisation,” said the leader, on the condition of anonymity.

Rajasthan: Congress Reshuffle Strikes Fine Balance Between Gehlot, Pilot Factions

The party leadership has done a tight-rope walk and also managed to satisfy the factions of Speaker C.P. Joshi and Govind Singh Dotasra. All eyes are now on the cabinet expansion.

Jaipur: The latest organisational revamp in the Rajasthan Pradesh Congress Committee (RPCC) has attempted to assuage the factions led by Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot, which had been warring until recently.

The party, through its recent reshuffle, has indicated that it is committed to the promises made to Pilot last year after he had rebelled against Gehlot, bringing the Congress party government to the brink of collapse.

K.C. Venugopal, the All India Congress Committee (AICC) general secretary, recently announced the party’s executive committee  in Rajasthan, comprising of 39 members. There are seven vice-presidents, eight general secretaries, and 24 secretaries in the RPCC. The new executive body accommodates supporters of Pilot, Gehlot, C.P. Joshi (assembly speaker), and Govind Singh Dotasra, who recently replaced Pilot as RPCC chief.

This latest party reshuffle is also seen as a blueprint for the most-awaited cabinet expansion in the state government.

Among the seven vice-presidents named in the list are senior party leaders Rajendra Choudhary and Naseem Akhtar from the Pilot camp, while Govind Meghwal (Khajuwala MLA) and Jitendra Singh (Khetri MLA) are from Gehlot’s side.

Congress leaders from Joshi’s camp who made it to the list of vice-presidents are Bundi Harimohan Sharma and Ram Lal Jat (Mandal MLA). Bagidora MLA Mahendra Jeet Malviya – who was mentioned in a first information report (FIR) by the Rajasthan police’s special operation group for allegedly conspiring to topple the Ashok Gehlot’s government’s last year – has also been made vice-president.

Also read: Ashok Gehlot vs Sachin Pilot: A Timeline of How the Rajasthan Crisis Unfolded

For the posts of eight general secretaries, three well-known Pilot supporters have been given place. These include MLA from Bandikui (Dausa), GR Khatana; MLA from Masuda (Ajmer) Rakesh Pareek; and MLA from Chaksu (Jaipur) Ved Prakash Solanki.

At the same time, three of Gehlot’s supporters have also been listed, namely, MLA from Fatehpur (Sikar), Hakam Ali Khan; Lakhan Meena; and MLA from Niwai (Tonk) Prashant Bairwa. Apart from them, Mangi Lal Garasiya who could not win the Gogunda seat from Udaipur in the last assembly polls too has made it to the list. He is considered close to Joshi.

Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot (2L), Congress leaders Sachin Pilot (3L), Avinash Pandey and others flash a victory sign during the MLAs meeting at CM residence, in Jaipur, Thursday, August 13, 2020. Photo: PTI

Among the 24 secretaries, six loyal Gehlot supporters have been named, including Sachin Sarvatee, Shravan Patel, Vishal Jangid and Gajendra Sankhala. Among Dotasra’s supporters who made it to the list are Jaswant Gurjar, Lalit Tunwal, Phool Singh Ola, Pushpendra Bharadwaj and Ziya- Ur-Rahman.

Prashant Sharma and Shobha Solanki from the Pilot camp are secretaries.

Both Gehlot and Pilot congratulated the newly elected members. “I hope that under the leadership of Congress state president Govind Singh Dotasara ji, you will be able to carry the policies, programmes, principles and ideology of the Congress to every village,” Gehlot wrote on Twitter.

“Hearty congratulations to all the newly appointed officials of Rajasthan Pradesh Congress Committee and best wishes for a bright future,” tweeted Pilot.

Overall, the executive committee has largely tried to strike a balance among various factions of the party. However, the upcoming cabinet expansion is to be crucial for different camps to assert their status within the party.

Rajasthan Farmers PMFBY Insurance Claims Denied as Bank of Baroda Put in Wrong Details

Instead of the tubewell-irrigated areas where the land actually is, the policy documents say the land is in canal-irrigated areas.

Jaipur: Hundreds of Kisan Credit Card (KCC)-holding farmers in Rajasthan’s Sri Ganganagar district are struggling to receive their insurance claims under the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY) for the year 2019, because the Bank of Baroda has reportedly wrongly fed their land details in the insurance policy.

Rakesh Kumar, a farmer in Sri Ganganagar’s Suratgarh tehsil, has a field in Kaunpalsar village. This is confirmed by his land record details certified by the tehsildar.

Kumar’s land record, as certified by the tehsildar, shows that Kumar’s land holding is located in Kaunpalsar village in Suratgarh tehsil. Photo: Shruti Jain

However, the PMFBY policy of Kumar for kharif 2019 and rabi 2019 erroneously say his field is in two different villages. In the kharif 2019 policy, his land is shown to be in a village named 16 Sld, while in the rabi 2019 policy, it says his land is in Tilawali village.

Due to these changes, Kumar is not able to receive the insurance claims he would have been otherwise entitled to. He believes that the bank deliberately made changes to farmers’ insurance policies so that insurance companies are no longer liable to pay the compensation, and can maximise their profit.

For rabi 2019, Kumar’s land was shown in Tilawali village in the PMFBY insurance policy, instead of Kaunpalsar village. Photo: Shruti Jain

He says that the bank is claiming the farmers’ land lies in a well-irrigated area where the output is usually good and compensation disbursed for yield losses is minuscule.

“Our land is in a tubewell-irrigated area, while that village [which the bank had wrongly mentioned] is in a canal-irrigated area which usually has better productivity,” Kumar tells The Wire.

For kharif 2019, Rakesh Kumar’s land was shown to be in 16 Sld village in the PMFBY insurance policy, instead of Kaunpalsar village. Photo: Shruti Jain

In a tubewell-irrigated area, farmers face several issues, particularly odd hours of water supply and the erratic supply of electricity. This affects their yield and causes losses, which they expect to be covered under the insurance scheme.

Kumar says as soon as the winter sets in, the fixed six-hour power supply to the farmers is scheduled between 9 pm and 3 am, making it extremely difficult for them to irrigate their fields.

Most of the farmers in Suratgarh tehsil irrigate their fields through drip-irrigation systems, using water from the tubewells. In this system, a network of pipes, with holes that enable water to drip onto the crop, is laid across a particular portion of a field for a few hours, and then shifted to a new portion, gradually irrigating the entire field over a week or more.

Also read: MoU With Centre on Paddy Procurement Puts Baghel Government in a Bind

“In my field, I use 35 pipes,” says Kumar. “At 9 pm, I lay the pipes from the north of the field to the centre. After two hours, at 11 pm, I shift the pipes to the east, then to the south for the remaining two hours of the supply.”

The farmers have to be extremely careful about how long each crop is irrigated for. Both excess and deficit irrigation can damage the crops and ultimately affect their income.

“Between shifting the pipes in the bitter cold, we have to take care of any leakage from the pipes or any tripping, which means a farmer has to constantly move across the field while irrigating,” he adds.

The farmers in Suratgarh say that they protest before the electricity department every week, demanding change of the power supply hours.

“We are also humans, how do we manage in the winters?” says Shishupal, a farmer in Suratgarh who leads these protest. “After they [the department] see that our protest has a good gathering, the timings are changed but after two days, again, the timings are back to the usual night shift.”

Unlike tubewell irrigation, in canal irrigation, the farmers don’t have to put in much efforts. The canal water runs directly into the field through ditches created.

Despite the issues faced in tubewell irrigation, instead of providing a sound irrigation system, the farmers’ land details were manipulated in their insurance records, to make it look like they farmed a canal irrigated area.

The bank authorities say that the error occurred due to “some issues in the system”.

Speaking to The Wire, Bank of Baroda’s field manager in Suratgarh Kalu Ram said, “There was some issues in the system last year. As we fed the Aadhaar details of farmers, it automatically took entries from the previous year which caused a mismatch.”

“The system has now been put into manual mode, and there will be no scope for such a problem,” he added.

The PMFBY portal reportedly has several issues and the repercussions are borne by the farmers.

“The portal don’t show the names of several villages or the patwar mandal in the drop box because of which the farmers are not insured for the actual location of their land,” a senior agriculture department official told The Wire on the condition of anonymity.

Also read: Ashok Gulati vs Reetika Khera: 3 Critical Questions About MSP on Which Experts Can’t Agree

This is not the first time that the banks have deprived farmers of the benefits of the crop insurance scheme.

In September 2018, approximately 3,052 KCC-holding farmers of Ramgarh Ujjalwas, Gorkhana and Bhukarka villages in Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh district were denied insurance claims under the PMFBY because the State Bank of India had failed to credit the debited premium of farmers to the account of the insurance company – Bajaj Allianz.

The SBI’s Ramgarh Ujjalwas branch transferred the premium to the account of the Agriculture Insurance Company of India (AIC) instead. When the company returned the money, the deadline for payment had already passed. The other two branches – Bhukarka and Gorkhana – on the other hand, made no attempts to pay the premium.

In April 2019, approximately 135 KCC-holding farmers in Nohar tehsil of Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh district were denied insurance claims under the PMFBY for kharif 2017, apparently because Axis Bank debited insurance premiums for cotton crops – which they had not cultivated but have higher premium rates.

Interview | ‘No Politics Involved in Farmers Protests’: Rajasthan AIKS Leader Amra Ram

“The government says it wants to eliminate middlemen in selling farm produce, then why make way for capitalists like Ambani and Adani?” the farmers’ leader said.

Jaipur: To extend support to the farmers’ stir in Delhi, farmers from Rajasthan are staging protests at Jaisinghpur Khera, near Shahjahanpur in Alwar district, at the Rajasthan-Haryana border, under the leadership of the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS).

Kisan Mahapanchayat and Kisan Sangharsh Samiti are among several farmers’ groups actively participating in the protests in Rajasthan. Protestors, mostly farmers across the state, have blocked roads, tolls, and burnt effigies of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leaders to register their opposition against the farm laws.

Farmers in Rajasthan’s Sriganganagar district have marched to the Punjab border. Demonstrations have also been seen in Bikaner, Nagaur, Bharatpur, Bhilwara, Udaipur, Hanumangarh and Barmer districts.

The Wire spoke to AIKS vice president, and former MLA from Sikar in Rajasthan, Amra Ram about the ongoing protests in the state and their key demands.

How are Rajasthan farmers contributing to the nationwide protests against the central farm laws?

Rajasthan farmers’ protests are part of the farmers’ movement in the country, against the three farm laws of the Centre. In addition, we want to call out the lies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi over minimum support price.

He says that farmers can sell their produce anywhere but despite this assurance, the Khattar government didn’t allow any farmer from Rajasthan to sell their bajra in Haryana.

The condition is such that bajra in Rajasthan was sold at Rs 1,000, below the minimum support price (MSP). The same happened with maize, mostly produced in the tribal belt of Rajasthan.

Also read: Rajasthan’s Rashtriya Loktantrik Party Quits BJP-Led NDA Over Farm Laws

The government says that it wants to eliminate the middlemen and enable the farmers to sell their produce to the consumers directly. Then, why is it making way for the capitalists like Adani and Ambani? Our protests are against this farce.

Farmers protest against the farm bills at Singhu border near Delhi, India, December 4, 2020. Photo: Reuters/Anushree Fadnavis

Are the protestors in Rajasthan coming over from a certain part of the state or across the state?

Farmers from all over Rajasthan have joined the protests. In fact, a large number of migrant workers too are part of the protests.

Many farmers’ organisations, including the All India Kisan Sabha, Kisan Mahasabha, and a Ganaganagar-based Kisan Sabha, are jointly working to make this movement successful.

We have received massive support from the locals in making arrangements for the protestors in this biting cold.

Can we say that these protests are being led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist)?

No, I am leading the protest as a member of the All India Kisan Sabha, not as a member of CPI(M). This is a movement to raise farmers’ legitimate demands, not a political statement of any sort.

Also read: A Month on, Farmers Remain Resolute Over Repeal of Farm Laws

How do you look at the protest led by Rashtriya Loktantrik Party’s supremo Hanuman Beniwal in support of the farmers?

They had staged a rally near our protest site a few days ago, but it was entirely a political gathering. Two Congress MLAs also came here, and we didn’t stop them too. See, if someone comes here, how can we say no?

However, their rallies and our protest are entirely different. We don’t have any political interest involved.

What is your opinion on the farm bill brought by the Ashok Gehlot-led Congress government in Rajasthan to mitigate the effects of the Central laws?

The Rajasthan Bill hasn’t yet received the governor’s assent, so we don’t know if that would make any difference.  But as far as I know, the Bill provides that anyone who purchases farm produce below the MSP would be punished. This is in the interest of the farmers. So, we support it.

What is your plan ahead?

The Centre has called the farmers’ leaders for negotiations on Wednesday at 2 pm. If they agree to our demands, then we will call off the protests, but that is highly unlikely to happen. If the talks fail, we are planning to march to Delhi on New Year’s Eve.