Palestinian Digital Rights Activists Accuse Facebook of Biased Censorship

Palestinians have complained that political posts were removed or demoted especially by Facebook and Instagram, which Facebook owns.

Ramallah (West Bank): Palestinian activists contended Facebook and other social media platforms have censored criticism of Israel in response to government pressure and launched a campaign seeking to halt the activity.

Palestinians have complained that political posts were removed or demoted especially by Facebook and Instagram, which Facebook owns.

The 7amleh digital rights organisation launched a website called 7or on Monday to call attention to its position, saying it has documented 746 rights violations in 2021 so far.

“We see it as a war on the Palestinian narrative, as an attempt to silence them speaking about their oppression and suffering,” said 7amleh founder Nadim Nashif.

Facebook responded to a request for comment by referring to the work of its independent Oversight Board. The board called in September for the moderation of Arabic and Hebrew content to be reviewed for potential bias. The company said it would implement recommendations from that review.

During a May war between Israel and Palestinian militants in Gaza, Israeli defence minister Benny Gantz urged Facebook executives to be more proactive in removing content from “extremists elements that are seeking to do damage to our country.”

Also read: RSS, West Bengal and Duplicate Accounts: What the Facebook Whistleblower Complaint Touches Upon

Internal Facebook documents seen by Reuters showed that staff members expressed concern over the demotion of posts by Palestinian activist and writer Mohammed El-Kurd.

El-Kurd said views of his posts on Instagram, where he has 744,000 followers, decreased dramatically during Palestinian protests in May in Sheikh Jarrah, a Jerusalem neighbourhood where Palestinians are at risk of losing their homes to Jewish settlers.

“I have suspected this baseless silencing of my account for a long time,” El-Kurd said. “The Israeli government is clearly threatened by Palestinian voices.”

Social media user Tala Ghannam said her posts have been removed from Facebook and Instagram for violating community guidelines, especially those tagged “#SaveSheikhJarrah” in support of Palestinian families at risk of eviction.

“I felt at that moment that I don’t have the right to freedom of opinion and expression,” Ghannam said.

(Reuters)

Boys Will Be Boys, If We Stay Silent About ‘Locker Room’ Talk

The screenshots of the Instagram chat group leaked this week weren’t all that surprising. We need more and better ways to tackle the sexual miseducation of young men.

Trigger warning: This article contains details about sexual harassment which may be triggering to survivors.

This week, screenshots of the private Instagram chat group ‘Bois Locker Room’ made their way online to much outrage.

The group is seemingly full of male students who study in Classes 10 and 11 of  prominent schools in Delhi. The shared screenshots show the boys talking about their underage classmates, the way they look and their dressing sense in a derogatory manner. There’s talk of rape and gangrape – “we will together gangrape her” is one of the comments that could be seen in the screenshots shared. Some photos of girls were even morphed for entertainment.

The replies and tweets to the various posts exposing the group were revealing. Some social media users also identified a few of the boys involved in the group. They were people they knew. In the aftermath of the leak, some of the women sharing the stories have also allegedly begun receiving threats that their nude photos would be leaked.

Reports have it that some members of the group have been arrested for cyberbullying under Section 66 of the IT Act.

‘Boys will be boys’

Looking at the stories and reading the leaked comments, I was mortified – but hardly surprised.

Why was it unsurprising?

Because phrases like ‘boys will be boys’ are still very much a part of our vocabulary. That ‘adage’ has been bandied about for decades and has long been used as the perfect excuse for toxic masculinity and behaviour that stems from it.

Unless kids learn better from their parents or other influences in their life, when young boys hit puberty, this kind of locker room talk is bound to continue.

Internet chat groups, from time immemorial, have indulged in similar, and often even more repugnant behaviour. Such groups allow for the exchange of misogynistic ideas that would otherwise be frowned upon by creating a space where no one needs to be on their best behaviour.

Essentially, it’s a safe space for hormonal teenagers to let out their inner creep.

This attitude only makes it harder for men to have healthier relationships with women – abusive mindsets are internalised, as are thoughts that it is natural for a man to make demands of a woman.

Just last year, an IB school in Mumbai suspended eight students for making sexually explicit comments about their classmates in a WhatsApp group. Words like “gang bang” and “rape” made appearances. The boys called some of their classmates “trash,” based on their looks. The students also made lewd comments about classmates that they considered were lesbian or gay.

There are those who will trivialise such situations as young people just engaging in “harmless” banter. But they mustn’t forget that such talk is a product of rape culture – a culture in which sexual violence is treated as the norm and victims are blamed for their own assaults.

Why is it normal for men to sexualise every woman? With roots in long-standing patriarchal power structures that were created to benefit men, rape culture has put the onus on women to stay safe. Even online.

Girls and women are told constantly that it’s their responsibility to be safe. As if boys and men have no responsibility to keep themselves in check.

For women, such comments are so much more than vile talk – they make for the very foundation of a society wherein men can objectify and harass them, while invalidating their ambitions and achievements. They take a toll on mental health, cause anxiety and even panic attacks.

The butterfly effect

Some will be quick to point out just how sexualised the accounts of the girls on Instagram are. Some will even go as far as to say that some girls and women take it too far when it comes to ‘revealing’ their bodies on the internet in the name of feminism.

But it is their right – even if we may disagree on whether this is appropriate behaviour by teenagers.

There’s also several factors at play – the lure of social media fame in this age of influencers, of building followers to ensure popularity at school, and of simply wanting to show off their bodies and be bold is a strong one.

Perhaps it’s a level of self love that more of us should aspire to – but are unable to.

There are a lot of women with ‘revealing photos’ on the internet, all of them widely available – from porn stars to influencers of all shapes and sizes. For some, it’s a means to earn, for others it’s about body positivity.

So why aren’t these particular boys obsessing over all of these more famous women? There is an obvious answer, and it is a disconcerting one – the girls who have caught their attention are much closer when it comes to physical distance.

Let’s talk about it

To say ‘these boys are terrible and have to be cancelled’ is also not the right path to take – they are, after all doing exactly what they’re being trained to do – as the girls are also by performing for an internalised male gaze by sexualising themselves from a very early age. As it is, the criminal justice system is a terrible recourse for correcting the bad behaviour and mistakes of teenagers who are at the very first leg of their sexual lives.

But what’s missing in the entire narrative – despite it being about life on social media platforms – is the lack of communication at play. The problem isn’t just the objectification and the hormones on display – it goes far deeper.

If you’re complicit in such behaviour, talk it out, perhaps with someone you trust so that you can navigate the pitfalls with some help. And maybe the next time you hear something that makes you uncomfortable, try to bring attention to it. The bottom line is that we have to stop normalising rape culture.

If we all stay silent, nothing will ever progress. It’s been 16 long years since the infamous DPS MMS scandal in Delhi. Let us not forget with time.

Featured image credit: Unsplash

The Rules of Online Engagement: It’s Time to Free the Internet

Our intense need to curate our digital personality has become an epidemic of free speech.

I love the internet.

The internet came to me as a prepubescent introvert via a dial-up connection. It helped me find people and places I craved to reach out to in real life – but online. From the Nokia feature phone to my OnePlus; through several OS, browser updates – my love has only grown.

The internet has allowed me to be somebody I didn’t have the freedom to be in the real world. I could share absurd comedy, find new art, listen to music that I liked and find people who had similar interests. I learnt to play the ukulele through the internet, I even learnt a language online.

I did anything I wanted online, the freedom made me feel alive!

The internet changed our whole generation. But then we grew up and got jobs. Millennials slowly moved from being the generation who would transform internet usage to the people who want to control it.

Their online existence slowly transformed into clean personal brands. From tweeting about our favourite sports team and the beef ban, we went to being the so-and-so of the such-and-such company.

Even as some of us continue to use the platforms to sharing our art, the commercialisation of online platforms has slowly seeped into our personal psyche. This capitalist approach to content (promote this, eat this, buy this) has basically left no space for natural language and conversation. Our intense need to curate our digital personality has become an epidemic of free speech.


Also read: The Rules of Survival Online


Twitter was initially a micro-blogging platform for not-so-shy Tumblr users. But in 2019, Twitter is basically divided into two sections – extremists and literate pedants. The right wing extremists currently control Twitter to the extent that, in India, out of the top 10 trending hashtags on an average, one is sponsored, two are promoted by brand content, two more may be something generic like #MondayMotivation – but the remaining five are all tags being made to trend by right-wing supporters.

Their proactiveness in ensuring the control of the platform has been such that they filed cases against Twitter for a liberal bias earlier this year, when other platforms like Tik-Tok were being banned by state governments.

Meanwhile, the literate pedants are absolutely fixated on countering those sharing a differing opinion for not using the exact right words, and finding new (useless) content angles to set themselves apart from the rest of the literate pedants.

Their understanding of digital activism is only as good as the self-serving rhetoric they choose to propagate. This has left absolutely no room for anybody else, except the college kids whose endless witty one-liners seem to float around as harmless banter – right up until they want to get famous too.

After the multiple failures of Facebook were publicised, Indian users became conscious of their rights and privileges online. So they actively began using community tools to curate content. Especially on Instagram, which has a higher number of women users, the platform seems to favour people reporting women activists. Until it was highlighted by some of the top women content creators, most liberals and women refrained from using these community tools as actively as the conservatives.

Even back home in India, after Subodh Gupta was accused of sexual harassment, he filed a defamation suit asking for Rs 5 crore against the Instagram account @herdsceneand – a handle that has been crucial in getting such stories out to the public. The account was deactivated. Just this week, the Delhi high court allowed the Instagram user to stay anonymous after weeks of uncertainty and pressure. 

Conservatives have also been successful in involving the Indian legislature into the picture, which in my opinion, does not bode well. This goes beyond an absolute and total internet shutdown – like in Kashmir.

As someone born in the era of the open internet, even the mere idea of online regulation scares me. And the involvement of government has been through inaction and the shifting of blame.

The Supreme Court has also asked WhatsApp to control ‘fake news’. Instead of creating policies to protect citizens like not allowing under 16 children on apps requiring personal data, and educating citizens, the government has constantly shifted the responsibility to the platforms to curate the content.

This helps in further creating unwritten rules which allow only specific cohorts to publish content on these platforms without consequences.

And if you do not know the rules of engagement, you can not play.

See the problem on these platforms are not bad words, but bad people. Liberals jump to block people using bad language to show opposition. Despite largely agreeing with the political left and the liberal, I get blocked all the time by the sophisticated pedant online, who think they are doing themselves a favour by not gratifying my behaviour. But really where does that lead us in terms of free speech?

The internet was always a place to allow anyone to create a “digital personhood” (coined by Aral Balkan). It was an open playground but now only the good kids get to play.


Also read: ‘That’s Not What I Meant’: Everything Wrong With Language-Policing Online


On the other hand, the police has not taken online bullying and harassment seriously, so this has not deterred the growth of extremist bullies or stalkers. Making the platforms regulate the community has meant that often reporting bullies does not do anything either, because the platform doesn’t have a conscience.

The bar for bad behaviour is set so high in some cases, and so low in some others, that it has become impossible to exist online without appeasing everybody.

We need to ensure that free speech on the internet stays alive. It has allowed us to explore and create in a way we could never before as a society. If it requires us to talk back to a few bullies and keep our sophistry aside, then so be it. It isn’t beneath anybody to say whatever they feel in response to what is said to them, it is natural human conversation.

This charade of righteous character and personality has become so very prominent thanks to everyone dreaming of becoming an influencer. We are now left with no option but to become that online personality in real life too. That is the reason why there are famous people from the entertainment industry who have made nationalism and bigotry, their “brand”. Natural expression has no such capitalist restriction. And whether it is politics or art, the human expression must remain free.

The line between the digital and the analog has dissolved. If you have not yet realised this the you have not seen the spate of violent videos online.

But this doesn’t mean we clamp down and ask everyone to shut up. We need to fix the people to fix the internet. The two are not different anymore.

And if we can not understand that humanity is as free online as it is offline, we are creating a future for ourselves where only the cyber-educated are allowed to exist. 

Sumedha writes to highlight the need for non-conformity and for practical politics free of labels. She is also a certified cat lady.

Featured image credit: Pariplab Chakraborty

An Oral Tradition Made Desi: Meet the Mumbai Teenagers Reinventing Spoken-Word Poetry

In the past 2-3 years, Mumbai-based organisations have nurtured a rapid explosion of spoken-word poetry.

“I feel like a lot of teenagers in the city have thoughts they wish to express, but aren’t really sure how to say it, or where to say it. Poetry lets you put those emotions down.

– ”Ishika Srivastava (17)

A place where theatre meets literature meets story-telling. The past two to three years have seen a rapid explosion of spoken-word poetry (a style of performance art that involves poetry read aloud) all over India, but primarily in Mumbai.

A genre originating in the US and UK during the 1980s, Mumbai-based organisations such as UnErase poetry, Kommune, and Tape a Tale have lovingly nurtured a small but rising community in India’s pop-cultural capital.

Given Mumbai’s dynamism and artistic undercurrents, it might seem inevitable that spoken-word poetry – a medium gaining traction worldwide – has snowballed into popularity.


Also read: Watch: The Revolution Is Here. And It Is Not State Sponsored.


“We’re in the growth phase as an art-form right now,” comments Simar Singh, 18-year-old founder of UnErase poetry, “I feel like Mumbai is the perfect city for any performance art to exist because of the cultural diversity and people from all over the country… there’s openness to other languages.”

On a more practical level, he adds, “There are more avenues to commercialise your art in Mumbai, as compared to other Indian cities, because of the range of venues, access to corporates, the entertainment industry… people are here to succeed.”

While UnErase may be most popular for its widely-consumed YouTube channel, Mumbai also offers many exciting offline opportunities. The city boasts regular open mics hosted by the Habitat, the Hive, and Cuckoo Club, more spectacular events such as Spoken Fest, and smaller, word-of-mouth, youth performance-collectives, such as Ba Dastoor.

Audiences may vary, but are generally young and enthusiastically supportive (and occasionally tipsy). Although the late-night timings of open mics might inconvenience those still in school, it is simply undeniable that the Mumbai spoken-word scene is dominated by those in their teens to their thirties.


Also read: How Instagram Brought Feminism to My Dinner Table


Eagerly-opinionated performers foreground social activism and advocacy, hallmarks of Mumbai youth-culture and historically affiliated with spoken-word. Common themes include bodily autonomy, mental health, sexual assault, bullying, feminism, beauty standards and societal pressures. Poets may employ emotive facial expressions, rhythm, grand physical gestures and alarmingly dramatic voice modulation to captivate their audiences.

It is not uncommon for performers to stride purposefully up-and-down the stage, even descending into the audience. “No one sugarcoats their stories,” gushes Keerti Gupta, a 17-year-old theatre student who is turning her spoken-word poems into a book. Many young artists claim their interest in spoken-word was sparked by an interest in acting (a nod to Mumbai’s identity as the cradle of Bollywood).

Equally true to the Bollywood tradition, performances in ‘Hinglish’ are enormously and endearingly prevalent. The ratio of Hindi to English slam poets may be fairly even, but it is rare to watch a Hindi or English performance that doesn’t intersperse words from the other language.

Intriguingly, differences in style are almost enough to classify English and Hindi spoken-word as different sub-genres. Hindi spoken-word is more whimsical in a way, employing more stylistic flourishes, less reluctant to use humour, and with far more room for clever word-play.

“Initially, it was English getting a lot of eyeballs and media attention,” says Singh, “But Hindi/Urdu has picked up far more than English in the past year, and I think it’s going to pick up even more. English [in India] has a very selective audience and has a certain typical flow…Hindi/Urdu are more versatile, because they have a lot of other styles they’ve experimented with in spoken-word…they’ve diversified over time.”


Also read: Why the Urdu Language Is Fading Away From Bollywood


Nothing is perfect.

Despite this electrifying influx of creativity, Mumbai’s ‘serious’ culture can sometimes make the genre restrictive. Poorvika Mehra (18), whose performance on Unerase Poetry’s YouTube channel garnered over 107K views, believes that poets sometimes feel obligated to focus their work on social issues in a tokenistic manner:

“There was a time I believed that spoken-word was predominantly a form of political expression, and I wrote poems about a lot of social issues. Many of them I genuinely believed in, but some of them I wrote because I felt it was something that should be written about… rather than something I was passionate about.”

Concurrently to this, ‘lighter’ topics such as romance, friendship, family and nature are often treated dismissively by the community. “The general perception is that spoken-word poetry is not meant to deal with these themes, despite them being so genuine and real,” remarks Mehra. Furthermore, queer voices, perspectives on economic issues and people from minority castes and religions still remain underrepresented.

Is there room for growth? Certainly. But inclusion is being ardently advocated for by many prominent artists, and the genre has already shattered several barriers. It’s both shocking and thrilling to see ‘hush-hush’ topics of love, gender, loneliness, sex, depression and more not just addressed, but performed loudly and openly in a culture that encourages silence.

A flood of teenagers making militant and effective use of social media, speaking out and pushing boundaries, may ruffle some feathers, but it is changing attitudes, one line at a time.

And Mumbai is the perfect home. 

Thanks to: Ishika Srivastava, Ishaan Chawdhary, Simar Singh, Ishaana Khanna, Poorvika Mehra, Akanksha Sinha, Keerti Gupta, Yohan Singh, Varun Parkash, Tonushree Chowdhury, Vidusshi Hingad, Salonee Kumar, and Hitanshi Badani

Featured Image Credit: Poorvika Mehra

Our ‘Attention’ Isn’t Just a Resource, It’s the Way We Interact With the World

When we talk about attention, we need to frame it as an experience, not a mere means or implement to some other end.

‘We are drowning in information, while starving for wisdom.’ Those were the words of the American biologist E. O. Wilson at the turn of the century. Fastforward to the smartphone era, and it’s easy to believe that our mental lives are now more fragmentary and scattered than ever. The ‘attention economy’ is a phrase that’s often used to make sense of what’s going on: it puts our attention as a limited resource at the centre of the informational ecosystem, with our various alerts and notifications locked in a constant battle to capture it.

That’s a helpful narrative in a world of information overload, and one in which our devices and apps are intentionally designed to get us hooked. Moreover, besides our own mental wellbeing, the attention economy offers a way of looking at some important social problems: from the worrying declines in measures of empathy through to the ‘weaponisation’ of social media.

The problem, though, is that this narrative assumes a certain kind of attention. An economy, after all, deals with how to allocate resources efficiently in the service of specific objectives (such as maximising profit). Talk of the attention economy relies on the notion of attention-as-resource: our attention is to be applied in the service of some goal, which social media and other ills are bent on diverting us from. Our attention, when we fail to put it to use for our own objectives, becomes a tool to be used and exploited by others.

However, conceiving of attention as a resource misses the fact that attention is not just useful. It’s more fundamental than that: attention is what joins us with the outside world. ‘Instrumentally’ attending is important, sure. But we also have the capacity to attend in a more ‘exploratory’ way: to be truly open to whatever we find before us, without any particular agenda.

During a recent trip to Japan, for example, I found myself with a few unplanned hours to spend in Tokyo. Stepping out into the busy district of Shibuya, I wandered aimlessly amid the neon signs and crowds of people. My senses met the wall of smoke and the cacophony of sound as I passed through a busy pachinko parlour. For the entire morning, my attention was in ‘exploratory’ mode. That stood in contrast to, say, when I had to focus on navigating the metro system later that day.

Treating attention as a resource, as implied by the attention-economy narrative, tells us only half of the overall story – specifically, the left half. According to the British psychiatrist and philosopher Iain McGilchrist, the brain’s left and right hemispheres ‘deliver’ the world to us in two fundamentally different ways. An instrumental mode of attention, McGilchrist contends, is the mainstay of the brain’s left hemisphere, which tends to divide up whatever it’s presented with into component parts: to analyse and categorise things so that it can utilise them towards some ends.

By contrast, the brain’s right hemisphere naturally adopts an exploratory mode of attending: a more embodied awareness, one that is open to whatever makes itself present before us, in all its fullness. This mode of attending comes into play, for instance, when we pay attention to other people, to the natural world and to works of art. None of those fare too well if we attend to them as a means to an end. And it is this mode of paying attention, McGilchrist argues, that offers us the broadest possible experience of the world.

So, as well as attention-as-resource, it’s important that we retain a clear sense of attention-as-experience. I believe that’s what the American philosopher William James had in mind in 1890 when he wrote that ‘what we attend to is reality’: the simple but profound idea that what we pay attention to, and how we pay attention, shapes our reality, moment to moment, day to day, and so on.

It is also the exploratory mode of attention that can connect us to our deepest sense of purpose. Just note how many non-instrumental forms of attention practice lie at the heart of many spiritual traditions. In Awareness Bound and Unbound (2009), the American Zen teacher David Loy characterises an unenlightened existence (samsara) as simply the state in which one’s attention becomes ‘trapped’ as it grasps from one thing to another, always looking for the next thing to latch on to. Nirvana, for Loy, is simply a free and open attention that is completely liberated from such fixations. Meanwhile, Simone Weil, the French Christian mystic, saw prayer as attention ‘in its pure form’; she wrote that the ‘authentic and pure’ values in the activity of a human being, such as truth, beauty and goodness, all result from a particular application of full attention.

The problem, then, is twofold. First, the deluge of stimuli competing to grab our attention almost certainly inclines us towards instant gratification. This crowds out space for the exploratory mode of attention. When I get to the bus stop now, I automatically reach for my phone, rather than stare into space; my fellow commuters (when I do raise my head) seem to be doing the same thing. Second, on top of this, an attention-economy narrative, for all its usefulness, reinforces a conception of attention-as-a-resource, rather than attention-as-experience.

At one extreme, we can imagine a scenario in which we gradually lose touch with attention-as-experience altogether. Attention becomes solely a thing to utilise, a means of getting things done, something from which value can be extracted. This scenario entails, perhaps, the sort of disembodied, inhuman dystopia that the American cultural critic Jonathan Beller talks about in his essay ‘Paying Attention’ (2006) when he describes a world in which ‘humanity has become its own ghost’.

While such an outcome is extreme, there are hints that modern psyches are moving in this direction. One study found, for instance, that most men chose to receive an electric shock rather than be left to their own devices: when, in other words, they had no entertainment on which to fix their attention. Or take the emergence of the ‘quantified self’ movement, in which ‘life loggers’ use smart devices to track thousands of daily movements and behaviours in order to (supposedly) amass self-knowledge. If one adopts such a mindset, data is the only valid input. One’s direct, felt experience of the world simply does not compute.

Thankfully, no society has reached this dystopia – yet. But faced with a stream of claims on our attention, and narratives that invite us to treat it as a resource to mine, we need to work to keep our instrumental and exploratory modes of attention in balance. How might we do this?

To begin with, when we talk about attention, we need to defend framing it as an experience, not a mere means or implement to some other end.

Next, we can reflect on how we spend our time. Besides expert advice on ‘digital hygiene’ (turning off notifications, keeping our phones out of the bedroom, and so on), we can be proactive in making a good amount of time each week for activities that nourish us in an open, receptive, undirected way: taking a stroll, visiting a gallery, listening to a record.

Perhaps most effective of all, though, is simply to return to an embodied, exploratory mode of attention, just for a moment or two, as often as we can throughout the day. Watching our breath, say, with no agenda. In an age of fast-paced technologies and instant hits, that might sound a little… underwhelming. But there can be beauty and wonder in the unadorned act of ‘experiencing’. This might be what Weil had in mind when she said that the correct application of attention can lead us to ‘the gateway to eternity … The infinite in an instant.’Aeon counter – do not remove

Dan Nixon is a freelance writer whose work has appeared in The Sunday Times, The Economist and The Guardian, among others. He also leads Perspectiva’s initiative into the workings of the attention economy and is a senior researcher at The Mindfulness Initiative. He lives in London.

This article was originally published at Aeon and has been republished under Creative Commons.

Featured image credit: Andrew Guan/Unsplash

On Akshara Haasan, Leaked Pictures and Being Online as a Woman in India

Online harassment goes way beyond trolling on Twitter, so what can women do about it?

Actor Akshara Haasan, Kamal Haasan’s younger daughter, is currently dealing with a harrowing and dehumanising experience that’s unfortunately become a common one for women across the world. On November 5, Haasan’s private pictures were leaked online and quickly picked up by several media outlets.

Nearly four days after this happened, she broke her silence on Twitter to address the situation. In a long note, Haasan not only made clear that she’s consulting with the Mumbai police and cyber cell to figure out who did this and why, but she also called out the people who have been sharing these pictures, calling them party to her harassment. She wrote, “each time someone shares it with eye-catching headlines to draw more traction, it scars me deeper and adds to everyone’s participation in my harassment and helplessness.”

Referring to India’s ongoing MeToo movement, Haasan said it was “particularly disturbing and deeply upsetting” that someone was attempting to harass a young girl in this way at such a moment.

News stories about women’s pictures being leaked, especially those of celebrities, hit our feeds on the daily but their frequency doesn’t make the experience any less traumatising for the person involved.

The rhetoric surrounding women’s online safety doesn’t veer too far from the one about physical safety. The general tone seems to imply that staying secluded is your best option for protecting yourself. While it’s true that certain things like passwords, financial and other identification details must be kept private, pictures shared between consenting adults or just taken for yourself on a personal whim should not, in an ideal world, become a source of trauma or shame.

And yet, that’s exactly the story we hear over and over again. Trust is violated when relationships end, power is established through blackmail or the threat of it, proof of past intimacy is weaponised to humiliate women. And I say women here, because let’s be honest – while a man’s nude or semi-nude pictures may be embarrassing for him for a hot second or two, we never attach the same shame that we do to women’s bodies.

Let’s not even get into all the other ways creepy men try to push themselves into our private digital lives. How many times have we gotten phone calls from “wrong numbers” who, after realising they’re talking to a woman, have called back repeatedly. Or how many of us have swiped left on a man on Tinder, only to find him lurking in our Facebook or Instagram messages, because even passive rejection is too much to take. How many of us have dodged unsolicited messages and video calls from strange men on Whatsapp, wondering how someone got hold of our number in the first place. And that’s to say nothing of the perils of having a public social media account, which seems to translate as “open season” for Indian men – no matter where you are in the world. In fact, creepy “fraandship” texts are now par for course for women everywhere.

Every time we recharge our phones, put our number down in a visitor’s log while entering a building, deal with an Uber driver or some other contractor over the phone, we open ourselves up to new, varied forms of harassment. Just thinking of the many different ways in which our faces, taken from innocuous pictures, can end up in ads or even porn is a terrifying thought spiral. Shutting ourselves off from the internet is hardly an option – it’s as effective a solution as telling women to stay indoors to protect themselves. And we cope with all of this, mostly silently, taking it as part of life. Or, worse, we report our harassment to the likes of Facebook and Twitter – and are ignored for our troubles. But it’s important to remember that these are legal offences and there are some redressal mechanisms in place.

Haasan tagged the Mumbai police handle in her tweet, as well as @CybercellIndia, which contrary to its name, isn’t a government-run organisation, but a private company. However, there are a number of government-run initiatives that aim to ease the process of reporting.

The Ministry of Home Affairs has a website expressly dedicated to cyber crimes, cybercrime.gov.in and is on Twitter as @CyberDost. The website also has a provision to file complaints anonymously. According to the website, the portal “caters to complaints pertaining to online Child Pornography (CP)-Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM) or sexually explicit content such as Rape/Gang Rape (CP/RGR) content.”

In cases that don’t fit these criteria, you can contact your local police station or cyber cell. If you don’t want to go to the station in person, there’s a way to file complaints online as well. The home ministry runs a site called digitalpolice.gov.in that allows you to file complaints online. You will likely receive a phone call to confirm that your complaint has been received and can maintain contact with the authorities about your situation as you please.

Admittedly, this still puts the burden on the person being harassed and not the harasser, but it’s comforting to know that it is possible to do something other than hit the “block” button repeatedly.

Featured image credit: Akshara Haasan/Facebook

From #MeToo to #WelcomeRefugess: How the Hashtag Has Changed Politics

From #MeToo to #RefugeesWelcome, add a hashtag and the world will listen. Shame they’re not always used for good.

From fashion trends to global events, the hashtag (#) has become the conspicuous symbol of the Twittersphere. What only a decade ago denoted a numerical symbol of no special significance or attribution is now a call to arms for causes that are many and varied.

The “#” is a social organiser, which emerged spontaneously and dynamically from the content generated and updated by social media users. The initial intent behind the “#”, when Twitter launched in 2006, lay in its simple use as a means of organising data and information. An indexing tool for grouping anything from the politically relevant to the culturally hip, the “#” soon found itself aligned with some of the most significant events in history.

Capturing a broad spectrum of the public’s preoccupations with popular culture, social exclusion, relief efforts following natural disasters or political conflict, the hashtag, as some have argued, has allowed for the efficient emergence of “certain types of communities and ad hoc publics forming and responding quickly to particular events and topical issues”. And these have developed a social and political power we have only recently begun to fully uncover and comprehend.

From #MeToo to #FreeIran, #iPhoneX to #Pope, #ClimateChange and #ImWithHer to #ConfirmKavanaugh, it is a conspicuous symbol of the electronic, highly mobile age in which we live, encouraging hundreds of millions of retweets, follows, and likes.

In 2015, the #RefugeesWelcome hashtag, retweeted endlessly by celebrities, politicians and the public, put pressure on European governments to accept asylum seekers displaced by conflict in Syria and focused the world’s attention on the plight of refugees attempting hazardous Mediterranean crossings.

The #EthnicCleansing associated with #Myanmar’s #Rohingya Muslims came to dominate headlines in 2016 and drove calls for the UN to probe reports of alleged violence and abuses in the region. Meanwhile, the #MeToo movement exposed unconscionable sexual abuses and triggered vital conversations about gender dynamics and sexual harassment in the workplace.

Social activism

Social network users are now in the business of political and social activism, triggering a fundamental rethinking of our duties and obligations to fellow citizens and strangers alike. The numerical proliferation of the “#” is therefore a definitive metric of success when it comes to raising awareness of key issues. Given that, globally, 335m Twitter users post 500m tweets a day and 80% of those reach mobile phones carried by an average user aged between 18 and 49, the potential is enormous.

The low cost of this direct participation has opened up possibilities for a two-way interaction between citizens and their governments. It means governmental and non-governmental actors are subject to far greater scrutiny and that public demands for accountability and transparency must efficiently be met.

From challenging dictators in the Middle East to exposing the sexual crimes of Hollywood insiders, a hashtag mobilised in the name of accountability and transparency can now not only challenge a government’s traditional monopoly on the control of information but summon society to reexamine and interrogate the very foundations upon which it rests.

And so the humble “#” is now powerful enough to infiltrate social media networks and launch grassroots campaigns against state and non-state actors alike. Forever archived online, it is also a way of cataloguing public grievances, ensuring crimes and misdemeanours can’t just fade away and be forgotten.

Trending hashtags voicing criticism, anger or addressing manifest injustices are difficult to subvert much less regulate. Democratic nations, unlike authoritarian states, cannot routinely resort to periodic suspensions of online services. And conflicts over policy and politics in cybersphere may quickly become as historically significant as those that have played out on the streets of Paris or Prague in the last century. The “#” is now a salient symbol of free speech and has revolutionised political activity in new and profound ways.

The dark side of hashtags

Yet, the hashtag also has its shortcomings. It can be skilfully and strategically used to abuse, foment contempt, exacerbate societal divisions and facilitate the spread of #FakeNews. Just ask US President Donald Trump.

It can multiply damning accusations and sink reputations without guaranteeing the accused constitutional protections and the due process of law. Indeed, arguably nowhere is a person more vulnerable to maltreatment, insult, vilification and slander and nowhere is he or she more prone to a trial by public opinion than on the internet.

The 335m Twitter, one billion Instagram, 2.2 billion Facebook and 1.5 billion WhatsApp users have the potential to unleash a virtual campaign of personal destruction with far-reaching, real world consequences and little to no legal liability. We might think that the days when guilt was established on the basis of a pernicious accusation alone were long gone. But Arthur Miller’s dramatisation of the Salem witch trials, The Crucible, remains relevant in this internet age.

When group identity and social solidarity, propped up by a “just cause” and “righteous indignation”, lead to extreme forms of unconscious tribalism played out in cyberspace – as they often do – the rights and dignity of the individual become unduly compromised if not overtly endangered. So while the hashtag can be used for good, it can also turn any one of us into a #JohnProctor, the tragic hero of Miller’s Crucible.

Ever expanding

According to Moore’s Law, “computing power has doubled every 18 months since the 1960s. An average iPhone 5 now has a 64GB memory, which is 1,073,741,824 times the computer energy that put the first man on the moon”.

This is a noteworthy statistic requiring every one of us to weigh the potential good and the potential harm we can do with our networked computing power, and reflect whether, to paraphrase Donna Haraway, “our machines [have not become] disturbingly lively, [while] we ourselves frighteningly inert”.

As market demand and public appetite for novelty grows, we must consider how new technologies could allow interest groups and organisations to harness and manipulate information for their own “righteous cause”, and how the “#” can act as a key indexing tool for such abuses. We need to ensure it is used to promote democracy and free speech rather than coercive groupthink.

For while the revolutions of our age will likely still be televised, they certainly will be live Tweeted and hashtagged. Let’s hope that it is done for the right reasons and with the right motives and that the discerning public will, in time, come to know the difference.The Conversation
The Conversation

Joanna Rozpedowski, School of Government and International Affairs, Durham University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Featured image credit: Jon Tyson/Unsplash

How Digital Advocacy Helped Build the Dhaka Student Movement

A movement that started with calls for road safety has shown the world that there is a lot more at stake in Bangladesh.

In early August 2018, a wave of protests seized Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh. Angered over the deaths of two young school children by a speeding bus, the city’s students, mostly attending high school or university, thronged the streets demanding that the government improve road safety. For about a week, Dhaka, home to over 18 million people, found itself in a gridlock. Youths were seen sloganeering, creating human chain links, addressing student unions on university campuses or stopping buses, trucks and other vehicles to check whether they were in roadworthy conditions, as in this video filmed by the Daily Star:

Violations of media freedom

Inspiring widespread anger on social media, a nationwide youth-led movement for road safety began to emerge. A few days into the protests in Dhaka, the peaceful demonstrations devolved into bloody violence. The brutality was reportedly meted out by state-sponsored groups such as the Chhatra League which is said to be linked to the ruling Awami League party. The police too used violence against protestors in the form of tear gas, rubber bullets, violent beatings and worse, not just against students but also journalists. According to media reports, journalists were beaten for covering the protests, their phones and cameras destroyed and their lives threatened if they did not delete recorded footage.

Veteran photojournalist, writer, activist and human rights defender, Shahidul Alam, spoke out against the government clamp down on Al-Jazeera during the week of protests. Inspired by the youth of his country, Alam took to the streets to document the students. However, he has since been arrested, interrogated and jailed under Section 57 of Bangladesh’s infamous Information and Communication Technology Act, which could see him jailed for up to 14 years. The government has accused him of “spreading propaganda” but Amnesty International has declared Alam “a prisoner of conscience”.

Shahidul Alam’s arrest set off alarm bells across the world. Credit: @freeshahidulalam/Instagram

The right to record

Alam has witnessed many pivotal moments in Bangladesh’s history, starting with 1984’s people’s resistance against the then President Ershad’s military junta, and in 1990 when people forced him to step down. In 1991, the country saw its first free elections and Alam’s photography became an important record of Bangladesh’s democratic history. Currently, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed, who has ruled the country since 2009, has repeatedly curbed dissenting voices, sparking concerns and protests about democratic freedom in the country.

Telecommunications network shutdowns to silence voices against the state are becoming all too common in the South Asian region and not just Bangladesh. Witness has previously advocated against shutting down the internet with the intention of control, viewing it as a stifling of the freedom of expression. Witness has also emphasised the importance of demanding that tech companies be more transparent in how they make their decisions, in light of Facebook’s impact on political events in Myanmar, Sri Lanka, India and others.

The ‘Right to Record’, which we view as the “right to take out a camera or cell phone and film the military and law enforcement without fear of arrest, violence, or other retaliation” has been approved by the United Nations Human Rights Council, an inter-governmental body Bangladesh has recently joined in October 2018.

Occupying the internet

With the help of cyber activists in Bangladesh and abroad, students were able to mobilise on the internet and air their message through multiple streams. As news of the protests broke into international terrain, Hasina’s government sped up the approval of a draft Road Transport Act. The Dhaka Tribune reported that the expediting of the Act, which includes the death penalty for wilfully fatal road accidents, came about due to the students’ protests.

In its trainings across the Asia Pacific region, and worldwide, Witness advocates for the use of encrypted, low bandwidth, secure messaging apps during crisis situations. In this case too, as mobile networks began to slow down and were eventually jammed, calls for using secure messaging apps like Signal and FireChat were not uncommon. Trending hashtags #RoadSafetyBD and #WeWantJustice further helped amplify student voices on social media, helping the movement gather momentum on Twitter, Instagram and beyond.

While mainstream media held back from covering the violence, videos of students desperately pleading for help and eyewitness’ recordings of state actors using violence against protestors quickly spread across social media. Facebook was also used by students and citizen journalists for live streaming videos and scheduling meetings during the protests. Meanwhile, Twitter helped grab the attention of international media:

A top tweet, according to Trendmaps

In situations where disinformation abounds, it can be a difficult task to find authentic digital evidence, and that too without endangering individuals’ lives. Over the years, Witness has shared many resources, guidelines, and tools for those curating online videos. Among these, a brief four-step guide titled ‘How to Verify Footage of Human Rights Abuse’ outlines some important techniques to determine, to the highest degree possible, whether a video is documenting something true and can be trusted.

In this manner, Witness’ Asia-Pacific team was able to collaborate with a group of students in Dhaka to publish their verified video. The students were able to verify the video’s contents by relying on accurate metadata, ensuring valuable security information remained protected but also ensuring that the  crucial information was disseminated:

Videos that are authenticated and are kept intact through an organised archiving effort thus tend to be more trustworthy. They also prove useful in a lengthier advocacy campaign or, in a courtroom. Such efforts by cyber activists operating on Reddit, a popular social news aggregation and discussion site, should be applauded. Reddit contributors continued to upload evidence on GoogleDrive, including video evidence, sidestepping the media censorship enforced by the Bangladeshi government. Live updates of the protests and the arrest of Alam was made available on the site as well as a valuable archive of digital video evidence containing testimonies.

The curation and collation of all information pertaining to the situation in Dhaka in a single, secure, recorded space safeguards valuable evidence that may come to greater use, especially in situations like the current scenario where where videos uploaded have mysteriously disappeared after the telecommunications ban was lifted. Not only that, digital archiving serves to preserve a capsule of the moment, recorded for posterity.

Eyes on Bangladesh

The government’s treatment of protestors has been appalling. The Bangladeshi government has been looking into further controlling social media by installing a body to monitor cyber threats. It has recently deployed security agencies to assist in this crackdown against dissent, already arresting individuals for allegedly posting anti-state videos. It has also looked to Facebook for cooperation in this endeavour.

The new Digital Security Act, the draft of which has been slammed by the country’s journalists, is set to further stifle freedom of expression and will see Bangladesh violate its obligations to several international covenants. The government has also recently endorsed a Broadcasting Bill with new restrictions and approved a Mass Media Employees Bill which will governing working hours and leave.

International human rights organisations and media institutions such as Amnesty International, Reporters Without Borders, World Press Photo, the Pulitzer Center, the International Federation of Journalists, amongst others, continue to highlight Alam’s unjust imprisonment. Worldwide, condemnation for his incarceration has been growing, with eminent public intellectuals including Arundhati Roy, Vijay Prasad, Eve Ensler, Naomi Klein and Noam Chomsky issuing a joint statement about Alam. In NepalIndia and Sri Lanka too, journalists, artists and activists have been demanding Alam’s release, showing no signs of giving up.

A movement that started with calls for road safety has, indeed, shown the world that there is a lot more at stake here – the future of a nation and its youths’ fundamental freedoms. Will it chart a course towards meaningful change, away from a long history of subduing student-led dissent? All eyes are now on Bangladesh.

Meghana Bahar is a communication consultant For Witness Asia-Pacific. This article originally appeared on the Witness blog. You can read the original here

Featured image credit: Reuters

Beyond Hashtags: How a New Wave of Digital Activists is Changing Society

New kinds of digital activity are attempting to change society by giving individuals the ability to work and collaborate without government or corporate-run infrastructures.

Move over Anonymous. Welcome blockchain communities. Credit: Tom Waterhouse, FLICKR/CC BY 2.0

Move over Anonymous. Welcome blockchain communities. Credit: Tom Waterhouse, FLICKR/CC BY 2.0

Digital activism has transformed political protest in the last two decades. Smartphones and the internet have changed the way political events, protests and movements are organised, helping to mobilise thousands of new supporters to a diverse range of causes. With such activity becoming an everyday occurrence, new forms of digital activism are now emerging. These often bypass the existing world of politics, social movements and campaigning. Instead, they take advantage of new technologies to provide an alternative way of organising society and the economy.

We’ve become used to the idea of digital activism and social media being used to publicise and grow political movements, such as the Arab Spring uprisings in the Middle East and the anti-austerity movement Occupy. Activists, such as those in recent French labour protests, can now live stream videos of their actions using apps such as Periscope while online users contribute to the debate. In Barcelona, the party of new mayor Ada Colau drew up its electoral programme with the help of over 5,000 people, in public assemblies and online, including the formation of network of cyberactivists, SomComuns.

So-called hacktivist organisations such as Anonymous regularly attack the computer networks of the rich and powerful, and even terrorist organisations such as Islamic State . The recent Panama Papers follow similar revelations by Wikileaks and Edward Snowden as examples of “leaktivism”. Here, the internet is used to obtain, leak and spread confidential documents with political ramifications. The Panama leaks have led to protests forcing Iceland’s prime minister to step aside and calls for similar action in the UK.

Quiet activism

All these forms of online activism are essentially designed to force change by putting political pressure on leaders and other powerful groups in the real world. But new kinds of digital activity are also attempting to change society more directly by giving individuals the ability to work and collaborate without government or corporate-run infrastructures.

First, there are quieter forms of digital activism that, rather than protesting against specific problems, provide alternative ways to access digital networks in order to avoid censorship and internet shutdowns in authoritarian regimes. This includes bringing internet access to minority and marginalised groups and poverty-stricken rural areas, such as a recent project in Sarantaporo in northern Greece.

But it also involves more unusual technological solutions. Qual.net links your phone or computer to an ad-hoc network of devices, allowing people to share information without central servers or conventional internet access. In Angola, activists have started hiding pirated movies and music in Wikipedia articles and linking to them on closed Facebook groups to create a secret, free file-sharing network.

Second, there are digital platforms set up as citizen, consumer or worker-run cooperatives to compete with giant technology companies. For example, Goteo is a a non-profit organisation designed to raise money for community projects. Like other crowdfunding platforms, it generates funding by encouraging lots of people to make small investments. But the rights to the projects have been made available to the community through open-source and Creative Commons licensing.

The example of the Transactive Grid in Brooklyn, New York, shows how blockchain – the technology that underpins online currencies such as Bitcoin – can be used to benefit a community. The Transactive blockchain system allows residents to sell renewable energy to each other using secure transactions without the involvement of a central energy firm, just as Bitcoin doesn’t need a central bank.

These platforms also include organisations that help people to share goods, services and ideas, often so that they can design and make things in peer-to-peer networks – known as commons-based peer production. For example, fablabs are workshops that provide the knowledge and hardware to help members make products using digital manufacturing equipment.

Greater democracy and cooperation

What links these new forms of digital activism is an effort to make digital platforms more democratic, so that they are run and owned by the people that use and work for them to improve their social security and welfare. Similarly, the goods and services these platforms produce are shared for the benefit of the communities that use them. Because the platforms are built using open-source software that is freely available to anyone, they can be further shared and rebuilt to adapt to different purposes.

In this way, they may potentially provide an alternative form of production that tries to address some of the failures and inequalities of capitalism. Using open tools, currencies and contracts gives digital activists a way to push back beyond the louder activity of aggressive cyberattacks and opportunistic social media campaigns that often don’t lead to real reform.

The internet has always allowed people to form new communities and share resources. But more and more groups are now turning to a different set of ideological and practical tools, creating cooperative platforms to bring about social change.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.